1. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 34.7 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Antony the Great • Antony, desert monk • Monasticism, Antony
Found in books: Cain (2013), Jerome and the Monastic Clergy: A Commentary on Letter 52 to Nepotian, 86; Gray (2021), Gregory of Nyssa as Biographer: Weaving Lives for Virtuous Readers, 196
sup> 34.7 וּמֹשֶׁה בֶּן־מֵאָה וְעֶשְׂרִים שָׁנָה בְּמֹתוֹ לֹא־כָהֲתָה עֵינוֹ וְלֹא־נָס לֵחֹה׃'' None | sup> 34.7 And Moses was a hundred and twenty years old when he died: his eye was not dim, nor his natural force abated.'' None |
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2. None, None, nan (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Anthony (saint) • Antony, desert monk • Monasticism, Antony
Found in books: Gray (2021), Gregory of Nyssa as Biographer: Weaving Lives for Virtuous Readers, 196; Poorthuis and Schwartz (2014), Saints and role models in Judaism and Christianity, 215
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3. None, None, nan (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius Diogenes The Incredible Things beyond Thule • Antonius Diogenes, and Petronius • Antonius Diogenes, chronology • Antony, Mark (Marcus Antonius • Antony, Mark, and Octavian • Myrto, in Antonius Diogenes • Petronius, and Antonius Diogenes
Found in books: Bowie (2023), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels. 645; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 209; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 67; Stephens and Winkler (1995), Ancient Greek Novels: The Fragments: Introduction, Text, Translation, and Commentary, 123
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4. Herodotus, Histories, 4.94-4.96 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius Diogenes The Incredible Things beyond Thule • Antonius Diogenes, writer of fiction,
Found in books: Bowersock (1997), Fiction as History: Nero to Julian, 100, 104; Stephens and Winkler (1995), Ancient Greek Novels: The Fragments: Introduction, Text, Translation, and Commentary, 113, 125
sup> 4.94 ἀθανατίζουσι δὲ τόνδε τὸν τρόπον· οὔτε ἀποθνήσκειν ἑωυτοὺς νομίζουσι ἰέναι τε τὸν ἀπολλύμενον παρὰ Σάλμοξιν δαίμονα· οἳ δὲ αὐτῶν τὸν αὐτὸν τοῦτον ὀνομάζουσι Γεβελέιζιν· διὰ πεντετηρίδος τε τὸν πάλῳ λαχόντα αἰεὶ σφέων αὐτῶν ἀποπέμπουσι ἄγγελον παρὰ τὸν Σάλμοξιν, ἐντελλόμενοι τῶν ἂν ἑκάστοτε δέωνται, πέμπουσι δὲ ὧδε· οἳ μὲν αὐτῶν ταχθέντες ἀκόντια τρία ἔχουσι, ἄλλοι δὲ διαλαβόντες τοῦ ἀποπεμπομένου παρὰ τὸν Σάλμοξιν τὰς χεῖρας καὶ τοὺς πόδας, ἀνακινήσαντες αὐτὸν μετέωρον ῥίπτουσι ἐς τὰς λόγχας. ἢν μὲν δὴ ἀποθάνῃ ἀναπαρείς, τοῖσι δὲ ἵλεος ὁ θεὸς δοκέει εἶναι· ἢν δὲ μὴ ἀποθάνῃ, αἰτιῶνται αὐτὸν τὸν ἄγγελον, φάμενοί μιν ἄνδρα κακὸν εἶναι, αἰτιησάμενοι δὲ τοῦτον ἄλλον ἀποπέμπουσι· ἐντέλλονται δὲ ἔτι ζῶντι. οὗτοι οἱ αὐτοὶ Θρήικες καὶ πρὸς βροντήν τε καὶ ἀστραπὴν τοξεύοντες ἄνω πρὸς τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀπειλέουσι τῷ θεῷ, οὐδένα ἄλλον θεὸν νομίζοντες εἶναι εἰ μὴ τὸν σφέτερον. 4.95 ὡς δὲ ἐγὼ πυνθάνομαι τῶν τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον οἰκεόντων Ἑλλήνων καὶ Πόντον, τὸν Σάλμοξιν τοῦτον ἐόντα ἄνθρωπον δουλεῦσαι ἐν Σάμῳ, δουλεῦσαι δὲ Πυθαγόρῃ τῷ Μνησάρχου, ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ αὐτὸν γενόμενον ἐλεύθερον χρήματα κτήσασθαι μεγάλα, κτησάμενον δὲ ἀπελθεῖν ἐς τὴν ἑωυτοῦ. ἅτε δὲ κακοβίων τε ἐόντων τῶν Θρηίκων καὶ ὑπαφρονεστέρων, τὸν Σάλμοξιν τοῦτον ἐπιστάμενον δίαιτάν τε Ἰάδα καὶ ἤθεα βαθύτερα ἢ κατὰ Θρήικας, οἷα Ἕλλησι τε ὁμιλήσαντα καὶ Ἑλλήνων οὐ τῷ ἀσθενεστάτῳ σοφιστῇ Πυθαγόρη, κατασκευάσασθαι ἀνδρεῶνα, ἐς τὸν πανδοκεύοντα τῶν ἀστῶν τοὺς πρώτους καὶ εὐωχέοντα ἀναδιδάσκειν ὡς οὔτε αὐτὸς οὔτε οἱ συμπόται αὐτοῦ οὔτε οἱ ἐκ τούτων αἰεὶ γινόμενοι ἀποθανέονται, ἀλλʼ ἥξουσι ἐς χῶρον τοῦτον ἵνα αἰεὶ περιεόντες ἕξουσι τὰ πάντα ἀγαθά. ἐν ᾧ δὲ ἐποίεε τὰ καταλεχθέντα καὶ ἔλεγε ταῦτα, ἐν τούτῳ κατάγαιον οἴκημα ἐποιέετο. ὡς δέ οἱ παντελέως εἶχε τὸ οἴκημα, ἐκ μὲν τῶν Θρηίκων ἠφανίσθη, καταβὰς δὲ κάτω ἐς τὸ κατάγαιον οἴκημα διαιτᾶτο ἐπʼ ἔτεα τρία· οἳ δὲ μιν ἐπόθεόν τε καὶ ἐπένθεον ὡς τεθνεῶτα. τετάρτω δὲ ἔτεϊ ἐφάνη τοῖσι Θρήιξι, καὶ οὕτω πιθανά σφι ἐγένετο τὰ ἔλεγε ὁ Σάλμοξις. ταῦτα φασί μιν ποιῆσαι. 4.96 ἐγὼ δὲ περὶ μὲν τούτου καὶ τοῦ καταγαίου οἰκήματος οὔτε ἀπιστέω οὔτε ὦν πιστεύω τι λίην, δοκέω δὲ πολλοῖσι ἔτεσι πρότερον τὸν Σάλμοξιν τοῦτον γενέσθαι Πυθαγόρεω. εἴτε δὲ ἐγένετό τις Σάλμοξις ἄνθρωπος, εἴτʼ ἐστὶ δαίμων τις Γέτῃσι οὗτος ἐπιχώριος, χαιρέτω. οὗτοι μὲν δὴ τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ χρεώμενοι ὡς ἐχειρώθησαν ὑπὸ Περσέων, εἵποντο τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ.'' None | sup> 4.94 Their belief in their immortality is as follows: they believe that they do not die, but that one who perishes goes to the deity Salmoxis, or Gebeleïzis, as some of them call him. ,Once every five years they choose one of their people by lot and send him as a messenger to Salmoxis, with instructions to report their needs; and this is how they send him: three lances are held by designated men; others seize the messenger to Salmoxis by his hands and feet, and swing and toss him up on to the spear-points. ,If he is killed by the toss, they believe that the god regards them with favor; but if he is not killed, they blame the messenger himself, considering him a bad man, and send another messenger in place of him. It is while the man still lives that they give him the message. ,Furthermore, when there is thunder and lightning these same Thracians shoot arrows skyward as a threat to the god, believing in no other god but their own. 4.95 I understand from the Greeks who live beside the Hellespont and Pontus, that this Salmoxis was a man who was once a slave in Samos, his master being Pythagoras son of Mnesarchus; ,then, after being freed and gaining great wealth, he returned to his own country. Now the Thracians were a poor and backward people, but this Salmoxis knew Ionian ways and a more advanced way of life than the Thracian; for he had consorted with Greeks, and moreover with one of the greatest Greek teachers, Pythagoras; ,therefore he made a hall, where he entertained and fed the leaders among his countrymen, and taught them that neither he nor his guests nor any of their descendants would ever die, but that they would go to a place where they would live forever and have all good things. ,While he was doing as I have said and teaching this doctrine, he was meanwhile making an underground chamber. When this was finished, he vanished from the sight of the Thracians, and went down into the underground chamber, where he lived for three years, ,while the Thracians wished him back and mourned him for dead; then in the fourth year he appeared to the Thracians, and thus they came to believe what Salmoxis had told them. Such is the Greek story about him. 4.96 Now I neither disbelieve nor entirely believe the tale about Salmoxis and his underground chamber; but I think that he lived many years before Pythagoras; ,and as to whether there was a man called Salmoxis or this is some deity native to the Getae, let the question be dismissed. '' None |
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5. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius Diogenes • Antonius Diogenes The Incredible Things beyond Thule • Antonius, M.
Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 70; Stephens and Winkler (1995), Ancient Greek Novels: The Fragments: Introduction, Text, Translation, and Commentary, 170
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6. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius M. • Clodius (orator, teacher of Mark Antony, author of antivegetarian tract)
Found in books: Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 12; Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 327
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7. Cicero, On Divination, 1.29-1.30, 2.148 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius M. • Antonius, M. • Antony, Marc • Antony, Mark • Augustus, and Marc Antony • Ossa-Richardson, Anthony
Found in books: Ayres and Ward (2021), The Rise of the Early Christian Intellectual, 187; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288; Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 368; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 40; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 168; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 275, 277
sup> 1.29 Ut P. Claudius, Appii Caeci filius, eiusque collega L. Iunius classis maxumas perdiderunt, cum vitio navigassent. Quod eodem modo evenit Agamemnoni; qui, cum Achivi coepissent . inter se strépere aperteque ártem obterere extíspicum, Sólvere imperát secundo rúmore adversáque avi. Sed quid vetera? M. Crasso quid acciderit, videmus, dirarum obnuntiatione neglecta. In quo Appius, collega tuus, bonus augur, ut ex te audire soleo, non satis scienter virum bonum et civem egregium censor C. Ateium notavit, quod ementitum auspicia subscriberet. Esto; fuerit hoc censoris, si iudicabat ementitum; at illud minime auguris, quod adscripsit ob eam causam populum Romanum calamitatem maximam cepisse. Si enim ea causa calamitatis fuit, non in eo est culpa, qui obnuntiavit, sed in eo, qui non paruit. Veram enim fuisse obnuntiationem, ut ait idem augur et censor, exitus adprobavit; quae si falsa fuisset, nullam adferre potuisset causam calamitatis. Etenim dirae, sicut cetera auspicia, ut omina, ut signa, non causas adferunt, cur quid eveniat, sed nuntiant eventura, nisi provideris. 2.148 Explodatur igitur haec quoque somniorum divinatio pariter cum ceteris. Nam, ut vere loquamur, superstitio fusa per gentis oppressit omnium fere animos atque hominum inbecillitatem occupavit. Quod et in iis libris dictum est, qui sunt de natura deorum, et hac disputatione id maxume egimus. Multum enim et nobismet ipsis et nostris profuturi videbamur, si eam funditus sustulissemus. Nec vero (id enim diligenter intellegi volo) superstitione tollenda religio tollitur. Nam et maiorum instituta tueri sacris caerimoniisque retinendis sapientis est, et esse praestantem aliquam aeternamque naturam, et eam suspiciendam admirandamque hominum generi pulchritudo mundi ordoque rerum caelestium cogit confiteri.' ' None | sup> 1.29 For example, Publius Claudius, son of Appius Caecus, and his colleague Lucius Junius, lost very large fleets by going to sea when the auguries were adverse. The same fate befell Agamemnon; for, after the Greeks had begun toRaise aloft their frequent clamours, showing scorn of augurs art,Noise prevailed and not the omen: he then bade the ships depart.But why cite such ancient instances? We see what happened to Marcus Crassus when he ignored the announcement of unfavourable omens. It was on the charge of having on this occasion falsified the auspices that Gaius Ateius, an honourable man and a distinguished citizen, was, on insufficient evidence, stigmatized by the then censor Appius, who was your associate in the augural college, and an able one too, as I have often heard you say. I grant you that in pursuing the course he did Appius was within his rights as a censor, if, in his judgement, Ateius had announced a fraudulent augury. But he showed no capacity whatever as an augur in holding Ateius responsible for that awful disaster which befell the Roman people. Had this been the cause then the fault would not have been in Ateius, who made the announcement that the augury was unfavourable, but in Crassus, who disobeyed it; for the issue proved that the announcement was true, as this same augur and censor admits. But even if the augury had been false it could not have been the cause of the disaster; for unfavourable auguries — and the same may be said of auspices, omens, and all other signs — are not the causes of what follows: they merely foretell what will occur unless precautions are taken. 2.148 Then let dreams, as a means of divination, be rejected along with the rest. Speaking frankly, superstition, which is widespread among the nations, has taken advantage of human weakness to cast its spell over the mind of almost every man. This same view was stated in my treatise On the Nature of the Gods; and to prove the correctness of that view has been the chief aim of the present discussion. For I thought that I should be rendering a great service both to myself and to my countrymen if I could tear this superstition up by the roots. But I want it distinctly understood that the destruction of superstition does not mean the destruction of religion. For I consider it the part of wisdom to preserve the institutions of our forefathers by retaining their sacred rites and ceremonies. Furthermore, the celestial order and the beauty of the universe compel me to confess that there is some excellent and eternal Being, who deserves the respect and homage of men.' ' None |
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8. Cicero, On Duties, 1.57, 1.61, 1.92, 3.89 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius M. • Antonius, M. (triumvir), as diseased limb • Antonius, Marcus • Antonius, Marcus, in Dio Cassius • Antony (Marcus Antonius, triumvir) • Antony, Mark • Tullius Cicero, M. (Cicero), attacks on Antony as parricide
Found in books: Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 103; Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 319; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 12; Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 74; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 37; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 114
sup> 1.57 Sed cum omnia ratione animoque lustraris, omnium societatum nulla est gravior, nulla carior quam ea, quae cum re publica est uni cuique nostrum. Cari sunt parentes, cari liberi, propinqui, familiars, sed omnes omnium caritates patria una complexa est, pro qua quis bonus dubitet mortem oppetere, si ei sit profuturus? Quo est detestabilior istorum immanitas, qui lacerarunt omni scelere patriam et in ea funditus delenda occupati et sunt et fuerunt. 1.61 Intelligendum autem est, cum proposita sint genera quattuor, e quibus honestas officiumque manaret, splendidissimum videri, quod animo magno elatoque humanasque res despiciente factum sit. Itaque in probris maxime in promptu est si quid tale dici potest: Vós enim, iuvenes, ánimum geritis múliebrem, ílla virgo viri et si quid eius modi: Salmácida, spolia sÍne sudore et sánguine. Contraque in laudibus, quae magno animo et fortiter excellenterque gesta sunt, ea nescio quo modo quasi pleniore ore laudamus. Hinc rhetorum campus de Marathone, Salamine, Plataeis, Thermopylis, Leuctris, hine noster Cocles, hinc Decii, hinc Cn. et P. Scipiones, hinc M. Marcellus, innumerabiles alii, maximeque ipse populus Romanus animi magnitudine excellit. Declaratur autem studium bellicae gloriae, quod statuas quoque videmus ornatu fere militari. 1.92 Illud autem sic est iudicandum, maximas geri res et maximi animi ab iis, qui res publicas regant, quod earum administratio latissime pateat ad plurimosque pertineat; esse autem magni animi et fuisse multos etiam in vita otiosa, qui aut investigarent aut conarentur magna quaedam seseque suarum rerum finibus continerent aut interiecti inter philosophos et eos, qui rem publicam administrarent, delectarentur re sua familiari non eam quidem omni ratione exaggerantes neque excludentes ab eius usu suos potiusque et amicis impertientes et rei publicae, si quando usus esset. Quae primum bene parta sit nullo neque turpi quaestu neque odioso, deinde augeatur ratione, diligentia, parsimonia, tum quam plurimis, modo dignis, se utilem praebeat nec libidini potius luxuriaeque quam liberalitati et beneficentiae pareat. Haec praescripta servantem licet magnifice, graviter animoseque vivere atque etiam simpliciter, fideliter, ° vere hominum amice.' ' None | sup> 1.57 \xa0But when with a rational spirit you have surveyed the whole field, there is no social relation among them all more close, none more close, none more dear than that which links each one of us with our country. Parents are dear; dear are children, relatives, friends; one native land embraces all our loves; and who that is true would hesitate to give his life for her, if by his death he could render her a service? So much the more execrable are those monsters who have torn their fatherland to pieces with every form of outrage and who are and have been engaged in compassing her utter destruction. < 1.61 \xa0We must realize, however, that while we have set down four cardinal virtues from which as sources moral rectitude and moral duty emanate, that achievement is most glorious in the eyes of the world which is won with a spirit great, exalted, and superior to the vicissitudes of earthly life. And so, when we wish to hurl a taunt, the very first to rise to our lips is, if possible, something like this: "For ye, young men, show a womanish soul, yon maiden a man\'s;" and this: "Thou son of Salmacis, win spoils that cost nor sweat nor blood." When, on the other hand, we wish to pay a compliment, we somehow or other praise in more eloquent strain the brave and noble work of some great soul. Hence there is an open field for orators on the subjects of Marathon, Salamis, Plataea, Thermopylae, and Leuctra, and hence our own Cocles, the Decii, Gnaeus and Publius Scipio, Marcus Marcellus, and countless others, and, above all, the Roman People as a nation are celebrated for greatness of spirit. Their passion for military glory, moreover, is shown in the fact that we see their statues usually in soldier\'s garb. < 1.92 \xa0To revert to the original question â\x80\x94 we must decide that the most important activities, those most indicative of a great spirit, are performed by the men who direct the affairs of nations; for such public activities have the widest scope and touch the lives of the most people. But even in the life of retirement there are and there have been many high-souled men who have been engaged in important inquiries or embarked on most important enterprises and yet kept themselves within the limits of their own affairs; or, taking a middle course between philosophers on the one hand and statesmen on the other, they were content with managing their own property â\x80\x94 not increasing it by any and every means nor debarring their kindred from the enjoyment of it, but rather, if ever there were need, sharing it with their friends and with the state. Only let it, in the first place, be honestly acquired, by the use of no dishonest or fraudulent means; let it, in the second place, increase by wisdom, industry, and thrift; and, finally, let it be made available for the use of as many as possible (if only they are worthy) and be at the service of generosity and beneficence rather than of sensuality and excess. By observing these rules, one may live in magnificence, dignity, and independence, and yet in honour, truth and charity toward all. <' ' None |
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9. Polybius, Histories, 6.56.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Antony, Mark • Antony, Mark, and the East
Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 3; Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 368
sup> 6.56.6 μεγίστην δέ μοι δοκεῖ διαφορὰν ἔχειν τὸ Ῥωμαίων πολίτευμα πρὸς βέλτιον ἐν τῇ περὶ θεῶν διαλήψει.'' None | sup> 6.56.6 \xa0But the quality in which the Roman commonwealth is most distinctly superior is in my opinion the nature of their religious convictions. <'' None |
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10. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Antony • Marcus Antonius (orator)
Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 3; Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 219
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11. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius, M. • Antony, Mark
Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288; Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 369
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12. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius M. • Antonius, M. • Antonius, M. (cos. 99 bce) • Antonius, M. (orator), display of Aquillius’ scars • Antonius, M. (orator), fears about republic’s death • Antonius, M., triumphs over Cilician pirates • Antonius, Marcus (orator and speaker in De oratore) • Augustus, and Marc Antony
Found in books: Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 205; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 41; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 8, 65; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 18, 130; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 66, 79, 95
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13. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius, M. • Antonius, Marcus • Mark Antony • Mark Antony (triumvir) • Tullius Cicero, M. (Cicero), attacks on Antony as parricide • Volumnia Cytheris (freedwoman, mistress of M. Antonius)
Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 586; Gorain (2019), Language in the Confessions of Augustine, 172, 173; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 343; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 69; Perry (2014), Gender, Manumission, and the Roman Freedwoman, 142, 232; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 246; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 115
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14. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius M. • Antonius, M. • Antonius, M. (orator), fears about republic’s death • Antonius, M., augur • Antonius, M., magister equitum with extended appointment • Antony, Mark, and Julius Caesar • Antony, Mark, when in Rome • augurium, and Antonius as magister equitum, extended term of
Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 18, 146; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 69, 142; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 11; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 79
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15. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius, M. • Antony, as gladiator
Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 144; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 174
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16. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Marc Antony (M. Antonius, general, politician) • Mark Antony
Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 163; Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 361
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17. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius M. • Antonius, M. • Antonius, M. (Mark Antony) • Antonius, M., augur • Antonius, M., magister equitum and Caesar’s deputy • Antonius, M., magister equitum with extended appointment • Antonius, M., named magister equitum by consul • Antonius, Marcus • Antonius, Marcus (Mark Antony) • Antony • Antony (Mark Antony) • Antony, M. (triumvir) • Antony, Marc • Antony, Marc, his house • Antony, Marc, proscribes Verres • Antony, Mark • Antony, Mark (triumvir), occupation of Pompey’s house • Antony, Mark (triumvir), role in proscriptions • Antony, Mark, and the East • Antony, Mark, intertextuality with • Antony, Mark, when in Rome • Antony, and Vitruvius? • Antony, as Hercules • Augustus, and Antony • CiceroMarcus Tullius Cicero, and Antony • Dio, L. Cassius, on Antonius as magister equitum • Dionysus, and Antony • Giton, Marc Antony, and • M. Antonius • Marc Antony (M. Antonius, general, politician) • Mark Antony • Mark Antony, Marcus Antonius • Plutarch of Khaironeia, on Antonius as magister equitum • Plutarch’s Lives, Life of Antonius • Servilius Isauricus, P., names Antonius magister equitum • Tullius Cicero, M., and Antonius • Vitruvius, and Antony • Volumnia Cytheris (freedwoman, mistress of M. Antonius) • augur, Mark Antony as an • augurium, and Antonius as magister equitum, extended term of • chronology, of Antonius’ appointment as magister equitum
Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 586; Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 81; Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 99, 175, 214; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 106; Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 124; Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 54, 55, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 68, 141, 143; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 138; Gorain (2019), Language in the Confessions of Augustine, 170; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 13, 50, 124, 201; Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 190; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 337, 343; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 132, 133, 135, 136, 137, 142; Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 34; Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 313, 324; Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 347, 369; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 64, 65; McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 161, 163; Mowat (2021), Engendering the Future: Divination and the Construction of Gender in the Late Roman Republic, 122; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 7, 113; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 168; Pandey (2018), The Poetics of Power in Augustan Rome, 47; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 204; Perry (2014), Gender, Manumission, and the Roman Freedwoman, 142, 232; Pinheiro et al. (2012a), Narrating Desire: Eros, Sex, and Gender in the Ancient Novel, 228; Rohland (2022), Carpe Diem: The Poetics of Presence in Greek and Latin Literature, 102; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 230; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 70, 187; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 121; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 2, 53, 273, 275, 276, 278; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 80
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18. Ovid, Fasti, 2.684, 5.567-5.568 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius Diogenes • Antony, Mark, and the East • Augustus, and Marc Antony • Mark Antony
Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 224; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 50; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 193, 256
sup> 2.684 Romanae spatium est urbis et orbis idem. 24. G REGIF — N 5.567 spectat et Augusto praetextum nomine templum, 5.568 et visum lecto Caesare maius opus.'' None | sup> 2.684 The extent of the City of Rome and the world is one. 5.567 There he views Romulus carrying Acron’s weapon 5.568 And famous heroes’ deeds below their ranked statues.'' None |
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19. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 9.686-9.694 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antony (Marc Antony) • Marc Antony
Found in books: Fabre-Serris et al. (2021), Identities, Ethnicities and Gender in Antiquity, 198; Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 42, 46
sup> 9.686 cum medio noctis spatio sub imagine somni 9.688 aut stetit aut visa est. Inerant lunaria fronti 9.689 cornua cum spicis nitido flaventibus auro 9.690 et regale decus. Cum qua latrator Anubis 9.691 sanctaque Bubastis variusque coloribus Apis, 9.692 quique premit vocem digitoque silentia suadet, 9.693 sistraque erant numquamque satis quaesitus Osiris 9.694 plenaque somniferis serpens peregrina venenis.' ' None | sup> 9.686 aid old Anchises' years must be restored." '9.688 until vexed with the clamor, Jupiter 9.689 implored, “If you can have regard for me, 9.690 consider the strange blessings you desire: 9.691 does any one of you believe he can 9.692 prevail against the settled will of Fate? 9.693 As Iolaus has returned by fate, 9.694 to those years spent by him; so by the Fate' " None |
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20. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antony, Mark • Antony, Mark, as responsible for Ciceros death • M. Antonius (Triumvir) • Mark Antony
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 189; Gorain (2019), Language in the Confessions of Augustine, 105; Henderson (2020), The Springtime of the People: The Athenian Ephebeia and Citizen Training from Lykourgos to Augustus, 275; Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 133; Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 45
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21. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antony (Marcus Antonius) • Antony, Mark • Antony, Mark, and Julius Caesar • Augustus, and Marc Antony • Iullus Antonius, Janus, the doors of the Temple of • Mark Antony • Mark Antony, triumvir • Ptolemy Philadelphus (son of Cleopatra VII and Mark Antony)
Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 77; Gorain (2019), Language in the Confessions of Augustine, 21; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 22; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 76; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 324; Pandey (2018), The Poetics of Power in Augustan Rome, 88, 97; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 292; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 218; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 113, 114, 115
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22. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius, M. • Antonius, M. (Mark Antony) • Antony (Marcus Antonius) • Antony, Marc • Marc Antony • Mark Antony • Mark Antony (triumvir)
Found in books: Bowditch (2001), Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination, 65, 74, 90; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 98; Fabre-Serris et al. (2021), Identities, Ethnicities and Gender in Antiquity, 138; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 31, 76, 192, 209; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 32, 36; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 20, 195; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 43
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23. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Dionysus., Antony as the ‘New Dionysus’ • Mark Antony, soldiers of
Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 364; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 38
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24. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antony (Marcus Antonius) • Antony (Mark) • Antony, Mark, and the East • Mark Antony • Tombs, of Mark Antony
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 310; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 94; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 245; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 207; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 310
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25. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius, M. (orator), display of Aquillius’ scars • Antony (Marcus Antonius) • Antony, Marcus Antonius, in Propertius • Antony, Mark • Marc Antony • Mark Antony • Mark Antony (triumvir)
Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 98; Fabre-Serris et al. (2021), Identities, Ethnicities and Gender in Antiquity, 109, 119; Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 36; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 31, 209; Pandey (2018), The Poetics of Power in Augustan Rome, 196, 201; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 25, 28, 33, 34, 36; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 66
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26. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 14.225, 14.280, 14.284, 14.306-14.319, 14.321-14.323, 14.387, 15.50, 15.76, 15.79, 15.96, 15.189, 15.198-15.200 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antoninus Pius, M. Antony • Antony • Antony (Mark Antony), Herods assistance of • Antony (Mark Antony), and Herods appointment as king • Antony (Mark Antony), and Jewish state • Antony (Mark Antony), and Jewish state, A. as defender of rights of • Antony (Mark Antony), grants by, of part of Herods realm to Cleopatra • Antony (Mark Antony), reconfirmation of tax concessions by • Antony (Mark Antony), release by, of those enslaved by Cassius • Appian, on Antony in Syria • Archelaus I of Cappadocia, appointed in 36 B.C.E. by Antony • Cilicia/Cilicians, under Caesar’s murderers and Mark Antony • Cleopatra, part of Herods realm granted to, by Antony • Dellius, Quintus, officer of Mark Antony • Ephesos, Mark Antony in • Fulvia, wife of Mark Antony • Herod the Great, assisting Antony • Herod the Great, increasing powers of, under Antony • Herod the Great, trial of, by Antony • Hyrcanus II, embassy of, to Antony in Ephesus • Jewish state, and Antony • Josephus, citing letters, from Antony to Hyrcanus about embassy • M. Antonius • Mark Antony • Mark Antony, triumvir • Phasael (brother of Herod), appointed tetrarch by Antony • Phasael (brother of Herod), increasing powers of, under Antony • Rome/Romans, Mark Antony’s vasslages • Ventidius Bassus, officer of Mark Antony • Xanthos/Xanthians, Caesar’s murderers and Mark Antony • copper mines of, given to Herod, given to Cleopatra by Antony • women, Cleopatra and Mark Antony
Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 313, 823; Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 97, 123, 141, 144; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 303; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 233, 240; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 108, 109, 110, 112, 114, 145, 147, 149, 158, 162
sup> 14.225 ̓Επὶ πρυτάνεως ̓Αρτέμωνος μηνὸς Ληναιῶνος προτέρᾳ. Δολοβέλλας αὐτοκράτωρ ̓Εφεσίων ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. 14.284 τήν τε οὖν ἀπολογίαν τὴν Μαλίχου προσδέχεται καὶ πιστεύειν ὑποκρίνεται μηδὲν αὐτὸν περὶ τὸν ̓Αντιπάτρου θάνατον κακουργῆσαι, τάφον τε ἐκόσμει τῷ πατρί. καὶ παραγενόμενος ̔Ηρώδης εἰς Σαμάρειαν καὶ καταλαβὼν αὐτὴν κεκακωμένην ἀνεκτᾶτο καὶ τὰ νείκη διέλυε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις. 14.306 Μᾶρκος ̓Αντώνιος αὐτοκράτωρ ̔Υρκανῷ ἀρχιερεῖ καὶ ἐθνάρχῃ καὶ τῷ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνει χαίρειν. εἰ ἔρρωσθε, εὖ ἂν ἔχοι, ἔρρωμαι δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς μετὰ τοῦ στρατεύματος. 14.307 Λυσίμαχος Παυσανίου καὶ ̓Ιώσηπος Μενναίου καὶ ̓Αλέξανδρος Θεοδώρου πρεσβευταὶ ἐν ̓Εφέσῳ μοι συντυχόντες τήν τε ἔμπροσθεν ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ τελεσθεῖσαν αὐτοῖς πρεσβείαν ἀνενεώσαντο καὶ τὴν νῦν ὑπὲρ σοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἔθνους σπουδαίως διέθεντο, ἣν ἔχεις εὔνοιαν πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἐμφανίσαντες. 14.308 πεπεισμένος οὖν καὶ ἐκ τῶν πραγμάτων καὶ ἐκ τῶν λόγων, ὅτι οἰκειότατα ἔχετε πρὸς ἡμᾶς, καὶ τὸ ἀραρὸς ὑμῶν ἦθος καὶ θεοσεβὲς κατανοήσας,' "14.309 ἴδιον ἥγημαι * καταδραμόντων δὲ τὴν ̓Ασίαν ἅπασαν τῶν ἐναντιωθέντων ἡμῖν τε καὶ τῷ δήμῳ τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων καὶ μήτε πόλεων μήτε ἡρῴων ἀποσχομένων μήτε ὅρκους οὓς ἐποιήσαντο φυλαξάντων, ἡμεῖς ὡς οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἰδίου μόνον ἀγῶνος, ἀλλ' ὡς ὑπὲρ ἁπάντων κοινοῦ, τοὺς αἰτίους καὶ τῶν εἰς ἀνθρώπους παρανομιῶν καὶ τῶν εἰς θεοὺς ἁμαρτημάτων ἠμυνάμεθα, δι' ἃ καὶ τὸν ἥλιον ἀπεστράφθαι δοκοῦμεν, ὃς καὶ αὐτὸς ἀηδῶς ἐπεῖδεν τὸ ἐπὶ Καίσαρι μύσος." "14.311 καὶ Βροῦτος συμφυγὼν εἰς Φιλίππους καὶ συγκλεισθεὶς ὑφ' ἡμῶν ἐκοινώνησεν Κασσίῳ τῆς ἀπωλείας. τούτων κεκολασμένων εἰρήνης τὸ λοιπὸν ἀπολαύσειν ἐλπίζομεν καὶ ἀναπεπαῦσθαι τὴν ̓Ασίαν ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου." '14.312 κοινὴν οὖν ποιούμεθα καὶ τοῖς συμμάχοις τὴν ὑπὸ θεοῦ δοθεῖσαν ἡμῖν εἰρήνην: ὥσπερ οὖν ἐκ νόσου μεγάλης τὸ τῆς ̓Ασίας σῶμα νῦν διὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν νίκην ἀναφέρειν. ἔχων τοίνυν καὶ σὲ διὰ μνήμης καὶ τὸ ἔθνος αὔξειν φροντίσω τῶν ὑμῖν συμφερόντων.' "14.313 ἐξέθηκα δὲ καὶ γράμματα κατὰ πόλεις, ὅπως εἴ τινες ἐλεύθεροι ἢ δοῦλοι ὑπὸ δόρυ ἐπράθησαν ὑπὸ Γαί̈ου Κασσίου ἢ τῶν ὑπ' αὐτῷ τεταγμένων ἀπολυθῶσιν οὗτοι, τοῖς τε ὑπ' ἐμοῦ δοθεῖσιν καὶ Δολαβέλλα φιλανθρώποις χρῆσθαι ὑμᾶς βούλομαι. Τυρίους τε κωλύω βιαίους εἶναι περὶ ὑμᾶς καὶ ὅσα κατέχουσιν ̓Ιουδαίων ταῦτα ἀποκαταστῆσαι κελεύω. τὸν δὲ στέφανον ὃν ἔπεμψας ἐδεξάμην." '14.314 Μᾶρκος ̓Αντώνιος αὐτοκράτωρ Τυρίων ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. ἐμφανισάντων μοι ἐν ̓Εφέσῳ ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ ἐθνάρχου πρεσβευτῶν καὶ χώραν αὐτῶν ὑμᾶς κατέχειν λεγόντων, εἰς ἣν ἐνέβητε κατὰ τὴν τῶν ἐναντιουμένων ἡμῖν ἐπικράτειαν,' "14.315 ἐπεὶ τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἡγεμονίας πόλεμον ἀνεδεξάμεθα καὶ τῶν εὐσεβῶν καὶ δικαίων ποιούμενοι πρόνοιαν ἠμυνάμεθα τοὺς μήτε χάριτος ἀπομνημονεύσαντας μήτε ὅρκους φυλάξαντας, βούλομαι καὶ τὴν ἀφ' ὑμῶν εἰρήνην τοῖς συμμάχοις ἡμῶν ὑπάρχειν καὶ ὅσα παρὰ τῶν ἡμετέρων ἐλάβετε ἀνταγωνιστῶν μὴ συγχωρεῖν, ἀλλὰ ταῦτα ἀποδοθῆναι τοῖς ἀφῃρημένοις." '14.316 οὔτε γὰρ ἐπαρχίας ἐκείνων οὐθεὶς οὔτε στρατόπεδα τῆς συγκλήτου δούσης ἔλαβεν, ἀλλὰ βίᾳ καθαρπάσαντες ἐχαρίσαντο βιαίως τοῖς πρὸς ἃ ἠδίκουν χρησίμοις αὐτοῖς γινομένοις.' "14.317 δίκην οὖν αὐτῶν δεδωκότων τούς τε συμμάχους τοὺς ἡμετέρους ὅσα ποτ' εἶχον ἀξιοῦμεν ἀκωλύτους διακατέχειν καὶ ὑμᾶς, εἴ τινα χωρία ̔Υρκανοῦ ὄντα τοῦ ἐθνάρχου ̓Ιουδαίων πρὸ μιᾶς ἡμέρας ἢ Γάιον Κάσσιον πόλεμον οὐ συγκεχωρημένον ἐπάγοντα ἐπιβῆναι τῆς ἐπαρχίας ἡμῶν νῦν ἔχετε, ἀποδοῦναι αὐτῷ βίαν τε αὐτοῖς μηδεμίαν προσφέρειν ἐπὶ τῷ ἀσθενεῖς αὐτοὺς ποιεῖν τῶν ἰδίων δεσπόζειν." '14.318 εἰ δέ τινα ἔχετε πρὸς αὐτὸν δικαιολογίαν, ὅταν ἔλθωμεν ἐπὶ τοὺς τόπους ἐξέσται ὑμῖν ταύτῃ χρήσασθαι, ἡμῶν ἕκαστα τοῖς συμμάχοις ὁμοίως τοῖς κρίμασιν φυλασσόντων. 