1. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 49.10 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 661 | 49.10. "The sceptre shall not depart from Judah, Nor the ruler’s staff from between his feet, As long as men come to Shiloh; And unto him shall the obedience of the peoples be.", |
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2. Hesiod, Works And Days, 103-104 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo (2022) 133 | 104. Within its firm sides, Hope alone was then |
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| 3. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 53 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Vinzent (2013) 10 |
| 4. Pherecydes of Syros, Fragments, 11, 2018-07-0900:00:00, 3, 9, 7 (6th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Vinzent (2013) 108 |
| 5. Antiphon, Fragments, 44 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Stanton (2021) 92 |
| 6. Ion of Chios, Fragments, 9.1 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 150 |
| 7. Herodotus, Histories, 3.80-83.1 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors and egypt, antoninus pius Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 267 |
| 8. Antiphon of Athens, Fragments, 44 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Stanton (2021) 92 |
9. Euripides, Helen, 1301 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Alvar Ezquerra (2008) 251| 1301. ̓Ορεία ποτὲ δρομάδι κώ- | |
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| 10. Antiphon Tragicus, Fragments, 44 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Stanton (2021) 92 |
| 11. Plautus, Rudens, 1.5 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, Found in books: Brooten (1982) 243 |
| 12. Cicero, On His Consulship, 7, 6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 219 |
| 13. Cicero, Letters, 1.13, 4.9.1, 6.1.15, 6.7.2, 11.1.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius •antoninus pius, column of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 227, 230, 250; Rutledge (2012) 47 |
14. Polybius, Histories, 6.56.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 37| 6.56.9. ἐμοί γε μὴν δοκοῦσι τοῦ πλήθους χάριν τοῦτο πεποιηκέναι. | 6.56.9. My own opinion at least is that they have adopted this course for the sake of the common people. |
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| 15. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 2.17.2, 5.5, 5.20.2, 13.19, 13.26, 13.30 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 230, 250 |
| 16. Cicero, In Pisonem, 61 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 250 |
| 17. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.2.114, 2.2.176, 2.4.36, 2.5.127 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius •antoninus pius, column of Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 47, 149 |
| 18. Cicero, Pro Caelio, 27, 65 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 497 |
| 19. Cicero, Pro Plancio, 63 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Ando (2013) 363 |
| 20. Cicero, Pro S. Roscio Amerino, 20.56 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 825 |
21. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 12.6-12.23 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, m. antony Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 312 | 12.6. "Jonathan the high priest, the senate of the nation, the priests, and the rest of the Jewish people to their brethren the Spartans, greeting. 12.7. Already in time past a letter was sent to Onias the high priest from Arius, who was king among you, stating that you are our brethren, as the appended copy shows. 12.8. Onias welcomed the envoy with honor, and received the letter, which contained a clear declaration of alliance and friendship. 12.9. Therefore, though we have no need of these things, since we have as encouragement the holy books which are in our hands, 12.10. we have undertaken to send to renew our brotherhood and friendship with you, so that we may not become estranged from you, for considerable time has passed since you sent your letter to us. 12.11. We therefore remember you constantly on every occasion, both in our feasts and on other appropriate days, at the sacrifices which we offer and in our prayers, as it is right and proper to remember brethren. 12.12. And we rejoice in your glory. 12.13. But as for ourselves, many afflictions and many wars have encircled us; the kings round about us have waged war against us. 12.14. We were unwilling to annoy you and our other allies and friends with these wars, 12.15. for we have the help which comes from Heaven for our aid; and we were delivered from our enemies and our enemies were humbled. 12.16. We therefore have chosen Numenius the son of Antiochus and Antipater the son of Jason, and have sent them to Rome to renew our former friendship and alliance with them. 12.17. We have commanded them to go also to you and greet you and deliver to you this letter from us concerning the renewal of our brotherhood. 12.18. And now please send us a reply to this." 12.19. This is a copy of the letter which they sent to Onias: 12.20. "Arius, king of the Spartans, to Onias the high priest, greeting. 12.21. It has been found in writing concerning the Spartans and the Jews that they are brethren and are of the family of Abraham. 12.22. And now that we have learned this, please write us concerning your welfare; 12.23. we on our part write to you that your cattle and your property belong to us, and ours belong to you. We therefore command that our envoys report to you accordingly." |
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| 22. Horace, Odes, 1.26.2, 2.1.1, 5.25.1, 6.37.1, 6.54.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Tuori (2016) 215, 218, 268 |
23. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 4.25.3, 5.35.2 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius •antoninus pius, image in temple of venus and rome Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 230; Rutledge (2012) 289 | 4.25.3. When he had arranged affairs in the city in the best manner, he conceived a desire to perpetuate his memory with posterity by some illustrious enterprise. And upon turning his attention to the monuments both of ancient kings and statesmen by which they had gained reputation and glory, he did not envy either that Assyrian woman for having built the walls of Babylon, or the kings of Egypt for having raised the pyramids at Memphis, or any other prince for whatever monument he might have erected as a display of his riches and of the multitude of workmen at his command. On the contrary, he regarded all these things as trivial and ephemeral and unworthy of serious attention, mere beguilements for the eyes, but no real aids to the conduct of life or to the administration of public affairs, since they led to nothing more than a reputation for great felicity on the part of those who built them. But the things that he regarded as worthy of praise and emulation were the works of the mind, the advantages from which are enjoyed by the greatest number of people and for the greatest length of time. And of all the achievements of this nature he admired most the plan of Amphictyon, the son of Hellen, who, seeing the Greek nation weak and easy to be destroyed by the barbarians who surrounded them, brought them together in a general council and assemblage of the whole nation, named after him the Amphictyonic council; and then, apart from the particular laws by which each city was governed, established others common to all, which they call the Amphictyonic laws, in consequence of which they lived in mutual friendship, and fulfilling the obligations of kinship by their actions rather than by their professions, continued troublesome and formidable neighbours to the barbarians. 5.35.2. In honour of Cloelia, the maiden, they ordered a bronze statue to be set up, which was erected accordingly by the fathers of the maidens on the Sacred Way, that leads to the Forum. This statue I found no longer standing; it was said to have been destroyed when a fire broke out in the adjacent houses. |
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24. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 45 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, m. antony Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 313 | 45. Then again he would add, "When you are present at any theatrical contest, or at any gymnastic games, or at any of the contests in the hippodrome, do not consider the pursuits themselves so much as the behaving correctly in all such pursuits, and entertain thoughts of this nature: |
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| 25. Livy, History, 4.8.2, 4.17.1-4.17.6, 10.23.11-10.23.13, 22.37, 35.51, 36.36, 39.22.1-39.22.2, 42.6.11 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, image in temple of venus and rome •antoninus pius •antoninus pius, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 542; Dignas (2002) 293; Rutledge (2012) 149, 289 |
26. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 11.302-11.347, 12.7, 12.9, 12.125, 13.74-13.79, 13.254-13.258, 13.280-13.281, 14.34-14.36, 14.225, 14.235, 14.244, 14.260, 14.306-14.323, 16.58, 16.132, 16.162-16.165, 19.280, 19.287, 19.303, 20.11, 20.131-20.136 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 313, 607, 634, 818, 823; Rizzi (2010) 117; Rutledge (2012) 149 | 11.302. 2. Now when John had departed this life, his son Jaddua succeeded in the high priesthood. He had a brother, whose name was Manasseh. Now there was one Sanballat, who was sent by Darius, the last king [of Persia], into Samaria. He was a Cutheam by birth; of which stock were the Samaritans also. 11.303. This man knew that the city Jerusalem was a famous city, and that their kings had given a great deal of trouble to the Assyrians, and the people of Celesyria; so that he willingly gave his daughter, whose name was Nicaso, in marriage to Manasseh, as thinking this alliance by marriage would be a pledge and security that the nation of the Jews should continue their good-will to him. 11.304. 1. About this time it was that Philip, king of Macedon, was treacherously assaulted and slain at Egae by Pausanias, the son of Cerastes, who was derived from the family of Oreste, 11.305. and his son Alexander succeeded him in the kingdom; who, passing over the Hellespont, overcame the generals of Darius’s army in a battle fought at Granicum. So he marched over Lydia, and subdued Ionia, and overran Caria, and fell upon the places of Pamphylia, as has been related elsewhere. 11.306. 2. But the elders of Jerusalem being very uneasy that the brother of Jaddua the high priest, though married to a foreigner, should be a partner with him in the high priesthood, quarreled with him; 11.307. for they esteemed this man’s marriage a step to such as should be desirous of transgressing about the marriage of [strange] wives, and that this would be the beginning of a mutual society with foreigners, 11.308. although the offense of some about marriages, and their having married wives that were not of their own country, had been an occasion of their former captivity, and of the miseries they then underwent; so they commanded Manasseh to divorce his wife, or not to approach the altar, 11.309. the high priest himself joining with the people in their indignation against his brother, and driving him away from the altar. Whereupon Manasseh came to his father-in-law, Sanballat, and told him, that although he loved his daughter Nicaso, yet was he not willing to be deprived of his sacerdotal dignity on her account, which was the principal dignity in their nation, and always continued in the same family. 11.310. And then Sanballat promised him not only to preserve to him the honor of his priesthood, but to procure for him the power and dignity of a high priest, and would make him governor of all the places he himself now ruled, if he would keep his daughter for his wife. He also told him further, that he would build him a temple like that at Jerusalem, upon Mount Gerizzini, which is the highest of all the mountains that are in Samaria; 11.311. and he promised that he would do this with the approbation of Darius the king. Manasseh was elevated with these promises, and staid with Sanballat, upon a supposal that he should gain a high priesthood, as bestowed on him by Darius, for it happened that Sanballat was then in years. 11.312. But there was now a great disturbance among the people of Jerusalem, because many of those priests and Levites were entangled in such matches; for they all revolted to Manasseh, and Sanballat afforded them money, and divided among them land for tillage, and habitations also, and all this in order every way to gratify his son-in-law. 11.313. 3. About this time it was that Darius heard how Alexander had passed over the Hellespont, and had beaten his lieutets in the battle at Granicum, and was proceeding further; whereupon he gathered together an army of horse and foot, and determined that he would meet the Macedonians before they should assault and conquer all Asia. 11.314. So he passed over the river Euphrates, and came over Taurus, the Cilician mountain, and at Issus of Cilicia he waited for the enemy, as ready there to give him battle. 11.315. Upon which Sanballat was glad that Darius was come down; and told Manasseh that he would suddenly perform his promises to him, and this as soon as ever Darius should come back, after he had beaten his enemies; for not he only, but all those that were in Asia also, were persuaded that the Macedonians would not so much as come to a battle with the Persians, on account of their multitude. 11.316. But the event proved otherwise than they expected; for the king joined battle with the Macedonians, and was beaten, and lost a great part of his army. His mother also, and his wife and children, were taken captives, and he fled into Persia. 11.317. So Alexander came into Syria, and took Damascus; and when he had obtained Sidon, he besieged Tyre, when he sent an epistle to the Jewish high priest, to send him some auxiliaries, and to supply his army with provisions; and that what presents he formerly sent to Darius, he would now send to him, and choose the friendship of the Macedonians, and that he should never repent of so doing. 11.318. But the high priest answered the messengers, that he had given his oath to Darius not to bear arms against him; and he said that he would not transgress this while Darius was in the land of the living. Upon hearing this answer, Alexander was very angry; 11.319. and though he determined not to leave Tyre, which was just ready to be taken, yet as soon as he had taken it, he threatened that he would make an expedition against the Jewish high priest, and through him teach all men to whom they must keep their oaths. 11.320. So when he had, with a good deal of pains during the siege, taken Tyre, and had settled its affairs, he came to the city of Gaza, and besieged both the city and him that was governor of the garrison, whose name was Babemeses. 11.321. 4. But Sanballat thought he had now gotten a proper opportunity to make his attempt, so he renounced Darius, and taking with him seven thousand of his own subjects, he came to Alexander; and finding him beginning the siege of Tyre, he said to him, that he delivered up to him these men, who came out of places under his dominion, and did gladly accept of him for his lord instead of Darius. 11.322. So when Alexander had received him kindly, Sanballat thereupon took courage, and spake to him about his present affair. He told him that he had a son-in-law, Manasseh, who was brother to the high priest Jaddua; and that there were many others of his own nation, now with him, that were desirous to have a temple in the places subject to him; 11.323. that it would be for the king’s advantage to have the strength of the Jews divided into two parts, lest when the nation is of one mind, and united, upon any attempt for innovation, it prove troublesome to kings, as it had formerly proved to the kings of Assyria. 11.324. Whereupon Alexander gave Sanballat leave so to do, who used the utmost diligence, and built the temple, and made Manasseh the priest, and deemed it a great reward that his daughter’s children should have that dignity; 11.325. but when the seven months of the siege of Tyre were over, and the two months of the siege of Gaza, Sanballat died. Now Alexander, when he had taken Gaza, made haste to go up to Jerusalem; 11.326. and Jaddua the high priest, when he heard that, was in an agony, and under terror, as not knowing how he should meet the Macedonians, since the king was displeased at his foregoing disobedience. He therefore ordained that the people should make supplications, and should join with him in offering sacrifice to God, whom he besought to protect that nation, and to deliver them from the perils that were coming upon them; 11.327. whereupon God warned him in a dream, which came upon him after he had offered sacrifice, that he should take courage, and adorn the city, and open the gates; that the rest should appear in white garments, but that he and the priests should meet the king in the habits proper to their order, without the dread of any ill consequences, which the providence of God would prevent. 11.328. Upon which, when he rose from his sleep, he greatly rejoiced, and declared to all the warning he had received from God. According to which dream he acted entirely, and so waited for the coming of the king. 11.329. 