14.319 Μᾶρκος ̓Αντώνιος αὐτοκράτωρ Τυρίων ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. διάταγμα ἐμὸν ἀπέσταλκα πρὸς ὑμᾶς, περὶ οὗ βούλομαι ὑμᾶς φροντίσαι, ἵνα αὐτὸ εἰς τὰς δημοσίας ἐντάξητε δέλτους γράμμασι ̔Ρωμαϊκοῖς καὶ ̔Ελληνικοῖς καὶ ἐν τῷ ἐπιφανεστάτῳ ἔχητε αὐτὸ γεγραμμένον, ὅπως ὑπὸ πάντων ἀναγινώσκεσθαι δύνηται.' " 14.321 τὴν ἀπόνοιαν τὴν ἐκείνου τοῖς ὅπλοις κρατήσαντες διατάγμασιν καὶ κρίμασιν ἐπανορθούμεθα τὰ ὑπ' αὐτοῦ διηρπασμένα, ὥστε ἀποκατασταθῆναι ταῦτα τοῖς συμμάχοις ἡμῶν: καὶ ὅσα ἐπράθη ̓Ιουδαίων ἤτοι σώματα ̓Ιουδαίων ἢ κτῆσις ταῦτα ἀφεθήτω, τὰ μὲν σώματα ἐλεύθερα, ὡς ἦν ἀπ' ἀρχῆς, ἡ δὲ κτῆσις τοῖς πρότερον κυρίοις." "14.322 τὸν δ' οὐχ ὑπακούσαντα τῷ ἐμῷ διατάγματι δίκην συστήσασθαι βούλομαι, κἂν ἁλῷ τότε κατὰ τὴν τοῦ πράγματος ἀξίαν μελήσει μοι ἐπεξελθεῖν τὸν οὐχ ὑπακούσαντα." "14.323 Τὸ δ' αὐτὸ τοῦτο καὶ Σιδωνίοις καὶ ̓Αντιοχεῦσιν καὶ ̓Αραδίοις ἔγραψεν. παρεθέμεθα μὲν οὖν καὶ ταῦτα εὐκαίρως τεκμήρια γενησόμενα ἧς φαμὲν ̔Ρωμαίους ποιήσασθαι προνοίας ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἡμετέρου ἔθνους." " 15.76 οὐ γὰρ ἔφη καλῶς ἔχειν ̓Αντώνιος βασιλέα περὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν ἀρχὴν γεγενημένων εὐθύνας ἀπαιτεῖν: οὕτως γὰρ ἂν οὐδὲ βασιλεὺς εἴη: δόντας δὲ τὴν τιμὴν καὶ τῆς ἐξουσίας καταξιώσαντας ἐᾶν αὐτῇ χρῆσθαι. τὸ δ' αὐτὸ καὶ τῇ Κλεοπάτρᾳ μὴ πολυπραγμονεῖσθαι τὰ περὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς συμφέρειν." " 15.79 καὶ τῇ Κλεοπάτρᾳ μηκέτι προσεῖναι τὴν ἐλπίδα τῆς πλεονεξίας ̓Αντωνίου δόντος ἀνθ' ὧν ἠξίου τὴν κοίλην Συρίαν καὶ διὰ τούτου παρηγορήσαντος ὁμοῦ καὶ ἀποσκευασαμένου τὰς ἐντεύξεις, ἃς ὑπὲρ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας ἐποιεῖτο." " 15.96 Τούτων ἡ Κλεοπάτρα τυχοῦσα καὶ παραπέμψασα μέχρις Εὐφράτου τὸν ̓Αντώνιον ἐπ' ̓Αρμενίαν στρατευόμενον ἀνέστρεφεν καὶ γίνεται μὲν ἐν ̓Απαμείᾳ καὶ Δαμασκῷ, παρῆλθεν δὲ καὶ εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ̔Ηρώδου συντυχόντος αὐτῇ καὶ τῆς τε ̓Αραβίας τὰ δοθέντα καὶ τὰς περὶ τὸν ̔Ιεριχοῦντα προσόδους ̔Ηρώδου μισθωσαμένου: φέρει δ' ἡ χώρα τὸ βάλσαμον, ὃ τιμιώτατον τῶν ἐκεῖ καὶ παρὰ μόνοις φύεται, τόν τε φοίνικα πολὺν καὶ καλόν." " 15.189 ἔλεγεν γὰρ τῷ Καίσαρι καὶ φιλίαν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι μεγίστην πρὸς ̓Αντώνιον καὶ πάντα πρᾶξαι κατὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ δύναμιν, ὡς ἐπ' ἐκείνῳ γενήσεται τὰ πράγματα, στρατείας μὲν οὐ κοινωνήσας κατὰ περιολκὰς τῶν ̓Αράβων, πέμψας δὲ καὶ χρήματα καὶ σῖτον ἐκείνῳ." " 15.198 ἐπανῄει δὲ πάλιν εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν πλείονί τε τιμῇ καὶ παρρησίᾳ καὶ τοῖς τὰ ἐναντία προσδοκήσασιν ἔκπληξιν παρέσχεν ὡς ἀεὶ τὸ λαμπρότερον ἐκ τῶν κινδύνων κατ' εὐμένειαν τοῦ θεοῦ προσεπικτώμενος. εὐθὺς οὖν περὶ τὴν ὑποδοχὴν ἐγεγόνει Καίσαρος ἀπὸ Συρίας εἰς Αἴγυπτον εἰσβαλεῖν μέλλοντος." '15.199 κἀπειδὴ παρῆν, δέχεται μὲν αὐτὸν ἐν Πτολεμαί̈δι πάσῃ τῇ βασιλικῇ θεραπείᾳ, παρέσχεν δὲ καὶ τῷ στρατεύματι ξένια καὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἀφθονίαν. κἀν τοῖς εὐνουστάτοις ἐξητάζετο τάς τε δυνάμεις ἐκτάττοντος συνιππαζόμενος καὶ δεχόμενος αὐτὸν καὶ φίλους ἀνδρῶσιν ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα πᾶσιν εἰς πολυτέλειαν καὶ πλοῦτον ὑπηρεσίας ἠσκημένοις.' ' None | sup> 14.225 12. “When Artermon was prytanis, on the first day of the month Leneon, Dolabella, imperator, to the senate, and magistrates, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. 14.284 o he accepted of Malichus’s defense for himself, and pretended to believe him that he had had no hand in the violent death of Antipater his father, but erected a fine monument for him. Herod also went to Samaria; and when he found them in great distress, he revived their spirits, and composed their differences. 14.306 3. “Marcus Antonius, imperator, to Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, sendeth greeting. It you be in health, it is well; I am also in health, with the army. 14.307 Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, and Josephus, the son of Menneus, and Alexander, the son of Theodorus, your ambassadors, met me at Ephesus, and have renewed the embassage which they had formerly been upon at Rome, and have diligently acquitted themselves of the present embassage, which thou and thy nation have intrusted to them, and have fully declared the goodwill thou hast for us. 14.308 I am therefore satisfied, both by your actions and your words, that you are well-disposed to us; and I understand that your conduct of life is constant and religious: so I reckon upon you as our own. 14.309 But when those that were adversaries to you, and to the Roman people, abstained neither from cities nor temples, and did not observe the agreement they had confirmed by oath, it was not only on account of our contest with them, but on account of all mankind in common, that we have taken vengeance on those who have been the authors of great injustice towards men, and of great wickedness towards the gods; for the sake of which we suppose that it was that the sun turned away his light from us, as unwilling to view the horrid crime they were guilty of in the case of Caesar. 14.311 Now Brutus, when he had fled as far as Philippi, was shut up by us, and became a partaker of the same perdition with Cassius; and now these have received their punishment, we suppose that we may enjoy peace for the time to come, and that Asia may be at rest from war. 14.312 We therefore make that peace which God hath given us common to our confederates also, insomuch that the body of Asia is now recovered out of that distemper it was under by the means of our victory. I, therefore, bearing in mind both thee and your nation, shall take care of what may be for your advantage. 14.313 I have also sent epistles in writing to the several cities, that if any persons, whether free-men or bond-men, have been sold under the spear by Caius Cassius, or his subordinate officers, they may be set free. And I will that you kindly make use of the favors which I and Dolabella have granted you. I also forbid the Tyrians to use any violence with you; and for what places of the Jews they now possess, I order them to restore them. I have withal accepted of the crown which thou sentest me.” 14.314 4. “Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Tyre, sendeth greeting. The ambassadors of Hyrcanus, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me at Ephesus, and told me that you are in possession of part of their country, which you entered upon under the government of our adversaries. 14.315 Since, therefore, we have undertaken a war for the obtaining the government, and have taken care to do what was agreeable to piety and justice, and have brought to punishment those that had neither any remembrance of the kindnesses they had received, nor have kept their oaths, I will that you be at peace with those that are our confederates; as also, that what you have taken by the means of our adversaries shall not be reckoned your own, but be returned to those from whom you took them; 14.316 for none of them took their provinces or their armies by the gift of the senate, but they seized them by force, and bestowed them by violence upon such as became useful to them in their unjust proceedings. 14.317 Since, therefore, those men have received the punishment due to them, we desire that our confederates may retain whatsoever it was that they formerly possessed without disturbance, and that you restore all the places which belong to Hyrcanus, the ethnarch of the Jews, which you have had, though it were but one day before Caius Cassius began an unjustifiable war against us, and entered into our province; nor do you use any force against him, in order to weaken him, that he may not be able to dispose of that which is his own; 14.318 but if you have any contest with him about your respective rights, it shall be lawful for you to plead your cause when we come upon the places concerned, for we shall alike preserve the rights and hear all the causes of our confederates.” 14.319 5. “Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Tyre, sendeth greeting. I have sent you my decree, of which I will that ye take care that it be engraven on the public tables, in Roman and Greek letters, and that it stand engraven in the most illustrious places, that it may be read by all. 14.321 and since we have overcome his madness by arms, we now correct by our decrees and judicial determinations what he hath laid waste, that those things may be restored to our confederates. And as for what hath been sold of the Jewish possessions, whether they be bodies or possessions, let them be released; the bodies into that state of freedom they were originally in, and the possessions to their former owners. 14.322 I also will that he who shall not comply with this decree of mine shall be punished for his disobedience; and if such a one be caught, I will take care that the offenders suffer condign punishment.” 14.323 6. The same thing did Antony write to the Sidonians, and the Antiochians, and the Aradians. We have produced these decrees, therefore, as marks for futurity of the truth of what we have said, that the Romans had a great concern about our nation. 15.76 for Antony said that it was not good to require an account of a king, as to the affairs of his government, for at this rate he could be no king at all, but that those who had given him that authority ought to permit him to make use of it. He also said the same things to Cleopatra, that it would be best for her not busily to meddle with the acts of the king’s government. 15.79 and that there was no longer any hope for Cleopatra’s covetous temper, since Antony had given her Celesyria instead of what she had desired; by which means he had at once pacified her, and got clear of the entreaties which she made him to have Judea bestowed upon her. 15.96 2. When Cleopatra had obtained thus much, and had accompanied Antony in his expedition to Armenia as far as Euphrates, she returned back, and came to Apamia and Damascus, and passed on to Judea, where Herod met her, and farmed of her parts of Arabia, and those revenues that came to her from the region about Jericho. This country bears that balsam, which is the most precious drug that is there, and grows there alone. The place bears also palm trees, both many in number, and those excellent in their kind. 15.189 for he spake thus to Caesar: That he had the greatest friendship for Antony, and did every thing he could that he might attain the government; that he was not indeed in the army with him, because the Arabians had diverted him; but that he had sent him both money and corn, 15.198 And now he returned to Judea again with greater honor and assurance than ever, and affrighted those that had expectations to the contrary, as still acquiring from his very dangers greater splendor than before, by the favor of God to him. So he prepared for the reception of Caesar, as he was going out of Syria to invade Egypt; 15.199 and when he came, he entertained him at Ptolemais with all royal magnificence. He also bestowed presents on the army, and brought them provisions in abundance. He also proved to be one of Caesar’s most cordial friends, and put the army in array, and rode along with Caesar, and had a hundred and fifty men, well appointed in all respects, after a rich and sumptuous manner, for the better reception of him and his friends.' ' None |
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27. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.168, 1.225, 1.229, 1.282, 1.362, 1.388, 1.394-1.396 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antony (Mark Antony), Herods assistance of • Antony (Mark Antony), and Herods appointment as king • Antony (Mark Antony), and Jewish state • Antony (Mark Antony), and defeat of Alexander • Antony (Mark Antony), grants by, of part of Herods realm to Cleopatra • Cleopatra, part of Herods realm granted to, by Antony • Herod the Great, assisting Antony • Herod the Great, increasing powers of, under Antony • Jewish state, and Antony • M. Antonius • Marc Antony • Mark Antony • Phasael (brother of Herod), appointed tetrarch by Antony • Phasael (brother of Herod), increasing powers of, under Antony
Found in books: Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 123, 134; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 65; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 233, 240; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 25, 109, 139, 141, 147, 148, 149, 162
sup> 1.168 ἃ πάντα Γαβίνιος ἐναγούσης τῆς ̓Αλεξάνδρου μητρὸς κατέστρεψεν, ὡς μὴ πάλιν ὁρμητήριον γένοιτο δευτέρου πολέμου: παρῆν δὲ μειλισσομένη τὸν Γαβίνιον κατὰ δέος τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς ̔Ρώμης αἰχμαλώτων, τοῦ τε ἀνδρὸς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τέκνων. 1.225 Συστάντος δὲ τοῦ πρὸς Κάσσιον καὶ Βροῦτον πολέμου Καίσαρί τε τῷ νέῳ καὶ ̓Αντωνίῳ Κάσσιος καὶ Μοῦρκος στρατιὰν ἀθροίσαντες ἐκ τῆς Συρίας, ἐπειδὴ μέγα μέρος εἰς τὰς χρείας ̔Ηρώδης ἔδοξε, τότε μὲν αὐτὸν Συρίας ἁπάσης ἐπιμελητὴν καθιστᾶσιν δύναμιν πεζήν τε καὶ ἱππικὴν δόντες, μετὰ δὲ τὴν τοῦ πολέμου κατάλυσιν ἀποδείξειν Κάσσιος ὑπέσχετο καὶ ̓Ιουδαίας βασιλέα.' " 1.229 Τραπεὶς δ' ἐπὶ Σαμάρειαν στάσει τεταραγμένην κατεστήσατο τὴν πόλιν: ἔπειτα καθ' ἑορτὴν ὑπέστρεφεν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα τοὺς ὁπλίτας ἄγων. καὶ πέμπων ̔Υρκανός, ἐνῆγεν γὰρ δεδοικὼς τὴν ἔφοδον Μάλιχος, ἐκώλυεν τοὺς ἀλλοφύλους εἰσαγαγεῖν ἐφ' ἁγνεύοντας τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους. ὁ δὲ τῆς προφάσεως καταφρονήσας καὶ τοῦ προστάσσοντος εἰσέρχεται διὰ νυκτός." 1.282 ̓Αντωνίου δὲ ἥπτετο πρὸς τὴν μεταβολὴν οἶκτος, καὶ κατὰ μνήμην μὲν τῆς ̓Αντιπάτρου ξενίας, τὸ δὲ ὅλον καὶ διὰ τὴν τοῦ παρόντος ἀρετὴν ἔγνω καὶ τότε βασιλέα καθιστᾶν ̓Ιουδαίων ὃν πρότερον αὐτὸς ἐποίησεν τετράρχην. ἐνῆγεν δὲ οὐκ ἔλαττον τῆς εἰς ̔Ηρώδην φιλοτιμίας ἡ πρὸς ̓Αντίγονον διαφορά: τοῦτον γὰρ δὴ στασιώδη τε καὶ ̔Ρωμαίων ἐχθρὸν ὑπελάμβανεν.' " 1.362 ὧν γενομένη κυρία καὶ προπέμψασα μέχρις Εὐφράτου τὸν ̓Αντώνιον ἐπιστρατεύοντα Πάρθοις ἦλθεν εἰς ̓Ιουδαίαν δι' ̓Απαμείας καὶ Δαμασκοῦ. κἀνταῦθα μεγάλαις μὲν αὐτῆς τὴν δυσμένειαν δωρεαῖς ̔Ηρώδης ἐκμειλίσσεται, μισθοῦται δὲ καὶ τὰ τῆς βασιλείας ἀπορραγέντα χωρία διακοσίων ταλάντων εἰς ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτόν, προπέμπει δ' αὐτὴν μέχρι Πηλουσίου πάσῃ θεραπείᾳ καταχρώμενος." " 1.388 “ἐγώ, Καῖσαρ, ὑπὸ ̓Αντωνίου βασιλεὺς γενόμενος ἐν πᾶσιν ὁμολογῶ γεγονέναι χρήσιμος ̓Αντωνίῳ. καὶ οὐδὲ τοῦτ' ἂν ὑποστειλαίμην εἰπεῖν, ὅτι πάντως ἄν με μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἐπείρασας εὐχάριστον, εἰ μὴ διεκώλυσαν ̓́Αραβες. καὶ συμμαχίαν μέντοι γε αὐτῷ κατὰ τὸ δυνατὸν καὶ σίτου πολλὰς ἔπεμψα μυριάδας, ἀλλ' οὐδὲ μετὰ τὴν ἐν ̓Ακτίῳ πληγὴν κατέλιπον τὸν εὐεργέτην," " 1.394 μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πορευόμενον ἐπ' Αἴγυπτον διὰ Συρίας Καίσαρα παντὶ τῷ βασιλικῷ πλούτῳ δεξάμενος ̔Ηρώδης τότε πρῶτον καὶ συνιππάσατο ποιουμένου περὶ Πτολεμαί̈δα τῆς δυνάμεως ἐξέτασιν εἱστίασέν τε σὺν ἅπασιν τοῖς φίλοις: μεθ' οὓς καὶ τῇ λοιπῇ στρατιᾷ πρὸς εὐωχίαν πάντα διέδωκεν." '1.395 προυνόησεν δὲ καὶ διὰ τῆς ἀνύδρου πορευομένοις μέχρι Πηλουσίου παρασχεῖν ὕδωρ ἄφθονον ἐπανιοῦσί τε ὁμοίως, οὐδὲ ἔστιν ὅ τι τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἐνεδέησεν τῇ δυνάμει. δόξα γοῦν αὐτῷ τε Καίσαρι καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις παρέστη πολλῷ βραχυτέραν περιεῖναι ̔Ηρώδῃ βασιλείαν πρὸς ἃ παρέσχεν. 1.396 διὰ τοῦτο, ὡς ἧκεν εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἤδη Κλεοπάτρας καὶ ̓Αντωνίου τεθνεώτων, οὐ μόνον αὐτοῦ ταῖς ἄλλαις τιμαῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ προσέθηκεν τήν τε ὑπὸ Κλεοπάτρας ἀποτμηθεῖσαν χώραν καὶ ἔξωθεν Γάδαρα καὶ ̔́Ιππον καὶ Σαμάρειαν, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τῶν παραλίων Γάζαν καὶ ̓Ανθηδόνα καὶ ̓Ιόππην καὶ Στράτωνος πύργον:'' None | sup> 1.168 all which Gabinius demolished, at the persuasion of Alexander’s mother, that they might not be receptacles of men in a second war. She was now there in order to mollify Gabinius, out of her concern for her relations that were captives at Rome, which were her husband and her other children. 1.225 4. Upon the war between Cassius and Brutus on one side, against the younger Caesar Augustus and Antony on the other, Cassius and Marcus got together an army out of Syria; and because Herod was likely to have a great share in providing necessaries, they then made him procurator of all Syria, and gave him an army of foot and horse. Cassius promised him also, that after the war was over, he would make him king of Judea. 1.229 6. So Herod went to Samaria, which was then in a tumult, and settled the city in peace; after which at the Pentecost festival, he returned to Jerusalem, having his armed men with him: hereupon Hyrcanus, at the request of Malichus, who feared his approach, forbade them to introduce foreigners to mix themselves with the people of the country while they were purifying themselves; but Herod despised the pretense, and him that gave that command, and came in by night. 1.282 4. Hereupon Antony was moved to compassion at the change that had been made in Herod’s affairs, and this both upon his calling to mind how hospitably he had been treated by Antipater, but more especially on account of Herod’s own virtue; so he then resolved to get him made king of the Jews, whom he had himself formerly made tetrarch. The contest also that he had with Antigonus was another inducement, and that of no less weight than the great regard he had for Herod; for he looked upon Antigonus as a seditious person, and an enemy of the Romans; 1.362 And when she was become mistress of these, and had conducted Antony in his expedition against the Parthians as far as Euphrates, she came by Apamia and Damascus into Judea and there did Herod pacify her indignation at him by large presents. He also hired of her those places that had been torn away from his kingdom, at the yearly rent of two hundred talents. He conducted her also as far as Pelusium, and paid her all the respects possible. 1.388 “O Caesar, as I was made king of the Jews by Antony, so do I profess that I have used my royal authority in the best manner, and entirely for his advantage; nor will I conceal this further, that thou hadst certainly found me in arms, and an inseparable companion of his, had not the Arabians hindered me. However, I sent him as many auxiliaries as I was able, and many ten thousand cori of corn. Nay, indeed, I did not desert my benefactor after the blow that was given him at Actium; but I gave him the best advice I was able, 1.394 After this, Caesar went for Egypt through Syria, when Herod received him with royal and rich entertainments; and then did he first of all ride along with Caesar, as he was reviewing his army about Ptolemais, and feasted him with all his friends, and then distributed among the rest of the army what was necessary to feast them withal. 1.395 He also made a plentiful provision of water for them, when they were to march as far as Pelusium, through a dry country, which he did also in like manner at their return thence; nor were there any necessaries wanting to that army. It was therefore the opinion, both of Caesar and of his soldiers, that Herod’s kingdom was too small for those generous presents he made them; 1.396 for which reason, when Caesar was come into Egypt, and Cleopatra and Antony were dead, he did not only bestow other marks of honor upon him, but made an addition to his kingdom, by giving him not only the country which had been taken from him by Cleopatra, but besides that, Gadara, and Hippos, and Samaria; and moreover, of the maritime cities, Gaza and Anthedon, and Joppa, and Strato’s Tower.'' None |
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28. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.45-1.63, 1.205-1.212, 1.228, 1.493-1.498, 2.234-2.235, 2.315, 2.511-2.512, 5.732-5.733, 8.663-8.711, 8.843-8.846, 9.1-9.18, 10.19-10.52 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antony • Antony (Marcus Antonius) • Antony (Mark) • Antony, Mark • Augoustakis, Antony • Marc Antony • Tombs, of Mark Antony
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 261, 310; Fabre-Serris et al. (2021), Identities, Ethnicities and Gender in Antiquity, 138; Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 657; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 76, 207, 209, 215; Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 136, 142; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 261, 310