5. And when he understood that he was not far from the city, he went out in procession, with the priests and the multitude of the citizens. The procession was venerable, and the manner of it different from that of other nations. It reached to a place called Sapha, which name, translated into Greek, signifies a prospect, for you have thence a prospect both of Jerusalem and of the temple. 11.330. And when the Phoenicians and the Chaldeans that followed him thought they should have liberty to plunder the city, and torment the high priest to death, which the king’s displeasure fairly promised them, the very reverse of it happened; 11.331. for Alexander, when he saw the multitude at a distance, in white garments, while the priests stood clothed with fine linen, and the high priest in purple and scarlet clothing, with his mitre on his head, having the golden plate whereon the name of God was engraved, he approached by himself, and adored that name, and first saluted the high priest. 11.332. The Jews also did all together, with one voice, salute Alexander, and encompass him about; whereupon the kings of Syria and the rest were surprised at what Alexander had done, and supposed him disordered in his mind. 11.333. However, Parmenio alone went up to him, and asked him how it came to pass that, when all others adored him, he should adore the high priest of the Jews? To whom he replied, “I did not adore him, but that God who hath honored him with his high priesthood; 11.334. for I saw this very person in a dream, in this very habit, when I was at Dios in Macedonia, who, when I was considering with myself how I might obtain the dominion of Asia, exhorted me to make no delay, but boldly to pass over the sea thither, for that he would conduct my army, and would give me the dominion over the Persians; 11.335. whence it is that, having seen no other in that habit, and now seeing this person in it, and remembering that vision, and the exhortation which I had in my dream, I believe that I bring this army under the divine conduct, and shall therewith conquer Darius, and destroy the power of the Persians, and that all things will succeed according to what is in my own mind.” 11.336. And when he had said this to Parmenio, and had given the high priest his right hand, the priests ran along by him, and he came into the city. And when he went up into the temple, he offered sacrifice to God, according to the high priest’s direction, and magnificently treated both the high priest and the priests. 11.337. And when the Book of Daniel was showed him wherein Daniel declared that one of the Greeks should destroy the empire of the Persians, he supposed that himself was the person intended. And as he was then glad, he dismissed the multitude for the present; but the next day he called them to him, and bid them ask what favors they pleased of him; 11.338. whereupon the high priest desired that they might enjoy the laws of their forefathers, and might pay no tribute on the seventh year. He granted all they desired. And when they entreated him that he would permit the Jews in Babylon and Media to enjoy their own laws also, he willingly promised to do hereafter what they desired. 11.339. And when he said to the multitude, that if any of them would enlist themselves in his army, on this condition, that they should continue under the laws of their forefathers, and live according to them, he was willing to take them with him, many were ready to accompany him in his wars. 11.340. 6. So when Alexander had thus settled matters at Jerusalem, he led his army into the neighboring cities; and when all the inhabitants to whom he came received him with great kindness, the Samaritans, who had then Shechem for their metropolis, (a city situate at Mount Gerizzim, and inhabited by apostates of the Jewish nation,) seeing that Alexander had so greatly honored the Jews, determined to profess themselves Jews; 11.341. for such is the disposition of the Samaritans, as we have already elsewhere declared, that when the Jews are in adversity, they deny that they are of kin to them, and then they confess the truth; but when they perceive that some good fortune hath befallen them, they immediately pretend to have communion with them, saying that they belong to them, and derive their genealogy from the posterity of Joseph, Ephraim, and Manasseh. 11.342. Accordingly, they made their address to the king with splendor, and showed great alacrity in meeting him at a little distance from Jerusalem. And when Alexander had commended them, the Shechemites approached to him, taking with them the troops that Sanballat had sent him, and they desired that he would come to their city, and do honor to their temple also; 11.343. to whom he promised, that when he returned he would come to them. And when they petitioned that he would remit the tribute of the seventh year to them, because they did not sow thereon, he asked who they were that made such a petition; 11.344. and when they said that they were Hebrews, but had the name of Sidonians, living at Shechem, he asked them again whether they were Jews; and when they said they were not Jews, “It was to the Jews,” said he, “that I granted that privilege; however, when I return, and am thoroughly informed by you of this matter, I will do what I shall think proper.” And in this manner he took leave of the Shechenlites; 11.345. but ordered that the troops of Sanballat should follow him into Egypt, because there he designed to give them lands, which he did a little after in Thebais, when he ordered them to guard that country. 11.346. 7. Now when Alexander was dead, the government was parted among his successors, but the temple upon Mount Gerizzim remained. And if any one were accused by those of Jerusalem of having eaten things common or of having broken the Sabbath, or of any other crime of the like nature, 11.347. he fled away to the Shechemites, and said that he was accused unjustly. About this time it was that Jaddua the high priest died, and Onias his son took the high priesthood. This was the state of the affairs of the people of Jerusalem at this time. 12.7. This is what Agatharchides relates of our nation. But when Ptolemy had taken a great many captives, both from the mountainous parts of Judea, and from the places about Jerusalem and Samaria, and the places near Mount Gerizzim, he led them all into Egypt, and settled them there. 12.9. Nay, there were not a few other Jews who, of their own accord, went into Egypt, as invited by the goodness of the soil, and by the liberality of Ptolemy. 12.125. 2. We also know that Marcus Agrippa was of the like disposition towards the Jews: for when the people of Ionia were very angry at them, and besought Agrippa that they, and they only, might have those privileges of citizens which Antiochus, the grandson of Seleucus, (who by the Greeks was called The God,) had bestowed on them, and desired that, if the Jews were to be joint-partakers with them, 13.74. 4. Now it came to pass that the Alexandrian Jews, and those Samaritans who paid their worship to the temple that was built in the days of Alexander at Mount Gerizzim, did now make a sedition one against another, and disputed about their temples before Ptolemy himself; the Jews saying that, according to the laws of Moses, the temple was to be built at Jerusalem; and the Samaritans saying that it was to be built at Gerizzim. 13.75. They desired therefore the king to sit with his friends, and hear the debates about these matters, and punish those with death who were baffled. Now Sabbeus and Theodosius managed the argument for the Samaritans, and Andronicus, the son of Messalamus, for the people of Jerusalem; 13.76. and they took an oath by God and the king to make their demonstrations according to the law; and they desired of Ptolemy, that whomsoever he should find that transgressed what they had sworn to, he would put him to death. Accordingly, the king took several of his friends into the council, and sat down, in order to hear what the pleaders said. 13.77. Now the Jews that were at Alexandria were in great concern for those men, whose lot it was to contend for the temple at Jerusalem; for they took it very ill that any should take away the reputation of that temple, which was so ancient and so celebrated all over the habitable earth. 13.78. Now when Sabbeus and Tlteodosius had given leave to Andronicus to speak first, he began to demonstrate out of the law, and out of the successions of the high priests, how they every one in succession from his father had received that dignity, and ruled over the temple; and how all the kings of Asia had honored that temple with their donations, and with the most splendid gifts dedicated thereto. But as for that at Gerizzm, he made no account of it, and regarded it as if it had never had a being. 