| sup> 1.45 Gain thrones in heaven; and if the Thunderer Prevailed not till the giant's war was done, Complaint is silent. For this boon supreme Welcome, ye gods, be wickedness and crime; Thronged with our dead be dire Pharsalia's fields, Be Punic ghosts avenged by Roman blood; Add to these ills the toils of Mutina; Perusia's dearth; on Munda's final field The shock of battle joined; let Leucas' Cape Shatter the routed navies; servile hands " "1.50 Unsheath the sword on fiery Etna's slopes: Still Rome is gainer by the civil war. Thou, Caesar, art her prize. When thou shalt choose, Thy watch relieved, to seek divine abodes, All heaven rejoicing; and shalt hold a throne, Or else elect to govern Phoebus' car And light a subject world that shall not dread To owe her brightness to a different Sun; All shall concede thy right: do what thou wilt, Select thy Godhead, and the central clime " "1.59 Unsheath the sword on fiery Etna's slopes: Still Rome is gainer by the civil war. Thou, Caesar, art her prize. When thou shalt choose, Thy watch relieved, to seek divine abodes, All heaven rejoicing; and shalt hold a throne, Or else elect to govern Phoebus' car And light a subject world that shall not dread To owe her brightness to a different Sun; All shall concede thy right: do what thou wilt, Select thy Godhead, and the central clime " '1.60 Whence thou shalt rule the world with power divine. And yet the Northern or the Southern Pole We pray thee, choose not; but in rays direct Vouchsafe thy radiance to thy city Rome. Press thou on either side, the universe Should lose its equipoise: take thou the midst, And weight the scales, and let that part of heaven Where Caesar sits, be evermore serene And smile upon us with unclouded blue. Then may all men lay down their arms, and peace 1.63 Whence thou shalt rule the world with power divine. And yet the Northern or the Southern Pole We pray thee, choose not; but in rays direct Vouchsafe thy radiance to thy city Rome. Press thou on either side, the universe Should lose its equipoise: take thou the midst, And weight the scales, and let that part of heaven Where Caesar sits, be evermore serene And smile upon us with unclouded blue. Then may all men lay down their arms, and peace ' " 1.205 To rise above their country: might their law: Decrees are forced from Senate and from Plebs: Consul and Tribune break the laws alike: Bought are the fasces, and the people sell For gain their favour: bribery's fatal curse Corrupts the annual contests of the Field. Then covetous usury rose, and interest Was greedier ever as the seasons came; Faith tottered; thousands saw their gain in war. Caesar has crossed the Alps, his mighty soul " "1.209 To rise above their country: might their law: Decrees are forced from Senate and from Plebs: Consul and Tribune break the laws alike: Bought are the fasces, and the people sell For gain their favour: bribery's fatal curse Corrupts the annual contests of the Field. Then covetous usury rose, and interest Was greedier ever as the seasons came; Faith tottered; thousands saw their gain in war. Caesar has crossed the Alps, his mighty soul " '1.210 Great tumults pondering and the coming shock. Now on the marge of Rubicon, he saw, In face most sorrowful and ghostly guise, His trembling country\'s image; huge it seemed Through mists of night obscure; and hoary hair Streamed from the lofty front with turrets crowned: Torn were her locks and naked were her arms. Then thus, with broken sighs the Vision spake: "What seek ye, men of Rome? and whither hence Bear ye my standards? If by right ye come, 1.228 My citizens, stay here; these are the bounds; No further dare." But Caesar\'s hair was stiff With horror as he gazed, and ghastly dread Restrained his footsteps on the further bank. Then spake he, "Thunderer, who from the rock Tarpeian seest the wall of mighty Rome; Gods of my race who watched o\'er Troy of old; Thou Jove of Alba\'s height, and Vestal fires, And rites of Romulus erst rapt to heaven, And God-like Rome; be friendly to my quest. ' " 1.493 No longer listen for the bugle call, Nor those who dwell where Rhone's swift eddies sweep Arar to the ocean; nor the mountain tribes Who dwell about its source. Thou, too, oh Treves, Rejoicest that the war has left thy bounds. Ligurian tribes, now shorn, in ancient days First of the long-haired nations, on whose necks Once flowed the auburn locks in pride supreme; And those who pacify with blood accursed Savage Teutates, Hesus' horrid shrines, " "1.498 No longer listen for the bugle call, Nor those who dwell where Rhone's swift eddies sweep Arar to the ocean; nor the mountain tribes Who dwell about its source. Thou, too, oh Treves, Rejoicest that the war has left thy bounds. Ligurian tribes, now shorn, in ancient days First of the long-haired nations, on whose necks Once flowed the auburn locks in pride supreme; And those who pacify with blood accursed Savage Teutates, Hesus' horrid shrines, " 2.234 Nor feared that at his word such thousands fell. At length the Tuscan flood received the dead The first upon his waves; the last on those That lay beneath them; vessels in their course Were stayed, and while the lower current flowed Still to the sea, the upper stood on high Dammed back by carnage. Through the streets meanwhile In headlong torrents ran a tide of blood, Which furrowing its path through town and field Forced the slow river on. But now his banks 2.235 Nor feared that at his word such thousands fell. At length the Tuscan flood received the dead The first upon his waves; the last on those That lay beneath them; vessels in their course Were stayed, and while the lower current flowed Still to the sea, the upper stood on high Dammed back by carnage. Through the streets meanwhile In headlong torrents ran a tide of blood, Which furrowing its path through town and field Forced the slow river on. But now his banks ' " 2.315 That such a citizen has joined the war? Glad would he see thee e'en in Magnus' tents; For Cato's conduct shall approve his own. Pompeius, with the Consul in his ranks, And half the Senate and the other chiefs, Vexes my spirit; and should Cato too Bend to a master's yoke, in all the world The one man free is Caesar. But if thou For freedom and thy country's laws alone Be pleased to raise the sword, nor Magnus then " " 2.511 They place upon the turrets. Magnus most The people's favour held, yet faith with fear Fought in their breasts. As when, with strident blast, A southern tempest has possessed the main And all the billows follow in its track: Then, by the Storm-king smitten, should the earth Set Eurus free upon the swollen deep, It shall not yield to him, though cloud and sky Confess his strength; but in the former wind Still find its master. But their fears prevailed, " " 5.732 Far as from Leucas point the placid main Spreads to the horizon, from the billow's crest They viewed the dashing of th' infuriate sea; Thence sinking to the middle trough, their mast Scarce topped the watery height on either hand, Their sails in clouds, their keel upon the ground. For all the sea was piled into the waves, And drawn from depths between laid bare the sand. The master of the boat forgot his art, For fear o'ercame; he knew not where to yield " " 8.663 Leaving his loftier ship. Had not the fates' Eternal and unalterable laws Called for their victim and decreed his end Now near at hand, his comrades' warning voice Yet might have stayed his course: for if the court To Magnus, who bestowed the Pharian crown, In truth were open, should not king and fleet In pomp have come to greet him? But he yields: The fates compel. Welcome to him was death Rather than fear. But, rushing to the side, " "8.669 Leaving his loftier ship. Had not the fates' Eternal and unalterable laws Called for their victim and decreed his end Now near at hand, his comrades' warning voice Yet might have stayed his course: for if the court To Magnus, who bestowed the Pharian crown, In truth were open, should not king and fleet In pomp have come to greet him? But he yields: The fates compel. Welcome to him was death Rather than fear. But, rushing to the side, " '8.670 His spouse would follow, for she dared not stay, Fearing the guile. Then he, "Abide, my wife, And son, I pray you; from the shore afar Await my fortunes; mine shall be the life To test their honour." But Cornelia still Withstood his bidding, and with arms outspread Frenzied she cried: "And whither without me, Cruel, departest? Thou forbad\'st me share Thy risks Thessalian; dost again command That I should part from thee? No happy star 8.680 Breaks on our sorrow. If from every land Thou dost debar me, why didst turn aside In flight to Lesbos? On the waves alone Am I thy fit companion?" Thus in vain, Leaning upon the bulwark, dazed with dread; Nor could she turn her straining gaze aside, Nor see her parting husband. All the fleet Stood silent, anxious, waiting for the end: Not that they feared the murder which befell, But lest their leader might with humble prayer 8.689 Breaks on our sorrow. If from every land Thou dost debar me, why didst turn aside In flight to Lesbos? On the waves alone Am I thy fit companion?" Thus in vain, Leaning upon the bulwark, dazed with dread; Nor could she turn her straining gaze aside, Nor see her parting husband. All the fleet Stood silent, anxious, waiting for the end: Not that they feared the murder which befell, But lest their leader might with humble prayer ' "8.690 Kneel to the king he made. As Magnus passed, A Roman soldier from the Pharian boat, Septimius, salutes him. Gods of heaven! There stood he, minion to a barbarous king, Nor bearing still the javelin of Rome; But vile in all his arms; giant in form Fierce, brutal, thirsting as a beast may thirst For carnage. Didst thou, Fortune, for the sake of nations, spare to dread Pharsalus field This savage monster's blows? Or dost thou place " "8.700 Throughout the world, for thy mysterious ends, Some ministering swords for civil war? Thus, to the shame of victors and of gods, This story shall be told in days to come: A Roman swordsman, once within thy ranks, Slave to the orders of a puny prince, Severed Pompeius' neck. And what shall be Septimius' fame hereafter? By what name This deed be called, if Brutus wrought a crime? Now came the end, the latest hour of all: " "8.709 Throughout the world, for thy mysterious ends, Some ministering swords for civil war? Thus, to the shame of victors and of gods, This story shall be told in days to come: A Roman swordsman, once within thy ranks, Slave to the orders of a puny prince, Severed Pompeius' neck. And what shall be Septimius' fame hereafter? By what name This deed be called, if Brutus wrought a crime? Now came the end, the latest hour of all: " '8.710 Rapt to the boat was Magnus, of himself No longer master, and the miscreant crew Unsheathed their swords; which when the chieftain saw He swathed his visage, for he scorned unveiled To yield his life to fortune; closed his eyes And held his breath within him, lest some word, Or sob escaped, might mar the deathless fame His deeds had won. And when within his side Achillas plunged his blade, nor sound nor cry He gave, but calm consented to the blow 8.843 But by its hue upon the hoary main He knew the body. In a fast embrace He holds it, wrestling with the greedy sea, And deftly watching for a refluent wave Gains help to bring his burden to the land. Then clinging to the loved remains, the wounds Washed with his tears, thus to the gods he speaks, And misty stars obscure: "Here, Fortune, lies Pompeius, thine: no costly incense rare Or pomp of funeral he dares to ask; 8.846 But by its hue upon the hoary main He knew the body. In a fast embrace He holds it, wrestling with the greedy sea, And deftly watching for a refluent wave Gains help to bring his burden to the land. Then clinging to the loved remains, the wounds Washed with his tears, thus to the gods he speaks, And misty stars obscure: "Here, Fortune, lies Pompeius, thine: no costly incense rare Or pomp of funeral he dares to ask; ' " 9.1 Book 9 Yet in those ashes on the Pharian shore, In that small heap of dust, was not confined So great a shade; but from the limbs half burnt And narrow cell sprang forth and sought the sky Where dwells the Thunderer. Black the space of air Upreaching to the poles that bear on high The constellations in their nightly round; There 'twixt the orbit of the moon and earth Abide those lofty spirits, half divine, " " 9.10 Who by their blameless lives and fire of soul Are fit to tolerate the pure expanse That bounds the lower ether: there shall dwell, Where nor the monument encased in gold, Nor richest incense, shall suffice to bring The buried dead, in union with the spheres, Pompeius' spirit. When with heavenly light His soul was filled, first on the wandering stars And fixed orbs he bent his wondering gaze; Then saw what darkness veils our earthly day " " 10.19 But when the people, jealous of their laws, Murmured against the fasces, Caesar knew Their minds were adverse, and that not for him Was Magnus' murder wrought. And yet with brow Dissembling fear, intrepid, through the shrines of Egypt's gods he strode, and round the fane of ancient Isis; bearing witness all To Macedon's vigour in the days of old. Yet did nor gold nor ornament restrain His hasting steps, nor worship of the gods, " "10.20 Nor city ramparts: but in greed of gain He sought the cave dug out amid the tombs. The madman offspring there of Philip lies The famed Pellaean robber, fortune's friend, Snatched off by fate, avenging so the world. In sacred sepulchre the hero's limbs, Which should be scattered o'er the earth, repose, Still spared by Fortune to these tyrant days: For in a world to freedom once recalled, All men had mocked the dust of him who set " "10.29 Nor city ramparts: but in greed of gain He sought the cave dug out amid the tombs. The madman offspring there of Philip lies The famed Pellaean robber, fortune's friend, Snatched off by fate, avenging so the world. In sacred sepulchre the hero's limbs, Which should be scattered o'er the earth, repose, Still spared by Fortune to these tyrant days: For in a world to freedom once recalled, All men had mocked the dust of him who set " '10.30 The baneful lesson that so many lands Can serve one master. Macedon he left His home obscure; Athena he despised The conquest of his sire, and spurred by fate Through Asia rushed with havoc of mankind, Plunging his sword through peoples; streams unknown Ran red with Persian and with Indian blood. Curse of all earth and thunderbolt of ill To every nation! On the outer sea He launched his fleet to sail the ocean wave: 10.39 The baneful lesson that so many lands Can serve one master. Macedon he left His home obscure; Athena he despised The conquest of his sire, and spurred by fate Through Asia rushed with havoc of mankind, Plunging his sword through peoples; streams unknown Ran red with Persian and with Indian blood. Curse of all earth and thunderbolt of ill To every nation! On the outer sea He launched his fleet to sail the ocean wave: ' "10.40 Nor flame nor flood nor sterile Libyan sands Stayed back his course, nor Hammon's pathless shoals; Far to the west, where downward slopes the world He would have led his armies, and the poles Had compassed, and had drunk the fount of Nile: But came his latest day; such end alone Could nature place upon the madman king, Who jealous in death as when he won the world His empire with him took, nor left an heir. Thus every city to the spoiler's hand " "10.49 Nor flame nor flood nor sterile Libyan sands Stayed back his course, nor Hammon's pathless shoals; Far to the west, where downward slopes the world He would have led his armies, and the poles Had compassed, and had drunk the fount of Nile: But came his latest day; such end alone Could nature place upon the madman king, Who jealous in death as when he won the world His empire with him took, nor left an heir. Thus every city to the spoiler's hand " '10.50 Was victim made: Yet in his fall was his Babylon; and Parthia feared him. Shame on us That eastern nations dreaded more the lance of Macedon than now the Roman spear. True that we rule beyond where takes its rise The burning southern breeze, beyond the homes of western winds, and to the northern star; But towards the rising of the sun, we yield To him who kept the Arsacids in awe; And puny Pella held as province sure 10.52 Was victim made: Yet in his fall was his Babylon; and Parthia feared him. Shame on us That eastern nations dreaded more the lance of Macedon than now the Roman spear. True that we rule beyond where takes its rise The burning southern breeze, beyond the homes of western winds, and to the northern star; But towards the rising of the sun, we yield To him who kept the Arsacids in awe; And puny Pella held as province sure '" None |
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29. New Testament, Acts, 10.1, 16.20-16.21, 16.37-16.38 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius Felix • Clementines, Pseudo-, and Antonius Diogenes • Mark Antony
Found in books: Bremmer (2017), Magic and Martyrs in Early Christianity: Collected Essays, 248; Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 603; Williams (2023), Criminalization in Acts of the Apostles Race, Rhetoric, and the Prosecution of an Early Christian Movement. 168
sup> 10.1 Ἀνὴρ δέ τις ἐν Καισαρίᾳ ὀνόματι Κορνήλιος, ἑκατοντάρχης ἐκ σπείρης τῆς καλουμένης Ἰταλικῆς, 16.20 καὶ προσαγαγόντες αὐτοὺς τοῖς στρατηγοῖς εἶπαν Οὗτοι οἱ ἄνθρωποι ἐκταράσσουσιν ἡμῶν τὴν πόλιν Ἰουδαῖοι ὑπάρχοντες, 16.21 καὶ καταγγέλλουσιν ἔθη ἃ οὐκ ἔξεστιν ἡμῖν παραδέχεσθαι οὐδὲ ποιεῖν Ῥωμαίοις οὖσιν. 16.37 ὁ δὲ Παῦλος ἔφη πρὸς αὐτούς Δείραντες ἡμᾶς δημοσίᾳ ἀκατακρίτους, ἀνθρώπους Ῥωμαίους ὑπάρχοντας, ἔβαλαν εἰς φυλακήν· καὶ νῦν λάθρᾳ ἡμᾶς ἐκβάλλουσιν; οὐ γάρ, ἀλλὰ ἐλθόντες αὐτοὶ ἡμᾶς ἐξαγαγέτωσαν. 16.38 ἀπήγγειλαν δὲ τοῖς στρατηγοῖς οἱ ῥαβδοῦχοι τὰ ῥήματα ταῦτα·'' None | sup> 10.1 Now there was a certain man in Caesarea, Cornelius by name, a centurion of what was called the Italian Regiment, 16.20 When they had brought them to the magistrates, they said, "These men, being Jews, are agitating our city, 16.21 and set forth customs which it is not lawful for us to accept or to observe, being Romans." 16.37 But Paul said to them, "They have beaten us publicly, without a trial, men who are Romans, and have cast us into prison! Do they now release us secretly? No, most assuredly, but let them come themselves and bring us out!" 16.38 The sergeants reported these words to the magistrates, and they were afraid when they heard that they were Romans, '' None |
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30. New Testament, Ephesians, 6.12-6.13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), asceticism • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), thoughts • Antony • Antony, oracular mode of Scripture • Life of Antony (Athanasius), oracular mode of Scripture • asceticism, Anthony of the Desert
Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 143; Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 1097; Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 279
sup> 6.12 ὅτι οὐκ ἔστιν ἡμῖν ἡ πάλη πρὸς αἷμα καὶ σάρκα, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὰς ἀρχάς, πρὸς τὰς ἐξουσίας, πρὸς τοὺς κοσμοκράτορας τοῦ σκότους τούτου, πρὸς τὰ πνευματικὰ τῆς πονηρίας ἐν τοῖς ἐπουρανίοις. 6.13 διὰ τοῦτο ἀναλάβετε τὴν πανοπλίαν τοῦ θεοῦ, ἵνα δυνηθῆτε ἀντιστῆναι ἐν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῇ πονηρᾷ καὶ ἅπαντα κατεργασάμενοι στῆναι.'' None | sup> 6.12 For our wrestling is not against flesh and blood, but against the principalities, against the powers, against the world's rulers of the darkness of this age, and against the spiritual hosts of wickedness in the heavenly places. " '6.13 Therefore, put on the whole armor of God, that you may be able to withstand in the evil day, and, having done all, to stand. '" None |
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31. New Testament, Romans, 12.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antony • Long, Anthony A.
Found in books: Dürr (2022), Paul on the Human Vocation: Reason Language in Romans and Ancient Philosophical Tradition, 237, 259; Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 287
sup> 12.1 Παρακαλῶ οὖν ὑμᾶς, ἀδελφοί, διὰ τῶν οἰκτιρμῶν τοῦ θεοῦ παραστῆσαι τὰ σώματα ὑμῶν θυσίαν ζῶσαν ἁγίαν τῷ θεῷ εὐάρεστον, τὴν λογικὴν λατρείαν ὑμῶν·'' None | sup> 12.1 Therefore I urge you, brothers, by the mercies of God, to present your bodies a living sacrifice, holy, acceptable to God, which is your spiritual service. '' None |
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32. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 4.1-4.3, 20.2, 21.3, 24.3-24.5, 33.2-33.3, 36.7, 54.3, 60.1-60.3, 60.5, 75.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Anthony, Roman Triumvir • Antony • Antony (Mark Antony) • Antony (Mark Antony), and Jewish state • Antony (Mark Antony), and Jewish state, A. as defender of rights of • Antony, Marc, and Bacchus • Antony, Marc, and De Ebrietate Sua • Antony, Marc, and Hercules • Antony, Marc, his house • Antony, Mark • Antony, Mark, • Antony, Mark, and the East • Antony, Mark, as responsible for Ciceros death • Antony, Mark, as sated, • Antony, Mark, when in Rome • Antony, and Vitruvius? • Antony, as Hercules • Augustus, and Antony • CiceroMarcus Tullius Cicero, and Antony • Demetrius I (Poliorcetes), compared with Antony • Dionysus, and Antony • Dionysus., Antony as the ‘New Dionysus’ • Hyrcanus II, embassy of, to Antony in Ephesus • Jewish state, and Antony • Josephus, citing letters, from Antony to Hyrcanus about embassy • Marc Antony • Mark Antony • Mark Antony (triumvir) • Nero, new Dionysus, Antony as • Plutarch’s Lives, Life of Antonius • Ptolemy Philadelphus (son of Cleopatra VII and Mark Antony) • Vitruvius, and Antony • numinousness, of Antony
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 189; Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 45; Bremmer (2008), Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East, 205; Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 88; Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 74, 122; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 49, 106; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 98; Faraone (1999), Ancient Greek Love Magic, 121; Gorain (2019), Language in the Confessions of Augustine, 21, 105; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 3, 13, 250; Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 142; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 260; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 260; Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 30, 31, 32, 36, 37, 38; Luck (2006), Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds: a collection of ancient texts, 439; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 167, 168; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 25; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 29; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 62, 187, 242; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 218; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 255; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 110; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 38
sup> 4.1 προσῆν δὲ καὶ μορφῆς ἐλευθέριον ἀξίωμα, καὶ πώγων τις οὐκ ἀγεννὴς καὶ πλάτος μετώπου καὶ γρυπότης μυκτῆρος ἐδόκει τοῖς γραφομένοις καὶ πλαττομένοις Ἡρακλέους προσώποις ἐμφερὲς ἔχειν τὸ ἀρρενωπόν. ἦν δὲ καὶ λόγος παλαιὸς Ἡρακλείδας εἶναι τοὺς Ἀντωνίους, ἀπʼ Ἄντωνος, παιδὸς Ἡρακλέους, γεγονότας. 4.2 καὶ τοῦτον ᾤετο τὸν λόγον τῇ τε μορφῇ τοῦ σώματος, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, καὶ τῇ στολῇ βεβαιοῦν. ἀεὶ γάρ, ὅτε μέλλοι πλείοσιν ὁρᾶσθαι, χιτῶνα εἰς μηρὸν ἔζωστο, καὶ μάχαιρα μεγάλη παρήρτητο, καὶ σάγος περιέκειτο τῶν στερεῶν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις φορτικὰ δοκοῦντα, μεγαλαυχία καὶ σκῶμμα καὶ κώθων ἐμφανὴς καὶ καθίσαι παρὰ τὸν ἐσθίοντα καὶ φαγεῖν ἐπιστάντα τραπέζῃ στρατιωτικῇ, θαυμαστὸν ὅσον εὐνοίας καὶ πόθου πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐνεποίει τοῖς στρατιώταις. 20.2 Κικέρωνος δὲ σφαγέντος ἐκέλευσεν Ἀντώνιος τήν τε κεφαλὴν ἀποκοπῆναι καὶ τὴν χεῖρα τὴν δεξιάν, ᾗ τοὺς κατʼ αὐτοῦ λόγους ἔγραψε. καὶ κομισθέντων ἐθεᾶτο γεγηθὼς καὶ ἀνακαγχάζων ὑπὸ χαρᾶς πολλάκις· εἶτα ἐμπλησθεὶς ἐκέλευσεν ὑπὲρ τοῦ βήματος ἐν ἀγορᾷ τεθῆναι, καθάπερ εἰς τὸν νεκρὸν ὑβρίζων, οὐχ αὑτὸν ἐνυβρίζοντα τῇ τύχῃ καὶ καταισχύνοντα τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἐπιδεικνύμενος. 24.3 ἡ γὰρ Ἀσία πᾶσα, καθάπερ ἡ Σοφόκλειος ἐκείνη πόλις, ὁμοῦ μὲν θυμιαμάτων ἔγεμεν, ὁμοῦ δὲ παιάνων τε καὶ στεναγμάτων. εἰς γοῦν Ἔφεσον εἰσιόντος αὐτοῦ γυναῖκες μὲν εἰς Βάκχας, ἄνδρες δὲ καὶ παῖδες εἰς Σατύρους καὶ Πᾶνας ἡγοῦντο διεσκευασμένοι, κιττοῦ δὲ καὶ θύρσων καὶ ψαλτηρίων καὶ συρίγγων καὶ αὐλῶν ἡ πόλις ἦν πλέα, Διόνυσον αὐτὸν ἀνακαλουμένων χαριδότην καὶ μειλίχιον. 24.4 ἦν γὰρ ἀμέλει τοιοῦτος ἐνίοις, τοῖς δὲ πολλοῖς ὠμηστὴς καὶ ἀγριώνιος. ἀφῃρεῖτο γὰρ εὐγενεῖς ἀνθρώπους τὰ ὄντα μαστιγίαις καὶ κόλαξι χαριζόμενος. πολλῶν δὲ καὶ ζώντων ὡς τεθνηκότων αἰτησάμενοί τινες οὐσίας ἔλαβον. ἀνδρὸς δὲ Μάγνητος οἶκον ἐδωρήσατο μαγείρῳ περὶ ἕν, ὡς λέγεται, δεῖπνον εὐδοκιμήσαντι. 24.5 τέλος δέ, ταῖς πόλεσι δεύτερον ἐπιβάλλοντος φόρον, ἐτόλμησεν Ὑβρέας ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἀσίας λέγων εἰπεῖν ἀγοραίως μὲν ἐκεῖνα καὶ πρὸς τὸν Ἀντωνίου ζῆλον οὐκ ἀηδῶς, εἰ δύνασαι δὶς λαβεῖν ἑνὸς ἐνιαυτοῦ φόρον, δύνασαι καὶ δὶς ἡμῖν ποιήσασθαι θέρος καὶ δὶς ὀπώραν, πρακτικῶς δὲ καὶ παραβόλως συναγαγὼν ὅτι μυριάδας εἴκοσι ταλάντων ἡ Ἀσία δέδωκε, ταῦτα, εἶπεν, εἰ μὲν οὐκ εἴληφας, ἀπαίτει παρὰ τῶν λαβόντων· εἰ δὲ λαβὼν οὐκ ἔχεις, ἀπολώλαμεν. 33.2 ἦν γάρ τις ἀνὴρ σὺν αὐτῷ μαντικὸς ἀπʼ Αἰγύπτου τῶν τὰς γενέσεις ἐπισκοπούντων, ὃς εἴτε Κλεοπάτρᾳ χαριζόμενος εἴτε χρώμενος ἀληθείᾳ πρὸς τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἐπαρρησιάζετο, λέγων τὴν τύχην αὐτοῦ λαμπροτάτην οὖσαν καὶ μεγίστην ὑπὸ τῆς Καίσαρος ἀμαυροῦσθαι, καὶ συνεβούλευε πορρωτάτω τοῦ νεανίσκου ποιεῖν ἑαυτόν. ὁ γὰρ σός, ἔφη, δαίμων τὸν τούτου φοβεῖται· καὶ γαῦρος ὢν καὶ ὑψηλὸς ὅταν ᾖ καθʼ ἑαυτόν, ὑπʼ ἐκείνου γίνεται ταπεινότερος ἐγγίσαντος καὶ ἀγεννέστερος. 33.3 καὶ μέντοι τὰ γινόμενα τῷ Αἰγυπτίῳ μαρτυρεῖν ἐδόκει. λέγεται γὰρ ὅτι κληρουμένων μετὰ παιδιᾶς ἐφʼ ὅτῳ τύχοιεν ἑκάστοτε καὶ κυβευόντων ἔλαττον ἔχων ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἀπῄει. πολλάκις δὲ συμβαλόντων ἀλεκτρυόνας, πολλάκις δὲ μαχίμους ὄρτυγας, ἐνίκων οἱ Καίσαρος. ἐφʼ οἷς ἀνιώμενος ἀδήλως ὁ Ἀντώνιος καὶ μᾶλλόν τι τῷ Αἰγυπτίῳ προσέχων, ἀπῆρεν ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας, ἐγχειρίσας Καίσαρι τὰ οἰκεῖα· τὴν δὲ Ὀκταουίαν ἄχρι τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἐπήγετο θυγατρίου γεγονότος αὐτοῖς. 60.2 σημεῖα δὲ πρὸ τοῦ πολέμου τάδε γενέσθαι λέγεται. Πείσαυρα μέν, Ἀντωνίου πόλις κληρουχία, ᾠκισμένη παρὰ τὸν Ἀδρίαν, χασμάτων ὑπορραγέντων κατεπόθη. τῶν δὲ περὶ Ἄλβαν Ἀντωνίου λιθίνων ἀνδριάντων ἑνὸς ἱδρὼς ἀνεπίδυεν ἡμέρας πολλάς, ἀποματτόντων τινῶν οὐ παυόμενος. ἐν δὲ Πάτραις διατρίβοντος αὐτοῦ κεραυνοῖς ἐνεπρήσθη τὸ Ἡράκλειον· καὶ τῆς Ἀθήνησι γιγαντομαχίας ὑπὸ πνευμάτων ὁ Διόνυσος ἐκσεισθεὶς εἰς τὸ θέατρον κατηνέχθη· 60.3 προσῳκείου δὲ ἑαυτὸν Ἀντώνιος Ἡρακλεῖ κατὰ γένος καὶ Διονύσῳ κατὰ τὸν τοῦ βίου ζῆλον, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, Διόνυσος νέος προσαγορευόμενος. ἡ δὲ αὐτὴ θύελλα καὶ τοὺς Εὐμενοῦς καὶ Ἀττάλου κολοσσοὺς ἐπιγεγραμμένους Ἀντωνείους Ἀθήνησιν ἐμπεσοῦσα μόνους ἐκ πολλῶν ἀνέτρεψε. ἡ δὲ Κλεοπάτρας ναυαρχὶς ἐκαλεῖτο μὲν Ἀντωνιάς, σημεῖον δὲ περὶ αὐτὴν δεινὸν ἐφάνη· χελιδόνες γὰρ ὑπὸ τὴν πρύμναν ἐνεόττευσαν· ἕτεραι δὲ ἐπελθοῦσαι καὶ ταύτας ἐξήλασαν καὶ τὰ νεόττια διέφθειραν. 75.4 εἶναι δὲ τὴν ὁρμὴν ὁμοῦ τι διὰ τῆς πόλεως μέσης ἐπὶ τὴν πύλην ἔξω τὴν τετραμμένην πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ ταύτῃ τὸν θόρυβον ἐκπεσεῖν πλεῖστον γενόμενον. ἐδόκει δὲ τοῖς ἀναλογιζομένοις τὸ σημεῖον ἀπολείπειν ὁ θεὸς Ἀντώνιον, ᾧ μάλιστα συνεξομοιῶν καὶ συνοικειῶν ἑαυτὸν διετέλεσεν.' ' None | sup> 4.1 20.2 75.4 ' ' None |
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33. Plutarch, Crassus, 23.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius, M. • Antonius, Marcus (Mark Antony)
Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288; Mowat (2021), Engendering the Future: Divination and the Construction of Gender in the Late Roman Republic, 122
sup> 23.1 λέγεται δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης τὸν Κράσσον οὐχ ὥσπερ ἔθος ἐστὶ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοῖς ἐν φοινικίδι προελθεῖν, ἀλλʼ ἐν ἱματίῳ μέλανι, καὶ τοῦτο μὲν εὐθὺς ἀλλάξαι προνήσαντα, τῶν δὲ σημαιῶν ἐνίας μόλις ὥσπερ πεπηγυίας πολλὰ παθόντας ἀνελέσθαι τοὺς φέροντας.'' None | sup> 23.1 '' None |
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34. Plutarch, Marius, 12.5, 45.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius, M., triumphs over Cilician pirates • Antonius, Marcus (Mark Antony) • Antony (Mark Antony) • Augustus, and Marc Antony • Demetrius I (Poliorcetes), compared with Antony • Marc Antony
Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 123; Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2012), Medical Understandings of Emotions in Antiquity: Theory, Practice, Suffering, 211; Mowat (2021), Engendering the Future: Divination and the Construction of Gender in the Late Roman Republic, 123; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 18, 292
sup> 12.5 μετὰ δὲ τὴν πομπὴν ὁ Μάριος σύγκλητον ἤθροισεν ἐν Καπετωλίῳ· καὶ παρῆλθε μὲν εἴτε λαθὼν αὑτὸν εἴτε τῇ τύχῃ χρώμενος ἀγροικότερον ἐν τῇ θριαμβικῇ κατασκευῇ, ταχὺ δὲ τὴν βουλὴν ἀχθεσθεῖσαν αἰσθόμενος ἐξανέστη καὶ μεταλαβὼν τὴν περιπόρφυρον αὖθις ἦλθεν.' ' None | sup> 12.5 ' ' None |
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35. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 83.25, 91.17, 94.62-94.63 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius, Marcus • Antony (Mark) • Antony, Mark • Antony, Mark, as responsible for Ciceros death
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 310; Graver (2007), Stoicism and Emotion, 242; Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 198; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 98, 175, 178, 179; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 310
| sup> 94.62 Alexander was hounded into misfortune and dispatched to unknown countries by a mad desire to lay waste other men's territory. Do you believe that the man was in his senses who could begin by devastating Greece, the land where he received his education? One who snatched away the dearest guerdon of each nation, bidding Spartans be slaves, and Athenians hold their tongues? Not content with the ruin of all the states which Philip had either conquered or bribed into bondage,31 he overthrew various commonwealths in various places and carried his weapons all over the world; his cruelty was tired, but it never ceased – like a wild beast that tears to pieces more than its hunger demands. " 94.62 That which leads to a general agreement, and likewise to a perfect one,27 is an assured belief in certain facts; but if, lacking this assurance, all things are adrift in our minds, then doctrines are indispensable; for they give to our minds the means of unswerving decision. 94.63 Already he has joined many kingdoms into one kingdom; already Greeks and Persians fear the same lord; already nations Darius had left free submit to the yoke:32 yet he passes beyond the Ocean and the Sun, deeming it shame that he should shift his course of victory from the paths which Hercules and Bacchus had trod;33 he threatens violence to Nature herself. He does not wish to go; but he cannot stay; he is like a weight that falls headlong, its course ending only when it lies motionless. 94.63 Furthermore, when we advise a man to regard his friends as highly as himself, to reflect that an enemy may become a friend,28 to stimulate love in the friend, and to check hatred in the enemy, we add: "This is just and honourable." Now the just and honourable element in our doctrines is embraced by reason; hence reason is necessary; for without it the doctrines cannot exist, either. ' " None |
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36. Suetonius, Caligula, 23.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonia, daughter of Mark Antony • Antony, Marc • Mark Antony
Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 334; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 266
| sup> 23.2 He often called his great-grandmother Livia Augusta "a\xa0Ulysses in petticoats," and he had the audacity to accuse her of low birth in a letter to the senate, alleging that her maternal grandfather had been nothing but a decurion of Fundi; whereas it is proved by public records that Aufidius Lurco held high offices at Rome. When his grandmother Antonia asked for a private interview, he refused it except in the presence of the praefect Macro, and by such indignities and annoyances he caused her death; although some think that he also gave her poison. After she was dead, he paid her no honour, but viewed her burning pyre from his dining-room.'' None |
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37. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 16.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius, M. • Antonius, Marcus
Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 195; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 206
| sup> 16.1 \xa0The only thing for which he can fairly be censured was his love of money. For not content with reviving the imposts which had been repealed under Galba, he added new and heavy burdens, increasing the amount of tribute paid by the provinces, in some cases actually doubling it, and quite openly carrying on traffic which would be shameful even for a man in private life; for he would buy up certain commodities merely in order to distribute them at a profit.'' None |
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38. Tacitus, Annals, 3.18, 3.18.1, 3.60-3.63 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antoninus Pius, M. Antony • Antony • Antony, Mark • Marc Antony • Mark Antony • Mark Antony, Marcus Antonius
Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 313; Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 199; Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 260; Rohland (2022), Carpe Diem: The Poetics of Presence in Greek and Latin Literature, 98; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 99; Weissenrieder (2016), Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances 398
sup> 3.18 Multa ex ea sententia mitigata sunt a principe: ne nomen Pisonis fastis eximeretur, quando M. Antonii qui bellum patriae fecisset, Iulli Antonii qui domum Augusti violasset, manerent. et M. Pisonem ignominiae exemit concessitque ei paterna bona, satis firmus, ut saepe memoravi, adversum pecuniam et tum pudore absolutae Plancinae placabilior. atque idem, cum Valerius Messalinus signum aureum in aede Martis Vltoris, Caecina Severus aram ultioni statuendam censuissent, prohibuit, ob externas ea victorias sacrari dictitans, domestica mala tristitia operienda. addiderat Messalinus Tiberio et Augustae et Antoniae et Agrippinae Drusoque ob vindictam Germanici gratis agendas omiseratque Claudii mentionem. et Messalinum quidem L. Asprenas senatu coram percontatus est an prudens praeterisset; ac tum demum nomen Claudii adscriptum est. mihi quanto plura recentium seu veterum revolvo tanto magis ludibria rerum mortalium cunctis in negotiis obversantur. quippe fama spe veneratione potius omnes destinabantur imperio quam quem futurum principem fortuna in occulto tenebat.' '3.61 Primi omnium Ephesii adiere, memorantes non, ut vulgus crederet, Dianam atque Apollinem Delo genitos: esse apud se Cenchreum amnem, lucum Ortygiam, ubi Latonam partu gravidam et oleae, quae tum etiam maneat, adnisam edidisse ea numina, deorumque monitu sacratum nemus, atque ipsum illic Apollinem post interfectos Cyclopas Iovis iram vitavisse. mox Liberum patrem, bello victorem, supplicibus Amazonum quae aram insiderant ignovisse. auctam hinc concessu Herculis, cum Lydia poteretur, caerimoniam templo neque Persarum dicione deminutum ius; post Macedonas, dein nos servavisse. 3.62 Proximi hos Magnetes L. Scipionis et L. Sullae constitutis nitebantur, quorum ille Antiocho, hic Mithridate pulsis fidem atque virtutem Magnetum decoravere, uti Dianae Leucophrynae perfugium inviolabile foret. Aphrodisienses posthac et Stratonicenses dictatoris Caesaris ob vetusta in partis merita et recens divi Augusti decretum adtulere, laudati quod Parthorum inruptionem nihil mutata in populum Romanum constantia pertulissent. sed Aphrodisiensium civitas Veneris, Stratonicensium Iovis et Triviae religionem tuebantur. altius Hierocaesarienses exposuere, Persicam apud se Dianam, delubrum rege Cyro dicatum; et memorabantur Perpennae, Isaurici multaque alia imperatorum nomina qui non modo templo sed duobus milibus passuum eandem sanctitatem tribuerant. exim Cy- prii tribus de delubris, quorum vetustissimum Paphiae Veneri auctor Ae+rias, post filius eius Amathus Veneri Amathusiae et Iovi Salaminio Teucer, Telamonis patris ira profugus, posuissent. 3.63 Auditae aliarum quoque civitatium legationes. quorum copia fessi patres, et quia studiis certabatur, consulibus permisere ut perspecto iure, et si qua iniquitas involveretur, rem integram rursum ad senatum referrent. consules super eas civitates quas memoravi apud Pergamum Aesculapii compertum asylum rettulerunt: ceteros obscuris ob vetustatem initiis niti. nam Zmyrnaeos oraculum Apollinis, cuius imperio Stratonicidi Veneri templum dicaverint, Tenios eiusdem carmen referre, quo sacrare Neptuni effigiem aedemque iussi sint. propiora Sardianos: Alexandri victoris id donum. neque minus Milesios Dareo rege niti; set cultus numinum utrisque Dianam aut Apollinem venerandi. petere et Cretenses simulacro divi Augusti. factaque senatus consulta quis multo cum honore modus tamen praescribebatur, iussique ipsis in templis figere aera sacrandam ad memoriam, neu specie religionis in ambitionem delaberentur.'' None | sup>
3.18.1 \xa0Much in these suggestions was mitigated by the emperor. He would not have Piso's name cancelled from the records, when the names of Mark Antony, who had levied war on his fatherland, and of Iullus Antonius, who had dishonoured the hearth of Augustus, still remained. He exempted Marcus Piso from official degradation, and granted him his patrimony: for, as I\xa0have often said, he was firm enough against pecuniary temptations, and in the present case his shame at the acquittal of Plancina made him exceptionally lenient. So, again, when Valerius Messalinus proposed to erect a golden statue in the temple of Mars the Avenger, and Caecina Severus an altar of Vengeance, he vetoed the scheme, remarking that these memorials were consecrated after victories abroad; domestic calamities called for sorrow and concealment. Messalinus had added that Tiberius, Augusta, Antonia, Agrippina, and Drusus ought to be officially thanked for their services in avenging Germanicus: Claudius he had neglected to mention. Indeed, it was only when Lucius Asprenas demanded point-blank in the senate if the omission was deliberate that the name was appended. For myself, the more I\xa0reflect on events recent or remote, the more am\xa0I haunted by the sense of a mockery in human affairs. For by repute, by expectancy, and by veneration, all men were sooner marked out for sovereignty than that future emperor whom destiny was holding in the background." 3.18 \xa0Much in these suggestions was mitigated by the emperor. He would not have Piso's name cancelled from the records, when the names of Mark Antony, who had levied war on his fatherland, and of Iullus Antonius, who had dishonoured the hearth of Augustus, still remained. He exempted Marcus Piso from official degradation, and granted him his patrimony: for, as I\xa0have often said, he was firm enough against pecuniary temptations, and in the present case his shame at the acquittal of Plancina made him exceptionally lenient. So, again, when Valerius Messalinus proposed to erect a golden statue in the temple of Mars the Avenger, and Caecina Severus an altar of Vengeance, he vetoed the scheme, remarking that these memorials were consecrated after victories abroad; domestic calamities called for sorrow and concealment. Messalinus had added that Tiberius, Augusta, Antonia, Agrippina, and Drusus ought to be officially thanked for their services in avenging Germanicus: Claudius he had neglected to mention. Indeed, it was only when Lucius Asprenas demanded point-blank in the senate if the omission was deliberate that the name was appended. For myself, the more I\xa0reflect on events recent or remote, the more am\xa0I haunted by the sense of a mockery in human affairs. For by repute, by expectancy, and by veneration, all men were sooner marked out for sovereignty than that future emperor whom destiny was holding in the background. <" " 3.60 \xa0Tiberius, however, while tightening his grasp on the solid power of the principate, vouchsafed to the senate a shadow of the past by submitting the claims of the provinces to the discussion of its members. For throughout the Greek cities there was a growing laxity, and impunity, in the creation of rights of asylum. The temples were filled with the dregs of the slave population; the same shelter was extended to the debtor against his creditor and to the man suspected of a capital offence; nor was any authority powerful enough to quell the factions of a race which protected human felony equally with divine worship. It was resolved, therefore, that the communities in question should send their charters and deputies to Rome. A\xa0few abandoned without a struggle the claims they had asserted without a title: many relied on hoary superstitions or on their services to the Roman nation. It was an impressive spectacle which that day afforded, when the senate scrutinized the benefactions of its predecessors, the constitutions of the provinces, even the decrees of kings whose power antedated the arms of Rome, and the rites of the deities themselves, with full liberty as of old to confirm or change. < 3.61 \xa0The Ephesians were the first to appear. "Apollo and Diana," they stated, "were not, as commonly supposed, born at Delos. In Ephesus there was a river Cenchrius, with a grove Ortygia; where Latona, heavy-wombed and supporting herself by an olive-tree which remained to that day, gave birth to the heavenly twins. The grove had been hallowed by divine injunction; and there Apollo himself, after slaying the Cyclopes, had evaded the anger of Jove. Afterwards Father Liber, victor in the war, had pardoned the suppliant Amazons who had seated themselves at the altar. Then the sanctity of the temple had been enhanced, with the permission of Hercules, while he held the crown of Lydia; its privileges had not been diminished under the Persian empire; later, they had been preserved by the Macedonians â\x80\x94 last by ourselves." < 3.62 \xa0The Magnesians, who followed, rested their case on the rulings of Lucius Scipio and Lucius Sulla, who, after their defeats of Antiochus and Mithridates respectively, had honoured the loyalty and courage of Magnesia by making the shrine of Leucophryne Diana an inviolable refuge. Next, Aphrodisias and Stratonicea adduced a decree of the dictator Julius in return for their early services to his cause, together with a modern rescript of the deified Augustus, who praised the unchanging fidelity to the Roman nation with which they had sustained the Parthian inroad. Aphrodisias, however, was championing the cult of Venus; Stratonicea, that of Jove and Diana of the Crossways. The statement of Hierocaesarea went deeper into the past: the community owned a Persian Diana with a temple dedicated in the reign of Cyrus; and there were references to Perpenna, Isauricus, and many other commanders who had allowed the same sanctity not only to the temple but to the neighbourhood for two miles round. The Cypriotes followed with an appeal for three shrines â\x80\x94 the oldest erected by their founder Aërias to the Paphian Venus; the second by his son Amathus to the Amathusian Venus; and a\xa0third by Teucer, exiled by the anger of his father Telamon, to Jove of Salamis. < 3.63 \xa0Deputations from other states were heard as well; till the Fathers, weary of the details, and disliking the acrimony of the discussion, empowered the consuls to investigate the titles, in search of any latent flaw, and to refer the entire question back to the senate. Their report was that â\x80\x94 apart from the communities I\xa0have already named â\x80\x94 they were satisfied there was a genuine sanctuary of Aesculapius at Pergamum; other claimants relied on pedigrees too ancient to be clear. "For Smyrna cited an oracle of Apollo, at whose command the town had dedicated a temple to Venus Stratonicis; Tenos, a prophecy from the same source, ordering the consecration of a statue and shrine to Neptune. Sardis touched more familiar ground with a grant from the victorious Alexander; Miletus had equal confidence in King Darius. With these two, however, the divine object of adoration was Diana in the one case, Apollo in the other. The Cretans, again, were claiming for an effigy of the deified Augustus." The senate, accordingly, passed a\xa0number of resolutions, scrupulously complimentary, but still imposing a limit; and the applicants were ordered to fix the brass records actually inside the temples, both as a solemn memorial and as a warning not to lapse into secular intrigue under the cloak of religion. <'" None |
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39. Tacitus, Histories, 2.3.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius Diogenes Incredible Things beyond Thule • Antony, Mark • Greek novels, priests in in Charitons Callirhoe, in Antonius Diogenes Incredible Things beyond Thule
Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013), Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians, 138; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 154
| sup> 2.3.1 \xa0The founder of the temple, according to ancient tradition, was King Aerias. Some, however, say that this was the name of the goddess herself. A\xa0more recent tradition reports that the temple was consecrated by Cinyras, and that the goddess herself after she sprang from the sea, was wafted hither; but that the science and method of divination were imported from abroad by the Cilician Tamiras, and so it was agreed that the descendants of both Tamiras and Cinyras should preside over the sacred rites. It is also said that in a later time the foreigners gave up the craft that they had introduced, that the royal family might have some prerogative over foreign stock. Only a descendant of Cinyras is now consulted as priest. Such victims are accepted as the individual vows, but male ones are preferred. The greatest confidence is put in the entrails of kids. Blood may not be shed upon the altar, but offering is made only with prayers and pure fire. The altar is never wet by any rain, although it is in the open air. The representation of the goddess is not in human form, but it is a circular mass that is broader at the base and rises like a turning-post to a small circumference at the top. The reason for this is obscure.'' None |
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40. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antony (Mark)
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 310; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 310
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41. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antony (Mark)
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 261; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 261
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42. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antony, Marc • Antony, Marc, proscribes Verres • Antony, Mark, and the East • Mark Antony
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 189; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 98; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 245; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 70, 144
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43. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antony, Marc, and Cleopatra • M. Antonius
Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 232; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 123
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44. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius, M (Marc Antony) • Antonius, M. • Antony (Mark Antony), and Herods appointment as king • Antony (Mark Antony), and Jewish state • Antony (Mark Antony), reconfirmation of tax concessions by • Antony, Mark (triumvir), role in proscriptions • Antony, Mark, as responsible for Ciceros death • Antony, Mark, as sated, • Appian, on Antony in Syria • Archelaus I of Cappadocia, appointed in 36 B.C.E. by Antony • Herod the Great, as king, Antonys role in • Jewish state, and Antony • M. Antonius • M. Antonius, • Phasael (brother of Herod), appointed tetrarch by Antony
Found in books: Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 123; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 64; Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 40; Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 144; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 2; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 115; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 111, 112, 138, 149
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45. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antony (Marcus Antonius) • Antony (Mark) • Antony, Mark
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 261; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 31; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 126; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 261
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46. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antony • Spawforth, Antony
Found in books: Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 61; Pevarello (2013), The Sentences of Sextus and the Origins of Christian Ascetiscism. 209
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47. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius Diogenes, and Petronius • Antonius Diogenes, chronology • Antonius, M (Marc Antony) • Antony, Mark, when in Rome • Giton, Marc Antony, and • Petronius, and Antonius Diogenes
Found in books: Bowie (2023), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels. 644; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 63; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 201; Pinheiro et al. (2012a), Narrating Desire: Eros, Sex, and Gender in the Ancient Novel, 228
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48. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius, Marcus • Antony, Marc • Antony, Marc, plunders Greek shrines • Antony, Marc, proscribes Verres • Augustus, and Marc Antony
Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 77, 78; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 55, 70, 134
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49. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius, M. • Antonius, M., augur • augur, Mark Antony as an
Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 196; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 276
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50. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antoninus Pius, M. Antony • Polemo, M. Antonius of Laodicea
Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 634; Bowie (2023), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels. 663
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51. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 38.18-38.29, 42.18.2, 44.4.4, 47.7-47.8, 49.32.3-49.32.5, 49.38.1, 49.43.8, 51.16, 51.19.2-51.19.3, 53.2.4, 53.26.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Alexandros, son of Mark Antony and Cleopatra • Antonius, L. (brother of Mark Antony) • Antonius, M (Marc Antony) • Antonius, M. (Mark Antony) • Antonius, M., magister equitum and Caesar’s deputy • Antonius, Marcus • Antony • Antony (Marc Antony) • Antony (Marcus Antonius) • Antony (Mark Antony), and Herods appointment as king • Antony (Mark Antony), grants by, of part of Herods realm to Cleopatra • Antony (Mark Antony), taxation under • Antony, Marc • Antony, Mark • Antony, Mark (triumvir), role in proscriptions • Antony, Mark, and the East • Antony, Mark, as responsible for Ciceros death • Archelaus I of Cappadocia, appointed in 36 B.C.E. by Antony • Augustus, and Marc Antony • Cilicia/Cilicians, under Caesar’s murderers and Mark Antony • Cleopatra, part of Herods realm granted to, by Antony • Galatia/Galatians/Celts, Mark Antony’s arrangements • Herakleia Pontike, Mark Antony • Herod the Great, as king, Antonys role in • Iullus Antonius, Janus, the doors of the Temple of • M. Antonius • Mark Antony • Mark Antony, triumvir • Paphlagonia/Paphlagonians, in Mark Antony’s organization • Ptolemy Philadelphus (son of Cleopatra VII and Mark Antony) • Rome/Romans, Mark Antony’s vasslages • Tullius Cicero, M., and Antonius • chronology, of Antonius’ appointment as magister equitum • copper mines of, given to Herod, given to Cleopatra by Antony
Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 259; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 98; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 34; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 182; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 175; Gianvittorio-Ungar and Schlapbach (2021), Choreonarratives: Dancing Stories in Greek and Roman Antiquity and Beyond, 188, 189; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 245; Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 117, 145, 176; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 132; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 30, 31; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 307; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 2; Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 42; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 205; Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 334; Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 218, 219; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 235, 292; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 123, 151; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 218; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 99; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 138, 142, 145, 146; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 114, 115
| sup> 38.18 1. \xa0He accordingly went over to Macedonia and spent his time there in lamentations. But there met him a man named Philiscus, who had made his acquaintance in Athens and now by chance fell in with him again. "Are you not ashamed, Cicero," he said, "to be weeping and behaving like a woman? Really, I\xa0should never have expected that you, who have enjoyed such an excellent and varied education, and who have acted as advocate to many, would grow so faint-hearted.",2. "But," replied the other, "it is not at all the same thing, Philiscus, to speak for others as to advise one\'s self. The words spoken in others\' behalf, proceeding from a mind that is firm and unshaken, are most opportune; but when some affliction overwhelms the spirit, it becomes turbid and darkened and cannot reason out anything that is opportune. For this reason, I\xa0suppose, it has been very well said that it is easier to counsel others than to be strong oneself under suffering.",3. "That is but human nature," rejoined Philiscus. "I\xa0did not think, however, that you, who are gifted with so much sound sense and have practised so much wisdom, had failed to prepare yourself for all human possibilities, so that even if some unexpected accident should befall you, it would not find you unfortified at any point.,4. \xa0But since, now, you are in this plight,\xa0.\xa0.\xa0. for I\xa0might be of some little assistance to you by rehearsing a\xa0few appropriate arguments. And thus, just as men who put a hand to others\'burdens relieve them, so I\xa0might lighten this misfortune of yours, and the more easily than they, inasmuch as I\xa0shall not take upon myself even the smallest part of it.,5. \xa0Surely you will not deem it unbecoming, I\xa0trust, to receive some encouragement from another, since if you were sufficient for yourself, we should have no need of these words. As it is, you are in a like case to Hippocrates or Democedes or any of the other great physicians, if one of them had fallen ill of a disease hard to cure and had need of another\'s aid to bring about his own recovery." 38.19 1. \xa0"Indeed," said Cicero, "if you have any arguments that will dispel this mist from my soul and restore me to the light of old, I\xa0am most ready to listen. For words, as drugs, are of many varieties, and divers potencies, so that it will not be surprising if you should be able to steep in some mixture of philosophy even me, for all my brilliant feats in the senate, the assemblies, and the law-courts.",2. "Come then," continued Philiscus, "since you are ready to listen, let us consider first whether these conditions that surround you are actually bad, and next in what way we may cure them. First of all, now, I\xa0see you are in excellent physical health and strength, which is surely man\'s chief natural blessing; and, next, that you have the necessities of life in sufficiency,3. \xa0so as not to hunger or thirst or suffer cold or endure any other hardship through lack of means â\x80\x94 which may appropriately be set down as the second natural blessing for man. For when one\'s physical condition is good and one can live without anxiety, all the factors essential to happiness are enjoyed." 38.20 1. \xa0To this Cicero replied: "But not one of these things is of use when some grief is preying upon one\'s mind; for mental cares cause one far more distress than bodily comforts cause pleasure. Even so, I\xa0also at present set no value on my physical health, because I\xa0am suffering in mind, nor yet on the abundance of necessaries; for my loss is great indeed.",2. "And does this grieve you?" replied the other. "Now if you were going to be in want of things needful, there would be some reason for your being annoyed at your loss. But since you have all necessaries in full measure, why do you distress yourself because you do not possess more? For all that one has beyond one\'s needs is superfluous, and amounts to the same thing whether present or absent; since surely you did not make use formerly of what was not necessary.,3. \xa0Consider, therefore, either that then what you did not need you did not have, or else that you now have what you do not need. Most of these things, indeed, were not yours by inheritance, that you should be particularly exercised about them, but were acquired by your own tongue and by your own words â\x80\x94 the very things which caused you to lose them.,4. \xa0You should not, therefore, be vexed if things have been lost in the same manner in which they were won. Ship-masters, for example, do not take it greatly to heart when they suffer great losses; for they understand, I\xa0suspect, how to take the sensible view of it, namely, that the sea which gives them wealth takes it away again. 38.21 1. \xa0"So much for the present point; for I\xa0think it should be enough for a man\'s happiness to have a sufficiency and to lack nothing that the body requires, and I\xa0hold that everything in excess involves anxiety, trouble, and jealousy.,2. \xa0As for your saying, now, that there is no enjoyment of physical blessings unless those of the spirit are also present, that is indeed true, since it is impossible, if the spirit is in a poor state, that the body should fail to share in its ailment; nevertheless, I\xa0think it much easier for one to look after his mental health than his physical.,3. \xa0For the body, being of flesh, contains in itself many dangers and requires much assistance from the divine power; whereas the spirit, of a nature more divine, can easily be trained and prompted. Let us see here also, then, what spiritual blessing has abandoned you and what evil had come upon you that we may not shake off. 38.22 1. \xa0"First, then, I\xa0see that you are a man of the greatest sagacity. The proof is that you so often persuaded both the senate and the people in cases where you gave them advice, and so often helped private citizens in cases where you acted as their advocate. And secondly, I\xa0see that you are a most just man.,2. \xa0Certainly you have always been found contending for your country and for your friends against those who plotted their ruin. Indeed, this very misfortune which you have now suffered has befallen you for no other reason than that you continued to say and do everything in behalf of the laws and of the constitution.,3. \xa0Again, that you have attained the highest degree of self-mastery is shown by your very course of life, since it is not possible for a man who is a slave to sensual pleasures to appear constantly in public and to go to and fro in the Forum, making his deeds by day witnesses of those by night.,4. \xa0This being the case, I,\xa0for my part, supposed you were also very brave, enjoying, as you did, such force of intellect and such power of oratory.,5. \xa0But it seems that, startled out of yourself through having failed contrary to your hopes and deserts, you have fallen a little short of true courage. But you will regain this immediately, and as you are thus equipped as I\xa0have pointed out, with a good physical endowment as well as mental, I\xa0cannot see what it is that is distressing you." 38.23 1. \xa0At the end of this speech of his Cicero replied: "There seems to you, then, to be no great evil in disfranchisement and exile and in not living at home or being with your friends, but, instead, living in a foreign land, and wandering about with the name of exile, causing laughter to your enemies and disgrace to your friends?",2. "Not in the least, so far as I\xa0can see," declared Philiscus. "There are two elements of which we are constituted, soul and body, and definite blessings and evils are given to each of the two by Nature herself. Now if there should be any defect in these two, it would properly be considered injurious and disgraceful; but if all should be right with them, it would be useful instead.,3. \xa0This is your condition at the present moment. Those things which you mentioned, banishment and disfranchisement, and anything else of the sort, are disgraceful and evil only by convention and a certain popular opinion, and work no injury on either body or soul. What body could you cite that has fallen ill or perished and what spirit that has grow more unjust or even more ignorant through disfranchisement or exile or anything of that sort? I\xa0see none.,4. \xa0And the reason is that no one of these things is by nature evil, just as neither citizenship nor residence in one\'s country is itself excellent, but whatever opinion each one of us holds about them, such they seem to be.,5. \xa0For instance, men do not universally apply the penalty of disfranchisement to the same acts, but certain deeds which are reprehensible in some places are praised in others, and various actions honoured by one people are punished by another. Indeed, some do not so much as know the name, nor the thing which it implies.,6. \xa0And naturally enough; for whatever does not touch that which belong to man\'s nature is thought to have no bearing upon him. Precisely in the same way, therefore, as it would be most ridiculous, surely, if some judgment or decree were to be rendered that So-andâ\x80\x91so is sick or So-andâ\x80\x91so is base, so does the case stand regarding disfranchisement. 38.24 1. \xa0"The same thing I\xa0find to be true in regard to exile. It is a sojourn abroad involving disfranchisement; so that if disfranchisement in and of itself contains no evil, surely no evil can be attached to exile either.,2. \xa0In fact, many live abroad anyway for very long periods, some unwillingly, but others willingly; and some even spend their whole life travelling about, just as if they were expelled from every place in turn; and yet they do not regard themselves as being injured in doing so.,3. \xa0Nor does it make any difference whether a man does it voluntarily or not; the man who trains his body unwillingly is no less strong than he who does it willingly, and one who goes on a voyage unwillingly obtains no less benefit than another. And as regards this unwillingness itself, I\xa0do not see how it can exist with a man of sense.,4. \xa0Accordingly, if the difference between being well and badly off is that we do some things readily and voluntarily, while we perform others unwillingly and grudgingly, the trouble can easily be remedied. For it we willingly endure all necessary things and allow none of them to conquer us, all those matters in which one might assume unwillingness have been done away with at a single stroke.,5. \xa0There is, indeed, an old saying and a very good one, to the effect that we ought not to demand that whatever we wish should come to pass, but to wish for whatever does come to pass as the result of any necessity. For we neither have free choice in our manner of life nor are we our own masters;,6. \xa0but according as it may suit chance, and according to the character of the fortune granted each one of us for the fulfillment of what is ordained, we must also shape our life. 38.25 1. \xa0"Such is the nature of the case whether we like it or not. If, now, it is not disfranchisement in itself or exile in itself that troubles you, but the fact that you have not only done your country no injury but have actually benefited her greatly, and yet you have been disenfranchised and expelled, look at it in this way â\x80\x94 that, when once it was destined for you to have such an experience, it has surely been the noblest and the best fortune that could befall you to be despitefully used without having committed any wrong.,2. \xa0For you advised and carried out all that was proper for the citizens, not as an individual but as consul, not meddling officiously in a private capacity but obeying the decrees of the senate, which were not passed as party measures but for the best ends.,3. \xa0This and that person, on the contrary, out of their superior power and insolence devised everything against you; hence they ought to have trouble and sorrow for their injustice, but for you it is noble as well as necessary to bear bravely what Heaven has determined.,4. \xa0Surely you would not prefer to have joined with Catiline and conspired with Lentulus, to have given your country the exact opposite of useful counsel, to have performed none of the duties laid upon you by her, and thus remain at home as the reward of wickedness, instead of saving your country and being exiled.,5. \xa0Accordingly, if you care at all about your reputation, it is far preferable, I\xa0am sure, for you to have been driven out, after doing no wrong, than to have remained at home by performing some base act; for, apart from other considerations, the shame attaches to those who have unjustly cast a man forth, rather than to the man who has been wantonly expelled. 38.26 1. \xa0"Moreover, the story, as I\xa0heard it, was that you did not depart unwillingly, nor after conviction, but of your own accord; that you hated to live with them, seeing that you could not make them better and would not endure to perish with them, and that you fled, not from your country, but from those who were plotting against her. Consequently it would be they who are dishonoured and banished, having cast out all that is good from their souls,,2. \xa0and it would be you who are honoured and fortunate, as being nobody\'s slave in unseemly fashion but possessing all that is needful, whether you choose to live in Sicily, or in Macedonia, or anywhere else in the world. For surely it is not places that give either success or misfortune of any sort, but each man creates his own country and his own happiness always and everywhere.,3. \xa0This was the feeling of Camillus when he was fain to dwell in Ardea; this was the way Scipio reasoned when he spent his last days in Liternum without grieving. But why mention Aristides or Themistocles, men whom exile rendered more famous, or .\xa0.\xa0. or Solon, who of his own accord left home for ten years?,4. "Therefore, do you likewise cease to consider irksome any such thing as pertains neither to our physical nor to our spiritual nature, and do not vex yourself at what has happened. For to us belongs no choice, as I\xa0told you, of living as we please, but it is absolutely necessary for us to endure what Heaven determines.,5. \xa0If we do this voluntarily, we shall not be grieved; but if involuntarily, we shall not escape at all what is fated, and we shall at the same time acquire the greatest of ills â\x80\x94 the distressing of our hearts to no purpose.,6. \xa0The proof of this is that men who bear good-naturedly the most outrageous fortunes do not regard themselves as being in any very dreadful plight, while those who are disturbed at the lightest disappointments imagine that all human ills are theirs. And people in general, both those who manage favourable conditions badly and those who manage unfavourable conditions well, make their good or ill fortune appear to others to be just what they make it for themselves. 