13.79. By this speech, and other arguments, Andronicus persuaded the king to determine that the temple at Jerusalem was built according to the laws of Moses, and to put Sabbeus and Theodosius to death. And these were the events that befell the Jews at Alexandria in the days of Ptolemy Philometor. 13.254. 1. But when Hyrcanus heard of the death of Antiochus, he presently made an expedition against the cities of Syria, hoping to find them destitute of fighting men, and of such as were able to defend them. 13.255. However, it was not till the sixth month that he took Medaba, and that not without the greatest distress of his army. After this he took Samega, and the neighboring places; and besides these, Shechem and Gerizzim, and the nation of the Cutheans, 13.256. who dwelt at the temple which resembled that temple which was at Jerusalem, and which Alexander permitted Sanballat, the general of his army, to build for the sake of Manasseh, who was son-in-law to Jaddua the high priest, as we have formerly related; which temple was now deserted two hundred years after it was built. 13.257. Hyrcanus took also Dora and Marissa, cities of Idumea, and subdued all the Idumeans; and permitted them to stay in that country, if they would circumcise their genitals, and make use of the laws of the Jews; 13.258. and they were so desirous of living in the country of their forefathers, that they submitted to the use of circumcision, and of the rest of the Jewish ways of living; at which time therefore this befell them, that they were hereafter no other than Jews. 13.280. 3. But as to Callimander, he attacked the enemy too rashly, and was put to flight, and destroyed immediately; and as to Epicrates, he was such a lover of money, that he openly betrayed Scythopolis, and other places near it, to the Jews, but was not able to make them raise the siege of Samaria. 13.281. And when Hyrcanus had taken that city, which was not done till after a year’s siege, he was not contented with doing that only, but he demolished it entirely, and brought rivulets to it to drown it, for he dug such hollows as might let the water run under it; nay, he took away the very marks that there had ever been such a city there. 14.34. 1. A little afterward Pompey came to Damascus, and marched over Celesyria; at which time there came ambassadors to him from all Syria, and Egypt, and out of Judea also, for Aristobulus had sent him a great present, which was a golden vine of the value of five hundred talents. 14.35. Now Strabo of Cappadocia mentions this present in these words: “There came also an embassage out of Egypt, and a crown of the value of four thousand pieces of gold; and out of Judea there came another, whether you call it a vine or a garden; they call the thing Terpole, the Delight. 14.36. However, we ourselves saw that present reposited at Rome, in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, with this inscription, ‘The gift of Alexander, the king of the Jews.’ It was valued at five hundred talents; and the report is, that Aristobulus, the governor of the Jews, sent it.” 14.225. 12. “When Artermon was prytanis, on the first day of the month Leneon, Dolabella, imperator, to the senate, and magistrates, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. 14.235. 17. “Lucius Antonius, the son of Marcus, vice-quaestor, and vice-praetor, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Those Jews that are our fellowcitizens of Rome came to me, and demonstrated that they had an assembly of their own, according to the laws of their forefathers, and this from the beginning, as also a place of their own, wherein they determined their suits and controversies with one another. Upon their petition therefore to me, that these might be lawful for them, I gave order that these their privileges be preserved, and they be permitted to do accordingly.” 14.244. 21. “Publius Servilius, the son of Publius, of the Galban tribe, the proconsul, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Milesians, sendeth greeting. 14.260. and desired of the people, that upon the restitution of their law and their liberty, by the senate and people of Rome, they may assemble together, according to their ancient legal custom, and that we will not bring any suit against them about it; and that a place may be given them where they may have their congregations, with their wives and children, and may offer, as did their forefathers, their prayers and sacrifices to God. 14.306. 3. “Marcus Antonius, imperator, to Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, sendeth greeting. It you be in health, it is well; I am also in health, with the army. 14.307. Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, and Josephus, the son of Menneus, and Alexander, the son of Theodorus, your ambassadors, met me at Ephesus, and have renewed the embassage which they had formerly been upon at Rome, and have diligently acquitted themselves of the present embassage, which thou and thy nation have intrusted to them, and have fully declared the goodwill thou hast for us. 14.308. I am therefore satisfied, both by your actions and your words, that you are well-disposed to us; and I understand that your conduct of life is constant and religious: so I reckon upon you as our own. 14.309. But when those that were adversaries to you, and to the Roman people, abstained neither from cities nor temples, and did not observe the agreement they had confirmed by oath, it was not only on account of our contest with them, but on account of all mankind in common, that we have taken vengeance on those who have been the authors of great injustice towards men, and of great wickedness towards the gods; for the sake of which we suppose that it was that the sun turned away his light from us, as unwilling to view the horrid crime they were guilty of in the case of Caesar. 14.310. We have also overcome their conspiracies, which threatened the gods themselves, which Macedonia received, as it is a climate peculiarly proper for impious and insolent attempts; and we have overcome that confused rout of men, half mad with spite against us, which they got together at Philippi in Macedonia, when they seized on the places that were proper for their purpose, and, as it were, walled them round with mountains to the very sea, and where the passage was open only through a single gate. This victory we gained, because the gods had condemned those men for their wicked enterprises. 14.311. Now Brutus, when he had fled as far as Philippi, was shut up by us, and became a partaker of the same perdition with Cassius; and now these have received their punishment, we suppose that we may enjoy peace for the time to come, and that Asia may be at rest from war. 14.312. We therefore make that peace which God hath given us common to our confederates also, insomuch that the body of Asia is now recovered out of that distemper it was under by the means of our victory. I, therefore, bearing in mind both thee and your nation, shall take care of what may be for your advantage. 14.313. I have also sent epistles in writing to the several cities, that if any persons, whether free-men or bond-men, have been sold under the spear by Caius Cassius, or his subordinate officers, they may be set free. And I will that you kindly make use of the favors which I and Dolabella have granted you. I also forbid the Tyrians to use any violence with you; and for what places of the Jews they now possess, I order them to restore them. I have withal accepted of the crown which thou sentest me.” 14.314. 4. “Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Tyre, sendeth greeting. The ambassadors of Hyrcanus, the high priest and ethnarch [of the Jews], appeared before me at Ephesus, and told me that you are in possession of part of their country, which you entered upon under the government of our adversaries. 14.315. Since, therefore, we have undertaken a war for the obtaining the government, and have taken care to do what was agreeable to piety and justice, and have brought to punishment those that had neither any remembrance of the kindnesses they had received, nor have kept their oaths, I will that you be at peace with those that are our confederates; as also, that what you have taken by the means of our adversaries shall not be reckoned your own, but be returned to those from whom you took them; 14.316. for none of them took their provinces or their armies by the gift of the senate, but they seized them by force, and bestowed them by violence upon such as became useful to them in their unjust proceedings. 