38.27 1. \xa0Bear this in mind, then, and be not cast down by your present state, nor grieve if you learn that the men who exiled you are flourishing. For the successes of men are vain and ephemeral at best, and the higher a man climbs as a result of them, the more easily, like a breath, does he fall, especially in partisan strife.,2. \xa0Borne along in the midst of troubled and unstable conditions they differ little, if at all, from sailors in a storm, but are tossed up and down, now hither, now thither; and if they make the slightest mistake, they are sure to sink.,3. \xa0Not to mention Drusus, or Scipio, or the Gracchi, or certain others, remember how Camillus, the exile, later came off better than Capitolinus, and remember how greatly Aristides afterwards surpassed Themistocles.,4. "Do you also, then, hope, first and foremost, for your restoration; for you have not been expelled on account of wrong-doing, and the very ones who drove you forth will, as I\xa0learn, seek for you, while all will miss you. But even if you continue in your present state, do not distress yourself at all about it. 38.28 1. \xa0For if you will take my advice, you will be quite satisfied to pick out a little estate in some retired spot on the coast and there carry on at the same time farming and some historical writing, like Xenophon and like Thucydides.,2. \xa0This form of learning is most enduring and best adapted to every man and to every state; and exile brings with it a kind of leisure that is more fruitful. If, then, you wish to become really immortal, like those historians, emulate them.,3. \xa0You have the necessary means in sufficiency and you lack no distinction. For if there is any virtue in such honours, you have been consul; nothing more belongs to those who have held office a second, a\xa0third, or a\xa0fourth time, except an array of idle letters which benefit no man, living or dead.,4. \xa0Hence you would not choose to be Corvinus, or Marius, the man seven times consul, rather than Cicero. Nor, again, are you anxious for any position of command, seeing that you withdrew from the one bestowed upon you, because you scorned the gains to be had from it, scorned a brief authority that was object to the scrutiny of all who chose to practise blackmail.,5. \xa0These matters I\xa0have mentioned, not because any one of them is requisite for happiness, but because, since it was necessary, you have occupied yourself sufficiently with public affairs to learn therefrom the difference in lives and to choose the one course and reject the other, to pursue the one and avoid the other. Our life is but short, and you ought not to live all yours for others, but by this time to grant a little to yourself.,6. \xa0Consider how much better quiet is than turmoil, and tranquillity than tumults, freedom than slavery, and safety than dangers, that you may feel a desire to live as I\xa0am urging you to do. In this way you will be happy, and your name shall be great because of it â\x80\x94 and that for evermore, whether you are living or dead. 38.29 1. \xa0"If, however, you are eager for your restoration and aim at a brilliant political career, I\xa0do not wish to say anything unpleasant, but I\xa0fear, as I\xa0cast my eyes over the situation and call to mind your frankness of speech, and behold the power and numbers of your adversaries, that you may meet defeat once more.,2. \xa0If then you should encounter exile, you will have merely to experience a change of heart; but if you should incur some fatal punishment, you will not be able even to repent. And yet is it not a dreadful and disgraceful thing to have one\'s head cut off and set up in the Forum, for any man or woman, it may be, to insult?,3. \xa0Do not hate me as one who prophesies evil to you, but pay heed to me as to one announcing a warning from Heaven. Do not let the fact that you have certain friends among the powerful deceive you. You will get no help against those who hate you from the men who seem to love you, as, indeed, you have learned by experience.,4. \xa0For those who have a passion for power regard everything else as nothing in comparison with obtaining what they desire, and often give up their dearest friends and closest kin in exchange for their bitterest foes." 42.18.2 \xa0But when at last they gave the story credence, they removed the images of Pompey and of Sulla that stood upon the rostra, but did nothing further at the time. Many, indeed, did not wish to do even this, 44.4.4 \xa0In addition to these remarkable privileges they named him father of his country, stamped this title on the coinage, voted to celebrate his birthday by public sacrifice, ordered that he should have a statue in the cities and in all the temples of Rome,' " 49.32.3 \xa0Antony, in addition to making the arrangements mentioned above, assigned principalities, giving Galatia to Amyntas, though he had been only the secretary of Deiotarus, and also adding to his domain Lycaonia with portions of Pamphylia, and bestowing upon Archelaus Cappadocia, after driving out Ariarathes. This Archelaus belonged on his father's side to those Archelauses who had contended against the Romans, but on his mother's side was the son of Glaphyra, an hetaera." '49.32.4 \xa0However, Antony was not so severely criticised by the citizens for these matters, â\x80\x94 I\xa0mean his arrogance in dealing with the property of others; but in the matter of Cleopatra he was greatly censured because he had acknowledged as his own some of her children â\x80\x94 the elder ones being Alexandra and Cleopatra, twins at a birth, and the younger one Ptolemy, called also Philadelphus, â\x80\x94 49.32.5 \xa0and because he had presented them with extensive portions of Arabia, in the districts both of Malchus and of the Ituraeans (for he executed Lysanias, whom he himself had made king over them, on the charge that he had favoured Pacorus), and also extensive portions of Phoenicia and Palestine, parts of Crete, and Cyrene and Cyprus as well. 49.38.1 \xa0After this he left Fufius Geminus there with a small force and himself returned to Rome. The triumph which had been voted to him he deferred, but granted to Octavia and Livia statues, the right of administering their own affairs without a guardian, and the same security and inviolability as the tribunes enjoyed. 49.43.8 \xa0And after the Dalmatians had been utterly subjugated, he erected from the spoils thus gained the porticos and the libraries called the Octavian, after his sister. 51.16 1. \xa0As for the rest who had been connected with Antony\'s cause up to this time, he punished some and pardoned others, either from personal motives or to oblige his friends. And since there were found at the court many children of princes and kings who were being kept there, some as hostages and others out of a spirit of arrogance, he sent some back to their homes, joined others in marriage with one another, and retained still others.,2. \xa0I\xa0shall omit most of these cases and mention only two. of his own accord he restored Iotape to the Median king, who had found an asylum with him after his defeat; but he refused the request of Artaxes that his brothers be sent to him, because this prince had put to death the Romans left behind in Armenia.,3. \xa0This was the disposition he made of such captives; and in the case of the Egyptians and the Alexandrians, he spared them all, so that none perished. The truth was that he did not see fit to inflict any irreparable injury upon a people so numerous, who might prove very useful to the Romans in many ways;,4. \xa0nevertheless, he offered as a pretext for his kindness their god Serapis, their founder Alexander, and, in the third place, their fellow-citizen Areius, of whose learning and companionship he availed himself. The speech in which he proclaimed to them his pardon he delivered in Greek, so that they might understand him.,5. \xa0After this he viewed the body of Alexander and actually touched it, whereupon, it is said, a piece of the nose was broken off. But he declined to view the remains of the Ptolemies, though the Alexandrians were extremely eager to show them, remarking, "I\xa0wished to see a king, not corpses." For this same reason he would not enter the presence of Apis, either, declaring that he was accustomed to worship gods, not cattle. 51.19.2 \xa0Moreover, they decreed that the foundation of the shrine of Julius should be adorned with the beaks of the captured ships and that a festival should be held every four years in honour of Octavius; that there should also be a thanksgiving on his birthday and on the anniversary of the announcement of his victory; also that when he should enter the city the Vestal Virgins and the senate and the people with their wives and children should go out to meet him. 51.19.3 \xa0But it would be quite superfluous to go on and mention the prayers, the images, the privilege of the front seat, and all the other honours of the sort. At the beginning, then, they not only voted him these honours but also either took down or effaced the memorials of Antony, declared the day on which he had been born accursed, and forbade the use of the surname Marcus by any of his kind. 53.2.4 \xa0As for religious matters, he did not allow the Egyptian rites to be celebrated inside the pomerium, but made provision for the temples; those which had been built by private individuals he ordered their sons and descendants, if any survived, to repair, and the rest he restored himself. 53.26.5 \xa0For this and his other exploits of this period a triumph, as well as the title, was voted to Augustus; but as he did not care to celebrate it, a triumphal arch was erected in the Alps in his honour and he was granted the right always to wear both the crown and the triumphal garb on the first day of the year. After these achievements in the wars Augustus closed the precinct of Janus, which had been opened because of these wars.' ' None |
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52. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antony, Mark, when in Rome • Pontus et Bithynia, Pompeian province, obliteration by Mark Antony
Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 124; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 414
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53. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius Diogenes • Antonius Diogenes, The incredible things beyond Thule, dialectics of reading • Antonius Diogenes, The incredible things beyond Thule, gendered reading
Found in books: Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 39; Mheallaigh (2014), Reading Fiction with Lucian: Fakes, Freaks and Hyperreality, 115
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54. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Price, Anthony • Storr, Anthony
Found in books: Graver (2007), Stoicism and Emotion, 235; Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 84
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55. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius Julianus • Julianus, Antonius
Found in books: Howley (2018), The Single Life in the Roman and Later Roman World, 230, 231; Johnson and Parker (2009), ?Ancient Literacies: The Culture of Reading in Greece and Rome, 211
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56. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius Diogenes The Incredible Things beyond Thule • Antonius Diogenes, writer of fiction,
Found in books: Bowersock (1997), Fiction as History: Nero to Julian, 20; Stephens and Winkler (1995), Ancient Greek Novels: The Fragments: Introduction, Text, Translation, and Commentary, 107, 108
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57. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius Diogenes
Found in books: Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 74; Bowie (2023), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels. 488
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58. Origen, On First Principles, 3.2.4 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antony, motivations for human action • First movements, Bad thoughts, Antony
Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 101; Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 347
| sup> 3.2.4 With respect to the thoughts which proceed from our heart, or the recollection of things which we have done, or the contemplation of any things or causes whatever, we find that they sometimes proceed from ourselves, and sometimes are originated by the opposing powers; not seldom also are they suggested by God, or by the holy angels. Now such a statement will perhaps appear incredible, unless it be confirmed by the testimony of holy Scripture. That, then, thoughts arise within ourselves, David testifies in the Psalms, saying, The thought of a man will make confession to You, and the rest of the thought shall observe to You a festival day. That this, however, is also brought about by the opposing powers, is shown by Solomon in the book of Ecclesiastes in the following manner: If the spirit of the ruler rise up against you, leave not your place; for soundness restrains great offenses. The Apostle Paul also will bear testimony to the same point in the words: Casting down imaginations, and every high thing that exalted itself against the knowledge of Christ. That it is an effect due to God, nevertheless, is declared by David, when he says in the Psalms, Blessed is the man whose help is in You, O Lord, Your ascents (are) in his heart. And the apostle says that God put it into the heart of Titus. That certain thoughts are suggested to men's hearts either by good or evil angels, is shown both by the angel that accompanied Tobias, and by the language of the prophet, where he says, And the angel who spoke in me answered. The book of the Shepherd declares the same, saying that each individual is attended by two angels; that whenever good thoughts arise in our hearts, they are suggested by the good angel; but when of a contrary kind, they are the instigation of the evil angel. The same is declared by Barnabas in his Epistle, where he says there are two ways, one of light and one of darkness, over which he asserts that certain angels are placed — the angels of God over the way of light, the angels of Satan over the way of darkness. We are not, however, to imagine that any other result follows from what is suggested to our heart, whether good or bad, save a (mental) commotion only, and an incitement instigating us either to good or evil. For it is quite within our reach, when a maligt power has begun to incite us to evil, to cast away from us the wicked suggestions, and to resist the vile inducements, and to do nothing that is at all deserving of blame. And, on the other hand, it is possible, when a divine power calls us to better things, not to obey the call; our freedom of will being preserved to us in either case. We said, indeed, in the foregoing pages, that certain recollections of good or evil actions were suggested to us either by the act of divine providence or by the opposing powers, as is shown in the book of Esther, when Artaxerxes had not remembered the services of that just man Mordecai, but, when wearied out with his nightly vigils, had it put into his mind by God to require that the annals of his great deeds should be read to him; whereon, being reminded of the benefits received from Mordecai, he ordered his enemy Haman to be hanged, but splendid honours to be conferred on him, and impunity from the threatened danger to be granted to the whole of the holy nation. On the other hand, however, we must suppose that it was through the hostile influence of the devil that the suggestion was introduced into the minds of the high priests and the scribes which they made to Pilate, when they came and said, Sir, we remember that that deceiver said, while he was yet alive, After three days I will rise again. The design of Judas, also, respecting the betrayal of our Lord and Saviour, did not originate in the wickedness of his mind alone. For Scripture testifies that the devil had already put it into his heart to betray Him. And therefore Solomon rightly commanded, saying, Keep your heart with all diligence. And the Apostle Paul warns us: Therefore we ought to give the more earnest heed to the things which we have heard, lest perhaps we should let them slip. And when he says, Neither give place to the devil, he shows by that injunction that it is through certain acts, or a kind of mental slothfulness, that room is made for the devil, so that, if he once enter our heart, he will either gain possession of us, or at least will pollute the soul, if he has not obtained the entire mastery over it, by casting on us his fiery darts; and by these we are sometimes deeply wounded, and sometimes only set on fire. Seldom indeed, and only in a few instances, are these fiery darts quenched, so as not to find a place where they may wound, i.e., when one is covered by the strong and mighty shield of faith. The declaration, indeed, in the Epistle to the Ephesians, We wrestle not against flesh and blood, but against principalities, against powers, against the rulers of the darkness of this world, against spiritual wickedness in high places, must be so understood as if we meant, I Paul, and you Ephesians, and all who have not to wrestle against flesh and blood: for such have to struggle against principalities and powers, against the rulers of the darkness of this world, not like the Corinthians, whose struggle was as yet against flesh and blood, and who had been overtaken by no temptation but such as is common to man."" None |
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59. Porphyry, Life of Pythagoras, 16-17, 32-34 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius Diogenes • Antonius Diogenes The Incredible Things beyond Thule • Antonius Diogenes, and Petronius • Antonius Diogenes, chronology • Petronius, and Antonius Diogenes
Found in books: Bowie (2023), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels. 650; Huffman (2019), A History of Pythagoreanism, 544, 571; Stephens and Winkler (1995), Ancient Greek Novels: The Fragments: Introduction, Text, Translation, and Commentary, 112, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146
| sup>17 Going to Crete, Pythagoras besought initiation from the priests of Morgos, one of the Idaean Dactyli, by whom he was purified with the meteoritic thunder-stone. In the morning he lay stretched upon his face by the seaside; at night, he lay beside a river, crowned with a black lamb\'s woolen wreath. Descending into the Idaean cave, wrapped in black wool, he stayed there twenty-seven days, according to custom; he sacrificed to Zeus, and saw the throne which there is yearly made for him. On Zeus\'s tomb, Pythagoras inscribed an epigram, "Pythagoras to Zeus," which begins: "Zeus deceased here lies, whom men call Jove." 32 Diogenes, setting forth his daily routine of living, relates that he advised all men to avoid ambition and vain-glory, which chiefly excite envy, and to shun the presences of crowds. He himself held morning conferences at his residence, composing his soul with the music of the lute, and singing certain old paeans of Thales. He also sang verses of Homer and Hesiod, which seemed to soothe the mind. He danced certain dances which he conceived conferred on the body agility and health. Walks he took not promiscuously, but only in company of one or two companions, in temples or sacred groves, selecting the quietest and pleasantest places. 33 His friends he loved exceedingly, being the first to declare that the goods of friends are common, and that a friend was another self. While they were in good health he always conversed with them; if they were sick, he nursed them; if they were afflicted in mind, he solaced them, some by incantations and magic charms, others by music. He had prepared songs for the diseases of the body, by the singing of which he cured the sick. He had also some that caused oblivion of sorrow, mitigation of anger and destruction of lust. 34 As to food, his breakfast was chiefly of honey; at dinner he used bread made of millet, barley or herbs, raw and boiled. Only rarely did he eat the flesh of victims; nor did he take this from every part of the anatomy. When he intended to sojourn in the sanctuaries of the divinities, he would eat no more than was necessary to still hunger and thirst. To quiet hunger, he made a mixture of poppy seed and sesame, the skin of a sea-onion, well washed, till entirely drained of the outward juice; of the flower of the daffodil, and the leaves of mallows, of paste of barley and pea; taking an equal weight of which, and chopping it small, with Hymettian honey he made it into mass. Against thirst he took the seed of cucumbers, and the best dried raisins, extracting the seeds, and the flower of coriander, and the seeds of mallows, purselain, scraped cheese, meal and cream; these he made up with wild honey. |
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60. None, None, nan (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), Inner and Outer Mountains • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), anachoresis/withdrawal • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), asceticism • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), demons • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), generally • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), his life • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), legacy • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), monk and minister • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), pneumatology • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), sacred geography • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), thoughts • Anthony the Great • Anthony, Christian Monk • Antony • Antony of the desert • Antony, • Antony, St, hermit, Demons stir upemotions • Antony, St, hermit, Exercises • Antony, St, hermit, Writing down bad soul movements will cure by shaming • Athanasius of Alexandria, Life of Anthony • Athanasius, Life of Antony • First movements, Bad thoughts, Antony • Life of Antony • asceticism, Anthony of the Desert
Found in books: Amsler (2023), Knowledge Construction in Late Antiquity, 224; Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 340, 439; Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 80, 84, 186, 243, 261; Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 1092, 1093, 1095, 1096, 1097, 1098, 1099, 1100, 1110, 1114, 1122, 1123; Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 288; König (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 331; Masterson (2016), Man to Man: Desire, Homosociality, and Authority in Late-Roman Manhood. 153; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 135; Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 279; Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 220, 348, 361; Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 51; Xenophontos and Marmodoro (2021), The Reception of Greek Ethics in Late Antiquity and Byzantium, 110, 112, 114, 116
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61. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Antonius Diogenes • Antonius Diogenes The Incredible Things beyond Thule
Found in books: Bowie (2023), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels. 437, 487, 490; Stephens and Winkler (1995), Ancient Greek Novels: The Fragments: Introduction, Text, Translation, and Commentary, 120
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62. Strabo, Geography, 5.1.11, 13.1.54, 14.1.23, 17.1.8, 17.1.10 Tagged with subjects: • Antonius • Antonius Julius • Antonius, M.,Brattello, Passo del • Antonius, M.,Cerreto, Passo del • Antonius, M.,Cisa, Passo della • Antonius, M.,Collina, Passo della • Antonius, M.,Futa, Passo della • Antonius, M.,Radici, Passo delle • Antony • Antony (Marcus Antonius) • Antony, Marc • Antony, Mark (triumvir), aborted extension of citizenship to Sicily • Marc Antony • Mark Antony • Mark Antony, triumvir • Ptolemy Philadelphus (son of Cleopatra VII and Mark Antony) • Roman emperors, Mark Anthony
Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 110; Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 197, 199; Dignas (2002), Economy of the Sacred in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor, 177; Immendörfer (2017), Ephesians and Artemis : The Cult of the Great Goddess of Ephesus As the Epistle's Context 140; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 218; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 31, 209; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 243; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 74; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 218; Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 17, 19