14.317. Since, therefore, those men have received the punishment due to them, we desire that our confederates may retain whatsoever it was that they formerly possessed without disturbance, and that you restore all the places which belong to Hyrcanus, the ethnarch of the Jews, which you have had, though it were but one day before Caius Cassius began an unjustifiable war against us, and entered into our province; nor do you use any force against him, in order to weaken him, that he may not be able to dispose of that which is his own; 14.318. but if you have any contest with him about your respective rights, it shall be lawful for you to plead your cause when we come upon the places concerned, for we shall alike preserve the rights and hear all the causes of our confederates.” 14.319. 5. “Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Tyre, sendeth greeting. I have sent you my decree, of which I will that ye take care that it be engraven on the public tables, in Roman and Greek letters, and that it stand engraven in the most illustrious places, that it may be read by all. 14.320. Marcus Antonius, imperator, one of the triumvirate over the public affairs, made this declaration: Since Caius Cassius, in this revolt he hath made, hath pillaged that province which belonged not to him, and was held by garrisons there encamped, while they were our confederates, and hath spoiled that nation of the Jews that was in friendship with the Roman people, as in war; 14.321. and since we have overcome his madness by arms, we now correct by our decrees and judicial determinations what he hath laid waste, that those things may be restored to our confederates. And as for what hath been sold of the Jewish possessions, whether they be bodies or possessions, let them be released; the bodies into that state of freedom they were originally in, and the possessions to their former owners. 14.322. I also will that he who shall not comply with this decree of mine shall be punished for his disobedience; and if such a one be caught, I will take care that the offenders suffer condign punishment.” 14.323. 6. The same thing did Antony write to the Sidonians, and the Antiochians, and the Aradians. We have produced these decrees, therefore, as marks for futurity of the truth of what we have said, that the Romans had a great concern about our nation. 16.58. 4. When Nicolaus had made this speech, there was no opposition made to it by the Greeks, for this was not an inquiry made, as in a court of justice, but an intercession to prevent violence to be offered to the Jews any longer; 16.132. From thence Herod came to Judea and to the temple, where he made a speech to the people concerning what had been done in this his journey. He also discoursed to them about Caesar’s kindness to him, and about as many of the particulars he had done as he thought it for his advantage other people should be acquainted with. 16.162. 2. “Caesar Augustus, high priest and tribune of the people, ordains thus: Since the nation of the Jews hath been found grateful to the Roman people, not only at this time, but in time past also, and chiefly Hyrcanus the high priest, under my father Caesar the emperor, 16.163. it seemed good to me and my counselors, according to the sentence and oath of the people of Rome, that the Jews have liberty to make use of their own customs, according to the law of their forefathers, as they made use of them under Hyrcanus the high priest of the Almighty God; and that their sacred money be not touched, but be sent to Jerusalem, and that it be committed to the care of the receivers at Jerusalem; and that they be not obliged to go before any judge on the Sabbath day, nor on the day of the preparation to it, after the ninth hour. 16.164. But if any one be caught stealing their holy books, or their sacred money, whether it be out of the synagogue or public school, he shall be deemed a sacrilegious person, and his goods shall be brought into the public treasury of the Romans. 16.165. And I give order that the testimonial which they have given me, on account of my regard to that piety which I exercise toward all mankind, and out of regard to Caius Marcus Censorinus, together with the present decree, be proposed in that most eminent place which hath been consecrated to me by the community of Asia at Ancyra. And if any one transgress any part of what is above decreed, he shall be severely punished.” This was inscribed upon a pillar in the temple of Caesar. 19.280. “Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, high priest, and tribune of the people, ordains thus: 19.287. “Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, high priest, tribune of the people, chosen consul the second time, ordains thus: 19.303. “Publius Petronius, the president under Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, to the magistrates of Doris, ordains as follows: 20.11. “Claudius Caesar Germanicus, tribune of the people the fifth time, and designed consul the fourth time, and imperator the tenth time, the father of his country, to the magistrates, senate, and people, and the whole nation of the Jews, sendeth greeting. 20.131. whom Quadratus ordered to be put to death: but still he sent away Aias the high priest, and Aus the commander [of the temple], in bonds to Rome, to give an account of what they had done to Claudius Caesar. 20.132. He also ordered the principal men, both of the Samaritans and of the Jews, as also Cumanus the procurator, and Ceier the tribune, to go to Italy to the emperor, that he might hear their cause, and determine their differences one with another. 20.133. But he came again to the city of Jerusalem, out of his fear that the multitude of the Jews should attempt some innovations; but he found the city in a peaceable state, and celebrating one of the usual festivals of their country to God. So he believed that they would not attempt any innovations, and left them at the celebration of the festival, and returned to Antioch. 20.134. 3. Now Cumanus, and the principal of the Samaritans, who were sent to Rome, had a day appointed them by the emperor whereon they were to have pleaded their cause about the quarrels they had one with another. 20.135. But now Caesar’s freed-men and his friends were very zealous on the behalf of Cumanus and the Samaritans; and they had prevailed over the Jews, unless Agrippa, junior, who was then at Rome, had seen the principal of the Jews hard set, and had earnestly entreated Agrippina, the emperor’s wife, to persuade her husband to hear the cause, so as was agreeable to his justice, and to condemn those to be punished who were really the authors of this revolt from the Roman government:— 20.136. whereupon Claudius was so well disposed beforehand, that when he had heard the cause, and found that the Samaritans had been the ringleaders in those mischievous doings, he gave order that those who came up to him should be slain, and that Cureanus should be banished. He also gave order that Celer the tribune should be carried back to Jerusalem, and should be drawn through the city in the sight of all the people, and then should be slain. |
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| 27. Suetonius, Claudius, 25.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 21 |
28. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 2.142 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Niehoff (2011) 176 | 2.142. Apion was therefore quite blinded in his mind when, for the sake of the Egyptians, he contrived to reproach us, and to accuse such others as not only make use of that conduct of life which he so much abuses, but have also taught other men to be circumcised, as says Herodotus; |
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29. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.457, 2.35, 2.352-2.353, 3.307-3.315 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, m. antony •antoninus pius •antoninus pius, roman emperor Found in books: Ando (2013) 363; Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 634; Rizzi (2010) 117 | 1.457. 5. Now when Herod was come to Jerusalem, he gathered the people together, and presented to them his three sons, and gave them an apologetic account of his absence, and thanked God greatly, and thanked Caesar greatly also, for settling his house when it was under disturbances, and had procured concord among his sons, which was of greater consequence than the kingdom itself, 2.35. He also demonstrated that Archelaus’s accusers had advised him to perpetrate other things of which he might have been accused. But he insisted that the latter testament should, for this reason, above all others, be esteemed valid, because Herod had therein appointed Caesar to be the person who should confirm the succession; 2.352. Now nothing so much damps the force of strokes as bearing them with patience; and the quietness of those who are injured diverts the injurious persons from afflicting. But let us take it for granted that the Roman ministers are injurious to you, and are incurably severe; yet are they not all the Romans who thus injure you; nor hath Caesar, against whom you are going to make war, injured you: it is not by their command that any wicked governor is sent to you; for they who are in the west cannot see those that are in the east; nor indeed is it easy for them there even to hear what is done in these parts. 2.353. Now it is absurd to make war with a great many for the sake of one: to do so with such mighty people for a small cause; and this when these people are not able to know of what you complain: 3.307. 32. Nor did the Samaritans escape their share of misfortunes at this time; for they assembled themselves together upon the mountain called Gerizzim, which is with them a holy mountain, and there they remained; which collection of theirs, as well as the courageous minds they showed, could not but threaten somewhat of war; 3.308. nor were they rendered wiser by the miseries that had come upon their neighboring cities. They also, notwithstanding the great success the Romans had, marched on in an unreasonable manner, depending on their own weakness, and were disposed for any tumult upon its first appearance. 3.309. Vespasian therefore thought it best to prevent their motions, and to cut off the foundation of their attempts. For although all Samaria had ever garrisons settled among them, yet did the number of those that were come to Mount Gerizzim, and their conspiracy together, give ground for fear what they would be at; 3.310. he therefore sent thither Cerealis, the commander of the fifth legion, with six hundred horsemen, and three thousand footmen, 3.311. who did not think it safe to go up to the mountain, and give them battle, because many of the enemy were on the higher part of the ground; so he encompassed all the lower part of the mountain with his army, and watched them all that day. 3.312. Now it happened that the Samaritans, who were now destitute of water, were inflamed with a violent heat (for it was summer time, and the multitude had not provided themselves with necessaries), 3.313. insomuch that some of them died that very day with heat, while others of them preferred slavery before such a death as that was, and fled to the Romans, 3.314. by whom Cerealis understood that those which still staid there were very much broken by their misfortunes. So he went up to the mountain, and having placed his forces round about the enemy, he, in the first place, exhorted them to take the security of his right hand, and come to terms with him, and thereby save themselves; and assured them, that if they would lay down their arms, he would secure them from any harm; 3.315. but when he could not prevail with them, he fell upon them and slew them all, being in number eleven thousand and six hundred. This was done on the twenty-seventh day of the month Desius [Sivan]. And these were the calamities that befell the Samaritans at this time. |
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| 30. Seneca The Younger, Apocolocyntosis, a b c d\n0 14.2 14.2 14 2\n1 12.3 12.3 12 3\n2 '5.7 '5.7 '5 7\n3 '5.9 '5.9 '5 9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 823 |
| 31. Suetonius, Augustus, 45, 37 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 301 |
| 32. Suetonius, Caligula, 52, 54, 23 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 313 |
| 33. Seneca The Younger, Letters, '4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Malherbe et al (2014) 907 |
| 34. Seneca The Younger, Natural Questions, 6.8.2-6.8.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors and egypt, antoninus pius Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 285 |
| 35. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, None (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Borg (2008) 362 |
| 36. Ignatius, To The Philadelphians, 10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 76 |
| 37. Josephus Flavius, Life, 2.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius •antoninus pius, m. antony Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 313; Lampe (2003) 260 |
| 38. Lucan, Pharsalia, 10.9-10.52 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors and egypt, antoninus pius Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 267 |
| 39. Martial, Epigrams, a b c d\n0 9.64 9.64 9 64 \n1 9.65 9.65 9 65 \n2 '9.101 '9.101 '9 101 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Malherbe et al (2014) 658 |
| 40. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 10.1.125-10.1.131 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Malherbe et al (2014) 907 |
| 41. Plutarch, Precepts of Statecraft, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 825 |
42. Plutarch, Pompey, 36.6-36.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, column of Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 47| 36.6. πρὸς δὲ τοὺς καταγελῶντας οὐ τοῦτο ἔλεγεν εἶναι θαυμαστόν, ἀλλʼ ὅτι μὴ λίθοις βάλλει τοὺς ἀπαντῶντας ὑφʼ ἡδονῆς μαινόμενος, ταύτης μὲν ἦν καὶ γενεᾶς καὶ αἵματος ἡ Στρατονίκη. τῷ δὲ Πομπηΐῳ καὶ τὸ χωρίον παρεδίδου τοῦτο καὶ δῶρα πολλὰ προσήνεγκεν, ὧν ἐκεῖνος ὅσα κόσμον ἱεροῖς καὶ λαμπρότητα τῷ θριάμβῳ παρέξειν ἐφαίνετο λαβὼν μόνα, τὰ λοιπὰ τὴν Στρατονίκην ἐκέλευε κεκτῆσθαι χαίρουσαν. 36.7. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως τῶν Ἰβήρων κλίνην τε καὶ τράπεζαν καὶ θρόνον, ἅπαντα χρυσᾶ, πέμψαντος αὐτῷ καὶ δεηθέντος λαβεῖν, καὶ ταῦτα τοῖς ταμίαις παρέδωκεν εἰς τὸ δημόσιον. | 36.6. 36.7. |
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| 43. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius •antoninus pius, emperor Found in books: Marek (2019) 477; Tuori (2016) 196 |
| 44. Plutarch, Demosthenes, 38 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, m. antony Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 634 |
| 45. Plutarch, Demetrius, 38 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, m. antony Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 634 |
| 46. Plutarch, Cato The Younger, 38 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, column of Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 47 |
| 47. Plutarch, Cato The Elder, 39.1-39.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, column of Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 47 |
| 48. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 6.186, 7.53, 34.82, 34.92 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors and egypt, antoninus pius •antoninus pius, m. antony •antoninus pius •antoninus pius, column of Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 634; Manolaraki (2012) 285; Rutledge (2012) 47, 149 |
49. New Testament, Matthew, 17.25, 20.17-20.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 141; Vinzent (2013) 10| 17.25. λέγει Ναί. καὶ ἐλθόντα εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν προέφθασεν αὐτὸν ὁ Ἰησοῦς λέγων Τί σοι δοκεῖ, Σίμων; οἱ βασιλεῖς τῆς γῆς ἀπὸ τίνων λαμβάνουσιν τέλη ἢ κῆνσον; ἀπὸ τῶν υἱῶν αὐτῶν ἢ ἀπὸ τῶν ἀλλοτρίων; 20.17. Μέλλων δὲ ἀναβαίνειν Ἰησοῦς εἰς Ἰεροσόλυμα παρέλαβεν τοὺς δώδεκα [μαθητὰς] κατʼ ἰδίαν, καὶ ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς 20.18. Ἰδοὺ ἀναβαίνομεν εἰς Ἰεροσόλυμα, καὶ ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου παραδοθήσεται τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν καὶ γραμματεῦσιν, καὶ κατακρινοῦσιν αὐτὸν [θανάτῳ], 20.19. καὶ παραδώσουσιν αὐτὸν τοῖς ἔθνεσιν εἰς τὸ ἐμπαῖξαι καὶ μαστιγῶσαι καὶ σταυρῶσαι, καὶ τῇ τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ ἐγερθήσεται. | 17.25. He said, "Yes."When he came into the house, Jesus anticipated him, saying, "What do you think, Simon? From whom do the kings of the earth receive toll or tribute? From their sons, or from strangers?" 20.17. As Jesus was going up to Jerusalem, he took the twelve disciples aside, and on the way he said to them, 20.18. "Behold, we are going up to Jerusalem, and the Son of Man will be delivered to the chief priests and scribes, and they will condemn him to death, 20.19. and will hand him over to the Gentiles to mock, to scourge, and to crucify; and the third day he will be raised up." |
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50. New Testament, Luke, 1.18, 1.80, 3.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius •antoninus pius, m. antony Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 634; Lieu (2015) 296; Vinzent (2013) 108| 1.18. καὶ εἶπεν Ζαχαρίας πρὸς τὸν ἄγγελον Κατὰ τί γνώσομαι τοῦτο; ἐγὼ γάρ εἰμι πρεσβύτης καὶ ἡ γυνή μου προβεβηκυῖα ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις αὐτῆς. 1.80. Τὸ δὲ παιδίον ηὔξανε καὶ ἐκραταιοῦτο πνεύματι, καὶ ἦν ἐν ταῖς ἐρήμοις ἕως ὴμέρας ἀναδείξεως αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὸν Ἰσραήλ. 3.1. ΕΝ ΕΤΕΙ δὲ πεντεκαιδεκάτῳ τῆς ἡγεμονίας Τιβερίου Καίσαρος, ἡγεμονεύοντος Ποντίου Πειλάτου τῆς Ἰουδαίας, καὶ τετρααρχοῦντος τῆς Γαλιλαίας Ἡρῴδου, Φιλίππου δὲ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ τετρααρχοῦντος τῆς Ἰτουραίας καὶ Τραχωνίτιδος χώρας, καὶ Λυσανίου τῆς Ἀβειληνῆς τετρααρχοῦντος, | 1.18. Zacharias said to the angel, "How can I be sure of this? For I am an old man, and my wife is well advanced in years." 1.80. The child was growing, and becoming strong in spirit, and was in the desert until the day of his public appearance to Israel. 3.1. Now in the fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius Caesar, Pontius Pilate being governor of Judea, and Herod being tetrarch of Galilee, and his brother Philip tetrarch of the region of Ituraea and Trachonitis, and Lysanias tetrarch of Abilene, |