| sup> 5.1.11 Both in Cispadana and around the Po there are some fine cities. Placentia and Cremona, situated about the middle of the country, are close to each other. Between these and Ariminum, are Parma, Mutina, and Bononia, which is near to Ravenna; amongst these are smaller cities on the route to Rome, as Acara, Regium Lepidum, Campi Macri, where a public festival is held every year, Claterna, Forum Cornelium; while Faventia and Caesena, situated near to the river Savio and the Rubicon, are adjacent to Ariminum. Ariminum, like Ravenna, is an ancient colony of the Ombri. but both of them have received also Roman colonies. Ariminum has a port and a river of the same name as itself. From Placentia to Ariminum there are 1300 stadia. About 36 miles above Placentia, towards the boundaries of the kingdom of Cottius, is the city of Ticinum, by which flows a river bearing the same name, which falls into the Po, while a little out of the route are Clastidium, Derthon, and Aquae Statiellae. But the direct route to Ocelum, along the Po and the Doria river is full of precipices, intersected by numerous other rivers, one of which is the Druentia, and is about 160 miles long. Here commence the Alpine mountains and Keltica. Near to the mountains above Luna is the city of Lucca. Some of the people of this part of Italy dwell in villages, nevertheless it is well populated, and furnishes the greater part of the military force, and of equites, of whom the senate is partly composed. Derthon is a considerable city, situated about half way on the road from Genoa to Placentia, which are distant 400 stadia from each other. Aquae Statiellae is on the same route. That from Placentia to Ariminum we have already described, but the sail to Ravenna down the Po requires two days and nights. A great part of Cispadana likewise was covered by marshes, through which Hannibal passed with difficulty on his march into Tyrrhenia. But Scaurus drained the plains by navigable canals from the Po to the country of the Parmesans. For the Trebia meeting the Po near Placentia, and having previously received many other rivers, is over-swollen near this place. I allude to the Scaurus who also made the Aemilian road through Pisa and Luna as far as Sabbatorum, and thence through Derthon. There is another Aemilian road, which continues the Flaminian. For Marcus Lepidus and Caius Flaminius being colleagues in the consulship, and having vanquished the Ligurians, the one made the Via Flaminia from Rome across Tyrrhenia and Ombrica as far as the territory of Ariminum, the other, the road as far as Bononia, and thence to Aquileia by the roots of the Alps, and encircling the marshes. The boundaries which separate from the rest of Italy this country, which we designate Citerior Keltica, were marked by the Apennine mountains above Tyrrhenia and the river Esino, and afterwards by the Rubicon. Both these rivers fall into the Adriatic.' " 13.1.54 From Scepsis came the Socratic philosophers Erastus and Coriscus and Neleus the son of Coriscus, this last a man who not only was a pupil of Aristotle and Theophrastus, but also inherited the library of Theophrastus, which included that of Aristotle. At any rate, Aristotle bequeathed his own library to Theophrastus, to whom he also left his school; and he is the first man, so far as I know, to have collected books and to have taught the kings in Egypt how to arrange a library. Theophrastus bequeathed it to Neleus; and Neleus took it to Scepsis and bequeathed it to his heirs, ordinary people, who kept the books locked up and not even carefully stored. But when they heard bow zealously the Attalic kings to whom the city was subject were searching for books to build up the library in Pergamum, they hid their books underground in a kind of trench. But much later, when the books had been damaged by moisture and moths, their descendants sold them to Apellicon of Teos for a large sum of money, both the books of Aristotle and those of Theophrastus. But Apellicon was a bibliophile rather than a philosopher; and therefore, seeking a restoration of the parts that had been eaten through, he made new copies of the text, filling up the gaps incorrectly, and published the books full of errors. The result was that the earlier school of Peripatetics who came after Theophrastus had no books at all, with the exception of only a few, mostly exoteric works, and were therefore able to philosophize about nothing in a practical way, but only to talk bombast about commonplace propositions, whereas the later school, from the time the books in question appeared, though better able to philosophise and Aristotelise, were forced to call most of their statements probabilities, because of the large number of errors. Rome also contributed much to this; for, immediately after the death of Apellicon, Sulla, who had captured Athens, carried off Apellicon's library to Rome, where Tyrannion the grammarian, who was fond of Aristotle, got it in his hands by paying court to the librarian, as did also certain booksellers who used bad copyists and would not collate the texts — a thing that also takes place in the case of the other books that are copied for selling, both here and at Alexandria. However, this is enough about these men." 14.1.23 After the completion of the temple of Artemis, which, he says, was the work of Cheirocrates (the same man who built Alexandreia and the same man who proposed to Alexander to fashion Mt. Athos into his likeness, representing him as pouring a libation from a kind of ewer into a broad bowl, and to make two cities, one on the right of the mountain and the other on the left, and a river flowing from one to the other) — after the completion of the temple, he says, the great number of dedications in general were secured by means of the high honor they paid their artists, but the whole of the altar was filled, one might say, with the works of Praxiteles. They showed me also some of the works of Thrason, who made the chapel of Hecate, the waxen image of Penelope, and the old woman Eurycleia. They had eunuchs as priests, whom they called Megabyzi. And they were always in quest of persons from other places who were worthy of this preferment, and they held them in great honor. And it was obligatory for maidens to serve as colleagues with them in their priestly office. But though at the present some of their usages are being preserved, yet others are not; but the sanctuary remains a place of refuge, the same as in earlier times, although the limits of the refuge have often been changed; for example, when Alexander extended them for a stadium, and when Mithridates shot an arrow from the corner of the roof and thought it went a little farther than a stadium, and when Antony doubled this distance and included within the refuge a part of the city. But this extension of the refuge proved harmful, and put the city in the power of criminals; and it was therefore nullified by Augustus Caesar.' " 17.1.8 The shape of the site of the city is that of a chlamys or military cloak. The sides, which determine the length, are surrounded by water, and are about thirty stadia in extent; but the isthmuses, which determine the breadth of the sides, are each of seven or eight stadia, bounded on one side by the sea, and on the other by the lake. The whole city is intersected by roads for the passage of horsemen and chariots. Two of these are very broad, exceeding a plethrum in breadth, and cut one another at right angles. It contains also very beautiful public grounds and royal palaces, which occupy a fourth or even a third part of its whole extent. For as each of the kings was desirous of adding some embellishment to the places dedicated to the public use, so, besides the buildings already existing, each of them erected a building at his own expense; hence the expression of the poet may be here applied, one after the other springs. All the buildings are connected with one another and with the harbour, and those also which are beyond it.The Museum is a part of the palaces. It has a public walk and a place furnished with seats, and a large hall, in which the men of learning, who belong to the Museum, take their common meal. This community possesses also property in common; and a priest, formerly appointed by the kings, but at present by Caesar, presides over the Museum.A part belonging to the palaces consists of that called Sema, an enclosure, which contained the tombs of the kings and that of Alexander (the Great). For Ptolemy the son of Lagus took away the body of Alexander from Perdiccas, as he was conveying it down from Babylon; for Perdiccas had turned out of his road towards Egypt, incited by ambition and a desire of making himself master of the country. When Ptolemy had attacked and made him prisoner, he intended to spare his life and confine him in a desert island, but he met with a miserable end at the hand of his own soldiers, who rushed upon and despatched him by transfixing him with the long Macedonian spears. The kings who were with him, Aridaeus, and the children of Alexander, and Roxana his wife, departed to Macedonia. Ptolemy carried away the body of Alexander, and deposited it at Alexandreia in the place where it now lies; not indeed in the same coffin, for the present one is of hyalus (alabaster ?) whereas Ptolemy had deposited it in one of gold: it was plundered by Ptolemy surnamed Cocce's son and Pareisactus, who came from Syria and was quickly deposed, so that his plunder was of no service to him." 17.1.10 Next after the Heptastadium is the harbour of Eunostus, and above this the artificial harbour, called Cibotus (or the Ark), which also has docks. At the bottom of this harbour is a navigable canal, extending to the lake Mareotis. Beyond the canal there still remains a small part of the city. Then follows the suburb Necropolis, in which are numerous gardens, burial-places, and buildings for carrying on the process of embalming the dead.On this side the canal is the Sarapium and other ancient sacred places, which are now abandoned on account of the erection of the temples at Nicopolis; for there are situated an amphitheatre and a stadium, and there are celebrated quinquennial games; but the ancient rites and customs are neglected.In short, the city of Alexandreia abounds with public and sacred buildings. The most beautiful of the former is the Gymnasium, with porticos exceeding a stadium in extent. In the middle of it are the court of justice and groves. Here also is a Paneium, an artificial mound of the shape of a fir-cone, resembling a pile of rock, to the top of which there is an ascent by a spiral path. From the summit may be seen the whole city lying all around and beneath it.The wide street extends in length along the Gymnasium from the Necropolis to the Canobic gate. Next is the Hippodromos (or race-course), as it is called, and other buildings near it, and reaching to the Canobic canal. After passing through the Hippodromos is the Nicopolis, which contains buildings fronting the sea not less numerous than a city. It is 30 stadia distant from Alexandreia. Augustus Caesar distinguished this place, because it was here that he defeated Antony and his party of adherents. He took the city at the first onset, and compelled Antony to put himself to death, but Cleopatra to surrender herself alive. A short time afterwards, however, she also put an end to her life secretly, in prison, by the bite of an asp, or (for there are two accounts) by the application of a poisonous ointment. Thus the empire of the Lagidae, which had subsisted many years, was dissolved.'' None |
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63. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 4.7.3 Tagged with subjects: • Antonius, M. • Antony, M. (triumvir)
Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 133
| sup> 4.7.3 If you examine L. Reginus as to his sincerity towards the public, he was much to be blamed by posterity; but if you look upon the faithful pledge of his loyalty, we are to leave him in the safe harbour of a praiseworthy conscience. When Caepio was thrown into prison, because it was through his fault that our army was defeated by the Cimbri and Teutones, Reginus as tribune of the plebs set him at liberty, remembering the ancient friendship between them; and not content to have shown himself so much a friend, he accompanied him also in his exile. O friendship, a great and most invincible deity! When the commonwealth laid hands on him on one side, on the other side you pulled him out with your right hand; and when the commonwealth required him to be sacrosanct, you impelled him into banishment. So gentle is your power, to make men prefer punishment before honour.'' None |
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64. Vergil, Aeneis, 8.626-8.728, 8.730 Tagged with subjects: • Aeneas, intertextual identities, Mark Antony • Antony (Marcus Antonius) • Antony, Marc • Antony, Marcus Antonius, on Aeneas’ shield • Antony, Mark • Iullus Antonius • M. Antonius • Mark Antony • Mark Antony (triumvir)
Found in books: Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 34; Cairns (1989), Virgil's Augustan Epic. 102; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 98; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 36; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 180; Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 135; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 30, 31, 76, 192, 209; Pandey (2018), The Poetics of Power in Augustan Rome, 62, 63, 201; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 25, 32, 36; Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 334; Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 123; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 193
sup> 8.626 Illic res Italas Romanorumque triumphos 8.627 haud vatum ignarus venturique inscius aevi 8.628 fecerat ignipotens, illic genus omne futurae 8.629 stirpis ab Ascanio. pugnataque in ordine bella. 8.630 Fecerat et viridi fetam Mavortis in antro 8.631 procubuisse lupam, geminos huic ubera circum 8.632 ludere pendentis pueros et lambere matrem 8.633 impavidos, illam tereti cervice reflexa 8.634 mulcere alternos et corpora fingere lingua. 8.635 Nec procul hinc Romam et raptas sine more Sabinas 8.636 consessu caveae magnis circensibus actis 8.637 addiderat subitoque novum consurgere bellum 8.638 Romulidis Tatioque seni Curibusque severis. 8.639 Post idem inter se posito certamine reges 8.640 armati Iovis ante aram paterasque tenentes 8.641 stabant et caesa iungebant foedera porca. 8.642 Haud procul inde citae Mettum in diversa quadrigae 8.643 distulerant, at tu dictis, Albane, maneres, 8.644 raptabatque viri mendacis viscera Tullus 8.645 per silvam, et sparsi rorabant sanguine vepres. 8.646 Nec non Tarquinium eiectum Porsenna iubebat 8.647 accipere ingentique urbem obsidione premebat: 8.648 Aeneadae in ferrum pro libertate ruebant. 8.649 Illum indigti similem similemque miti 8.650 aspiceres, pontem auderet quia vellere Cocles 8.651 et fluvium vinclis innaret Cloelia ruptis. 8.652 In summo custos Tarpeiae Manlius arcis 8.653 stabat pro templo et Capitolia celsa tenebat, 8.654 Romuleoque recens horrebat regia culmo. 8.655 Atque hic auratis volitans argenteus anser 8.656 porticibus Gallos in limine adesse canebat. 8.657 Galli per dumos aderant arcemque tenebant, 8.658 defensi tenebris et dono noctis opacae: 8.659 aurea caesaries ollis atque aurea vestis, 8.660 virgatis lucent sagulis, tum lactea colla 8.661 auro innectuntur, duo quisque Alpina coruscant 8.662 gaesa manu, scutis protecti corpora longis. 8.663 Hic exsultantis Salios nudosque Lupercos 8.664 lanigerosque apices et lapsa ancilia caelo 8.665 extuderat, castae ducebant sacra per urbem 8.666 pilentis matres in mollibus. Hinc procul addit 8.667 Tartareas etiam sedes, alta ostia Ditis, 8.668 et scelerum poenas et te, Catilina, minaci 8.669 pendentem scopulo Furiarumque ora trementem, 8.670 secretosque pios, his dantem iura Catonem. 8.671 Haec inter tumidi late maris ibat imago 8.672 aurea, sed fluctu spumabant caerula cano; 8.673 et circum argento clari delphines in orbem 8.674 aequora verrebant caudis aestumque secabant. 8.675 In medio classis aeratas, Actia bella, 8.676 cernere erat, totumque instructo Marte videres 8.677 fervere Leucaten auroque effulgere fluctus. 8.678 Hinc Augustus agens Italos in proelia Caesar 8.679 cum patribus populoque, penatibus et magnis dis, 8.680 stans celsa in puppi; geminas cui tempora flammas 8.681 laeta vomunt patriumque aperitur vertice sidus. 8.682 Parte alia ventis et dis Agrippa secundis 8.683 arduus agmen agens; cui, belli insigne superbum, 8.684 tempora navali fulgent rostrata corona. 8.685 Hinc ope barbarica variisque Antonius armis, 8.686 victor ab Aurorae populis et litore rubro, 8.687 Aegyptum viresque Orientis et ultima secum 8.688 Bactra vehit, sequiturque (nefas) Aegyptia coniunx. 8.689 Una omnes ruere, ac totum spumare reductis 8.690 convolsum remis rostrisque tridentibus aequor. 8.691 alta petunt: pelago credas innare revolsas 8.692 Cycladas aut montis concurrere montibus altos, 8.693 tanta mole viri turritis puppibus instant. 8.694 stuppea flamma manu telisque volatile ferrum 8.695 spargitur, arva nova Neptunia caede rubescunt. 8.696 Regina in mediis patrio vocat agmina sistro 8.697 necdum etiam geminos a tergo respicit anguis. 8.698 omnigenumque deum monstra et latrator Anubis 8.699 contra Neptunum et Venerem contraque Minervam 8.700 tela tenent. Saevit medio in certamine Mavors 8.701 caelatus ferro tristesque ex aethere Dirae, 8.702 et scissa gaudens vadit Discordia palla, 8.703 quam cum sanguineo sequitur Bellona flagello. 8.704 Actius haec cernens arcum tendebat Apollo 8.705 desuper: omnis eo terrore Aegyptus et Indi, 8.706 omnis Arabs, omnes vertebant terga Sabaei. 8.707 Ipsa videbatur ventis regina vocatis 8.708 vela dare et laxos iam iamque inmittere funis. 8.709 Illam inter caedes pallentem morte futura 8.710 fecerat Ignipotens undis et Iapyge ferri, 8.711 contra autem magno maerentem corpore Nilum 8.712 pandentemque sinus et tota veste vocantem 8.713 caeruleum in gremium latebrosaque flumina victos. 8.714 At Caesar, triplici invectus Romana triumpho 8.715 moenia, dis Italis votum inmortale sacrabat, 8.716 maxuma tercentum totam delubra per urbem. 8.717 Laetitia ludisque viae plausuque fremebant; 8.718 omnibus in templis matrum chorus, omnibus arae; 8.719 ante aras terram caesi stravere iuvenci. 8.720 Ipse, sedens niveo candentis limine Phoebi, 8.721 dona recognoscit populorum aptatque superbis 8.722 postibus; incedunt victae longo ordine gentes, 8.723 quam variae linguis, habitu tam vestis et armis. 8.725 hic Lelegas Carasque sagittiferosque Gelonos 8.726 finxerat; Euphrates ibat iam mollior undis, 8.727 extremique hominum Morini, Rhenusque bicornis, 8.728 indomitique Dahae, et pontem indignatus Araxes. 8.730 miratur rerumque ignarus imagine gaudet,' ' None | sup> 8.626 in safety stands, I call not Trojan power 8.627 vanquished or fallen. But to help thy war 8.628 my small means match not thy redoubled name. 8.629 Yon Tuscan river is my bound. That way 8.630 Rutulia thrusts us hard and chafes our wall 8.631 with loud, besieging arms. But I propose 8.632 to league with thee a numerous array 8.633 of kings and mighty tribes, which fortune strange 8.634 now brings to thy defence. Thou comest here 8.635 because the Fates intend. Not far from ours 8.636 a city on an ancient rock is seen, 8.637 Agylla, which a warlike Lydian clan 8.638 built on the Tuscan hills. It prospered well 8.639 for many a year, then under the proud yoke 8.640 of King Mezentius it came and bore 8.641 his cruel sway. Why tell the loathsome deeds 8.642 and crimes unspeakable the despot wrought? 8.643 May Heaven requite them on his impious head 8.644 and on his children! For he used to chain 8.645 dead men to living, hand on hand was laid 8.646 and face on face,—torment incredible! 8.647 Till, locked in blood-stained, horrible embrace, 8.648 a lingering death they found. But at the last 8.649 his people rose in furious despair, 8.650 and while he blasphemously raged, assailed 8.651 his life and throne, cut down his guards 8.652 and fired his regal dwellings; he, the while, 8.653 escaped immediate death and fied away 8.654 to the Rutulian land, to find defence 8.655 in Turnus hospitality. To-day 8.656 Etruria, to righteous anger stirred, 8.657 demands with urgent arms her guilty King. 8.658 To their large host, Aeneas, I will give 8.659 an added strength, thyself. For yonder shores 8.660 re-echo with the tumult and the cry 8.661 of ships in close array; their eager lords 8.662 are clamoring for battle. But the song 8.663 of the gray omen-giver thus declares 8.664 their destiny: ‘O goodly princes born 8.665 of old Maeonian lineage! Ye that are 8.666 the bloom and glory of an ancient race, 8.667 whom just occasions now and noble rage 8.668 enflame against Mezentius your foe, 8.669 it is decreed that yonder nation proud 8.670 hall never submit to chiefs Italian-born. 8.671 Seek ye a king from far!’ So in the field ' "8.672 inert and fearful lies Etruria's force, " '8.673 disarmed by oracles. Their Tarchon sent 8.674 envoys who bore a sceptre and a crown 8.675 even to me, and prayed I should assume ' "8.676 the sacred emblems of Etruria's king, " '8.677 and lead their host to war. But unto me 8.678 cold, sluggish age, now barren and outworn, 8.679 denies new kingdoms, and my slow-paced powers 8.680 run to brave deeds no more. Nor could I urge ' "8.681 my son, who by his Sabine mother's line " '8.682 is half Italian-born. Thyself art he, 8.683 whose birth illustrious and manly prime 8.684 fate favors and celestial powers approve. 8.685 Therefore go forth, O bravest chief and King 8.686 of Troy and Italy ! To thee I give 8.687 the hope and consolation of our throne, 8.688 pallas, my son, and bid him find in thee 8.689 a master and example, while he learns ' "8.690 the soldier's arduous toil. With thy brave deeds " '8.691 let him familiar grow, and reverence thee 8.692 with youthful love and honor. In his train 8.693 two hundred horsemen of Arcadia, 8.694 our choicest men-at-arms, shall ride; and he 8.695 in his own name an equal band shall bring 8.696 to follow only thee.” Such the discourse. 8.697 With meditative brows and downcast eyes 8.698 Aeneas and Achates, sad at heart, 8.699 mused on unnumbered perils yet to come. ' "8.700 But out of cloudless sky Cythera's Queen " "8.701 gave sudden signal: from th' ethereal dome " '8.702 a thunder-peal and flash of quivering fire 8.703 tumultuous broke, as if the world would fall, 8.704 and bellowing Tuscan trumpets shook the air. 8.705 All eyes look up. Again and yet again 8.706 crashed the terrible din, and where the sky 8.707 looked clearest hung a visionary cloud, 8.708 whence through the brightness blazed resounding arms. ' "8.709 All hearts stood still. But Troy 's heroic son " '8.710 knew that his mother in the skies redeemed 8.711 her pledge in sound of thunder: so he cried, 8.712 “Seek not, my friend, seek not thyself to read ' "8.713 the meaning of the omen. 'T is to me " '8.714 Olympus calls. My goddess-mother gave 8.715 long since her promise of a heavenly sign 8.716 if war should burst; and that her power would bring 8.717 a panoply from Vulcan through the air, 8.718 to help us at our need. Alas, what deaths ' "8.719 over Laurentum's ill-starred host impend! " '8.720 O Turnus, what a reckoning thou shalt pay 8.721 to me in arms! O Tiber, in thy wave 8.722 what helms and shields and mighty soldiers slain 8.723 hall in confusion roll! Yea, let them lead 8.725 He said: and from the lofty throne uprose. 8.726 Straightway he roused anew the slumbering fire 8.727 acred to Hercules, and glad at heart 8.728 adored, as yesterday, the household gods 8.730 the Trojan company made sacrifice ' ' None |
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65. Vergil, Georgics, 3.13-3.15, 3.25-3.33 Tagged with subjects: • Aeneas, as Antony • Antony (Marcus Antonius) • Antony, Marcus Antonius, as Aeneas • Antony, Mark • Antony, Mark, and Octavian • Antony, Mark, and the East
Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 14; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 50, 67; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 31; Pandey (2018), The Poetics of Power in Augustan Rome, 201
sup> 3.13 et viridi in campo templum de marmore ponam 3.14 propter aquam. Tardis ingens ubi flexibus errat 3.15 Mincius et tenera praetexit arundine ripas. 3.25 purpurea intexti tollant aulaea Britanni. 3.26 In foribus pugnam ex auro solidoque elephanto 3.27 Gangaridum faciam victorisque arma Quirini, 3.28 atque hic undantem bello magnumque fluentem 3.29 Nilum ac navali surgentis aere columnas. 3.30 Addam urbes Asiae domitas pulsumque Niphaten 3.31 fidentemque fuga Parthum versisque sagittis, 3.32 et duo rapta manu diverso ex hoste tropaea 3.33 bisque triumphatas utroque ab litore gentes.'' None | sup> 3.13 And float triumphant through the mouths of men. 3.14 Yea, I shall be the first, so life endure, 3.15 To lead the Muses with me, as I pa 3.25 A hundred four-horse cars. All 3.27 On foot shall strive, or with the raw-hide glove; 3.28 Whilst I, my head with stripped green olive crowned,' "3.29 Will offer gifts. Even 'tis present joy" '3.30 To lead the high processions to the fane, 3.31 And view the victims felled; or how the scene 3.32 Sunders with shifted face, and 3.33 Inwoven thereon with those proud curtains rise.'' None |
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66. None, None, nan Tagged with subjects: • Antonius, M. (Mark Antony) • Antony • Antony (Marcus Antonius) • Augustus, and Marc Antony • Dionysus., Antony as the ‘New Dionysus’ • M. Antonius (Triumvir) • Mark Antony • Mark Antony (triumvir)
Found in books: Gorain (2019), Language in the Confessions of Augustine, 105; Henderson (2020), The Springtime of the People: The Athenian Ephebeia and Citizen Training from Lykourgos to Augustus, 288; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 76, 209; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 25, 26, 29, 30, 35; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 292; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 43; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 37
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67. None, None, nan Tagged with subjects: • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), Inner and Outer Mountains • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), anachoresis/withdrawal • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), asceticism • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), demons • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), his life • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), his writings • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), monk and minister • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), pneumatology • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), sacred geography • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), sources • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), the Life by Athanasius • Antony • Antony, • Antony, motivations for human action • asceticism, Anthony of the Desert
Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 101; Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 1090, 1091, 1095, 1099; Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 276, 277, 286, 288; Xenophontos and Marmodoro (2021), The Reception of Greek Ethics in Late Antiquity and Byzantium, 116
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68. None, None, nan Tagged with subjects: • Antony • Athanasius, Life of Antony • Life of Antony
Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 112, 116, 197, 216, 223, 226, 231; König (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 347
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69. None, None, nan Tagged with subjects: • Antonius Diogenes • Antonius Diogenes The Incredible Things beyond Thule • Antonius Diogenes, and Petronius • Antonius Diogenes, chronology • Antonius Diogenes, preface • Antonius Diogenes, textuality and orality • Petronius, and Antonius Diogenes
Found in books: Bowie (2023), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels. 642, 677, 678, 681; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 151; Stephens and Winkler (1995), Ancient Greek Novels: The Fragments: Introduction, Text, Translation, and Commentary, 111, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 160, 473
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70. None, None, nan Tagged with subjects: • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), his writings • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), sources • Anthony of the Desert (‘the Great’), the Life by Athanasius • Antony,
Found in books: Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 1090; Xenophontos and Marmodoro (2021), The Reception of Greek Ethics in Late Antiquity and Byzantium, 110
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