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51. New Testament, Romans, 8.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Vinzent (2013) 108| 8.11. εἰ δὲ τὸ πνεῦμα τοῦ ἐγείραντος τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἐκ νεκρῶν οἰκεῖ ἐν ὑμῖν, ὁ ἐγείρας ἐκ νεκρῶν Χριστὸν Ἰησοῦν ζωοποιήσει [καὶ] τὰ θνητὰ σώματα ὑμῶν διὰ τοῦ ἐνοικοῦντος αὐτοῦ πνεύματος ἐν ὑμῖν. | 8.11. But if the Spirit of him who raised up Jesus from the dead dwells in you, he who raised up Christ Jesus from the dead will also give life to your mortal bodies through his Spirit who dwells in you. |
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52. New Testament, Philippians, 2.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Vinzent (2013) 108| 2.16. λόγον ζωῆς ἐπέχοντες, εἰς καύχημα ἐμοὶ εἰς ἡμέραν Χριστοῦ, ὅτι οὐκ εἰς κενὸν ἔδραμον οὐδὲεἰς κενὸν ἐκοπίασα. | 2.16. holding up the word of life; that I may have something to boast in the day of Christ, that I didn't run in vain nor labor in vain. |
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53. New Testament, Galatians, 2.2, 3.13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Lieu (2015) 71; Vinzent (2013) 108| 2.2. καὶ ἀνεθέμην αὐτοῖς τὸ εὐαγγέλιον ὃ κηρύσσω ἐν τοῖς ἔθνεσιν, κατʼ ἰδίαν δὲ τοῖς δοκοῦσιν, μή πως εἰς κενὸν τρέχω ἢ ἔδραμον. 3.13. Χριστὸς ἡμᾶς ἐξηγόρασεν ἐκ τῆς κατάρας τοῦ νόμου γενόμενος ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν κατάρα, ὅτι γέγραπταιἘπικατάρατος πᾶς ὁ κρεμάμενος ἐπὶ ξύλου, | 2.2. I went up byrevelation, and I laid before them the gospel which I preach among theGentiles, but privately before those who were respected, for fear thatI might be running, or had run, in vain. 3.13. Christ redeemed us from the curse of the law, having become acurse for us. For it is written, "Cursed is everyone who hangs on atree," |
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54. New Testament, Apocalypse, 7.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Griffiths (1975) 190| 7.9. Μετὰ ταῦτα εἶδον, καὶ ἰδοὺ ὄχλος πολύς, ὃν ἀριθμῆσαι αὐτὸν οὐδεὶς ἐδύνατο, ἐκ παντὸς ἔθνους καὶ φυλῶν καὶ λαῶν καὶ γλωσσῶν, ἑστῶτες ἐνώπιον τοῦ θρόνου καὶ ἐνώπιον τοῦ ἀρνίου, περιβεβλημένους στολὰς λευκάς, καὶ φοίνικες ἐν ταῖς χερσὶν αὐτῶν· | 7.9. After these things I looked, and behold, a great multitude, which no man could number, out of every nation and of all tribes, peoples, and languages, standing before the throne and before the Lamb, dressed in white robes, with palm branches in their hands. |
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55. New Testament, Acts, 16.19-16.24, 17.6-17.9, 25.16 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 825; Czajkowski et al (2020) 301| 16.19. Ἰδόντες δὲ οἱ κύριοι αὐτῆς ὅτι ἐξῆλθεν ἡ ἐλπὶς τῆς ἐργασίας αὐτῶν ἐπιλαβόμενοι τὸν Παῦλον καὶ τὸν Σίλαν εἵλκυσαν εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας, 16.20. καὶ προσαγαγόντες αὐτοὺς τοῖς στρατηγοῖς εἶπαν Οὗτοι οἱ ἄνθρωποι ἐκταράσσουσιν ἡμῶν τὴν πόλιν Ἰουδαῖοι ὑπάρχοντες, 16.21. καὶ καταγγέλλουσιν ἔθη ἃ οὐκ ἔξεστιν ἡμῖν παραδέχεσθαι οὐδὲ ποιεῖν Ῥωμαίοις οὖσιν. 16.22. καὶ συνεπέστη ὁ ὄχλος κατʼ αὐτῶν, καὶ οἱ στρατηγοὶ περιρήξαντες αὐτῶν τὰ ἱμάτια ἐκέλευον ῥαβδίζειν, 16.23. πολλὰς δὲ ἐπιθέντες αὐτοῖς πληγὰς ἔβαλον εἰς φυλακήν, παραγγείλαντες τῷ δεσμοφύλακι ἀσφαλῶς τηρεῖν αὐτούς· 16.24. ὃς παραγγελίαν τοιαύτην λαβὼν ἔβαλεν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν ἐσωτέραν φυλακὴν καὶ τοὺς πόδας ἠσφαλίσατο αὐτῶν εἰς τὸ ξύλον. 17.6. μὴ εὑρόντες δὲ αὐτοὺς ἔσυρον Ἰάσονα καί τινας ἀδελφοὺς ἐπὶ τοὺς πολιτάρχας, βοῶντες ὅτι Οἱ τὴν οἰκουμένην ἀναστατώσαντες οὗτοι καὶ ἐνθάδε πάρεισιν, 17.7. οὓς ὑποδέδεκται Ἰάσων· καὶ οὗτοι πάντες ἀπέναντι τῶν δογμάτων Καίσαρος πράσσουσι, βασιλέα ἕτερον λέγοντες εἶναι Ἰησοῦν. 17.8. ἐτάραξαν δὲ τὸν ὄχλον καὶ τοὺς πολιτάρχας ἀκούοντας ταῦτα, 17.9. καὶ λαβόντες τὸ ἱκανὸν παρὰ τοῦ Ἰάσονος καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν ἀπέλυσαν αὐτούς. 25.16. πρὸς οὓς ἀπεκρίθην ὅτι οὐκ ἔστιν ἔθος Ῥωμαίοις χαρίζεσθαί τινα ἄνθρωπον πρὶν ἢ ὁ κατηγορούμενος κατὰ πρόσωπον ἔχοι τοὺς κατηγόρους τόπον τε ἀπολογίας λάβοι περὶ τοῦ ἐγκλήματος. | 16.19. But when her masters saw that the hope of their gain was gone, they seized Paul and Silas, and dragged them into the marketplace before the rulers. 16.20. When they had brought them to the magistrates, they said, "These men, being Jews, are agitating our city, 16.21. and set forth customs which it is not lawful for us to accept or to observe, being Romans." 16.22. The multitude rose up together against them, and the magistrates tore their clothes off of them, and commanded them to be beaten with rods. 16.23. When they had laid many stripes on them, they threw them into prison, charging the jailer to keep them safely, 16.24. who, having received such a charge, threw them into the inner prison, and secured their feet in the stocks. 17.6. When they didn't find them, they dragged Jason and certain brothers before the rulers of the city, crying, "These who have turned the world upside down have come here also, 17.7. whom Jason has received. These all act contrary to the decrees of Caesar, saying that there is another king, Jesus!" 17.8. The multitude and the rulers of the city were troubled when they heard these things. 17.9. When they had taken security from Jason and the rest, they let them go. 25.16. To whom I answered that it is not the custom of the Romans to give up any man to destruction, before the accused have met the accusers face to face, and have had opportunity to make his defense concerning the matter laid against him. |
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56. New Testament, 2 Corinthians, 4.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Vinzent (2013) 108| 4.14. εἰδότες ὅτι ὁ ἐγείρας τὸν [κύριον] Ἰησοῦν καὶ ἡμᾶς σὺν Ἰησοῦ ἐγερεῖ καὶ παραστήσει σὺν ὑμῖν. | |
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57. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 15.17-15.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Vinzent (2013) 10| 15.17. εἰ δὲ Χριστὸς οὐκ ἐγήγερται, ματαία ἡ πίστις ὑμῶν [ἐστίν], ἔτι ἐστὲ ἐν ταῖς ἁμαρτίαις ὑμῶν. 15.18. ἄρα καὶ οἱ κοιμηθέντες ἐν Χριστῷ ἀπώλοντο. 15.19. εἰ ἐν τῇ ζωῇ ταύτῃ ἐν Χριστῷ ἠλπικότες ἐσμὲν μόνον, ἐλεεινότεροι πάντων ἀνθρώπων ἐσμέν. | 15.17. If Christ has not been raised, your faithis vain; you are still in your sins. 15.18. Then they also who arefallen asleep in Christ have perished. 15.19. If we have only hoped inChrist in this life, we are of all men most pitiable. |
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| 58. Martial, Epigrams, a b c d\n0 9.65 9.65 9 65 \n1 9.64 9.64 9 64 \n2 '9.101 '9.101 '9 101 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Malherbe et al (2014) 658 |
| 59. Juvenal, Satires, 3.190 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Lampe (2003) 64 |
| 60. Artemidorus, Oneirocritica, 1.26 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Csapo (2022) 110 |
| 61. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 4.5, 10.1.125-10.1.131 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Lampe (2003) 271; Malherbe et al (2014) 907 |
| 62. Suetonius, Nero, 47.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 149 |
| 63. Suetonius, Domitianus, 4.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, emperor •antoninus pius Found in books: Alvar Ezquerra (2008) 251; Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 542 |
| 64. Tacitus, Agricola, 6.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, column of Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 301 |
| 65. Suetonius, Vitellius, 5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, column of Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 47, 301 |
66. Tacitus, Histories, 4.70 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, emperor Found in books: Marek (2019) 477 | 4.70. The result was that neither the Treviri nor the Lingones nor the other rebellious people made efforts at all proportionate to the gravity of the crisis; not even the leaders consulted together, but Civilis ranged the pathless wilds of Belgium in his efforts to capture Claudius Labeo or to drive him out of the country, while Classicus spent most of his time in indolent ease, enjoying his supreme power as if it were already secured; even Tutor made no haste to occupy with troops the Upper Rhine and the passes of the Alps. In the meantime the Twenty-first legion penetrated by way of Vindonissa and Sextilius Felix entered through Raetia with some auxiliary infantry; these troops were joined by the squadron of picked horse that had originally been formed by Vitellius but which had later gone over to Vespasian's side. These were commanded by Julius Briganticus, the son of a sister of Civilis, who was hated by his uncle and who hated his uncle in turn with all the bitter hatred that frequently exists between the closest relatives. Tutor first added to the Treviran troops a fresh levy of Vangiones, Caeracates, and Triboci, and then reinforced these with veteran foot and horse, drawn from the legionaries whom he had either corrupted by hope or overcome with fear; these forces first massacred a cohort despatched in advance by Sextilius Felix; then, when the Roman generals and armies began to draw near, they returned to their allegiance by an honourable desertion, followed by the Triboci, Vangiones, and Caeracates. Tutor, accompanied by the Treviri, avoided Mainz and withdrew to Bingium. He had confidence in this position, for he had destroyed the bridge across the Nava, but he was assailed by some cohorts under Sextilius, whose discovery of a ford exposed him and forced him to flee. This defeat terrified the Treviri, and the common people abandoned their arms and dispersed among the fields: some of the chiefs, in their desire to seem the first to give up war, took refuge in those states that had not abandoned their alliance with Rome. The legions that had been moved from Novaesium and Bonn to the Treviri, as I have stated above, now voluntarily took the oath of allegiance to Vespasian. All this happened during the absence of Valentinus; when he returned, however, he was beside himself and wished to throw everything again into confusion and ruin; whereupon the legions withdrew among the Mediomatrici, an allied people: Valentinus and Tutor swept the Treviri again into arms, and murdered the two commanders Herennius and Numisius to strengthen the bond of their common crime by diminishing their hope of pardon. |
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| 67. Appian, The Syrian Wars, 60 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, m. antony Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 634 |
68. Tacitus, Annals, 1.3.3, 1.72, 3.18, 3.38, 3.60-3.63, 4.33, 4.45.2, 6.18, 13.30-13.31, 14.18, 15.41 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius •antoninus pius, m. antony •antoninus pius, column of Found in books: Ando (2013) 230; Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 313; Czajkowski et al (2020) 250, 277; Dignas (2002) 293; Rutledge (2012) 301; Stanton (2021) 85| 1.72. Decreta eo anno triumphalia insignia A. Caecinae, L. Apronio, C. Silio ob res cum Germanico gestas. nomen patris patriae Tiberius, a populo saepius ingestum, repudiavit; neque in acta sua iurari quamquam censente senatu permisit, cuncta mortalium incerta, quantoque plus adeptus foret, tanto se magis in lubrico dictitans. non tamen ideo faciebat fidem civilis animi; nam legem maiestatis reduxerat, cui nomen apud veteres idem, sed alia in iudicium veniebant, si quis proditione exercitum aut plebem seditionibus, denique male gesta re publica maiestatem populi Romani minuisset: facta arguebantur, dicta inpune erant. primus Augustus cognitionem de famosis libellis specie legis eius tractavit, commotus Cassii Severi libidine, qua viros feminasque inlustris procacibus scriptis diffamaverat; mox Tiberius, consultante Pompeio Macro praetore an iudicia maiestatis redderentur, exercendas leges esse respondit. hunc quoque asperavere carmina incertis auctoribus vulgata in saevitiam superbiamque eius et discordem cum matre animum. 3.18. Multa ex ea sententia mitigata sunt a principe: ne nomen Pisonis fastis eximeretur, quando M. Antonii qui bellum patriae fecisset, Iulli Antonii qui domum Augusti violasset, manerent. et M. Pisonem ignominiae exemit concessitque ei paterna bona, satis firmus, ut saepe memoravi, adversum pecuniam et tum pudore absolutae Plancinae placabilior. atque idem, cum Valerius Messalinus signum aureum in aede Martis Vltoris, Caecina Severus aram ultioni statuendam censuissent, prohibuit, ob externas ea victorias sacrari dictitans, domestica mala tristitia operienda. addiderat Messalinus Tiberio et Augustae et Antoniae et Agrippinae Drusoque ob vindictam Germanici gratis agendas omiseratque Claudii mentionem. et Messalinum quidem L. Asprenas senatu coram percontatus est an prudens praeterisset; ac tum demum nomen Claudii adscriptum est. mihi quanto plura recentium seu veterum revolvo tanto magis ludibria rerum mortalium cunctis in negotiis obversantur. quippe fama spe veneratione potius omnes destinabantur imperio quam quem futurum principem fortuna in occulto tenebat. 3.38. Non enim Tiberius, non accusatores fatiscebant. et Ancharius Priscus Caesium Cordum pro consule Cretae postulaverat repetundis, addito maiestatis crimine, quod tum omnium accusationum complementum erat. Caesar Antistium Veterem e primoribus Macedoniae, absolutum adulterii, increpitis iudicibus ad dicendam maiestatis causam retraxit, ut turbidum et Rhescuporidis consiliis permixtum, qua tempestate Cotye fratre interfecto bellum adversus nos volverat. igitur aqua et igni interdictum reo, adpositumque ut teneretur insula neque Macedoniae neque Thraeciae opportuna. nam Thraecia diviso imperio in Rhoemetalcen et liberos Cotyis, quis ob infantiam tutor erat Trebellenus Rufus, insolentia nostri discors agebat neque minus Rhoemetalcen quam Trebellenum incusans popularium iniurias inultas sinere. Coelaletae Odrusaeque et Dii, validae nationes, arma cepere, ducibus diversis et paribus inter se per ignobilitatem; quae causa fuit ne in bellum atrox coalescerent. pars turbant praesentia, alii montem Haemum transgrediuntur ut remotos populos concirent; plurimi ac maxime compositi regem urbemque Philippopolim, a Macedone Philippo sitam, circumsidunt. 3.61. Primi omnium Ephesii adiere, memorantes non, ut vulgus crederet, Dianam atque Apollinem Delo genitos: esse apud se Cenchreum amnem, lucum Ortygiam, ubi Latonam partu gravidam et oleae, quae tum etiam maneat, adnisam edidisse ea numina, deorumque monitu sacratum nemus, atque ipsum illic Apollinem post interfectos Cyclopas Iovis iram vitavisse. mox Liberum patrem, bello victorem, supplicibus Amazonum quae aram insiderant ignovisse. auctam hinc concessu Herculis, cum Lydia poteretur, caerimoniam templo neque Persarum dicione deminutum ius; post Macedonas, dein nos servavisse. 3.62. Proximi hos Magnetes L. Scipionis et L. Sullae constitutis nitebantur, quorum ille Antiocho, hic Mithridate pulsis fidem atque virtutem Magnetum decoravere, uti Dianae Leucophrynae perfugium inviolabile foret. Aphrodisienses posthac et Stratonicenses dictatoris Caesaris ob vetusta in partis merita et recens divi Augusti decretum adtulere, laudati quod Parthorum inruptionem nihil mutata in populum Romanum constantia pertulissent. sed Aphrodisiensium civitas Veneris, Stratonicensium Iovis et Triviae religionem tuebantur. altius Hierocaesarienses exposuere, Persicam apud se Dianam, delubrum rege Cyro dicatum; et memorabantur Perpennae, Isaurici multaque alia imperatorum nomina qui non modo templo sed duobus milibus passuum eandem sanctitatem tribuerant. exim Cy- prii tribus de delubris, quorum vetustissimum Paphiae Veneri auctor Ae+rias, post filius eius Amathus Veneri Amathusiae et Iovi Salaminio Teucer, Telamonis patris ira profugus, posuissent. 3.63. Auditae aliarum quoque civitatium legationes. quorum copia fessi patres, et quia studiis certabatur, consulibus permisere ut perspecto iure, et si qua iniquitas involveretur, rem integram rursum ad senatum referrent. consules super eas civitates quas memoravi apud Pergamum Aesculapii compertum asylum rettulerunt: ceteros obscuris ob vetustatem initiis niti. nam Zmyrnaeos oraculum Apollinis, cuius imperio Stratonicidi Veneri templum dicaverint, Tenios eiusdem carmen referre, quo sacrare Neptuni effigiem aedemque iussi sint. propiora Sardianos: Alexandri victoris id donum. neque minus Milesios Dareo rege niti; set cultus numinum utrisque Dianam aut Apollinem venerandi. petere et Cretenses simulacro divi Augusti. factaque senatus consulta quis multo cum honore modus tamen praescribebatur, iussique ipsis in templis figere aera sacrandam ad memoriam, neu specie religionis in ambitionem delaberentur. 4.33. Nam cunctas nationes et urbes populus aut primores aut singuli regunt: delecta ex iis et consociata rei publicae forma laudari facilius quam evenire, vel si evenit, haud diuturna esse potest. igitur ut olim plebe valida, vel cum patres pollerent, noscenda vulgi natura et quibus modis temperanter haberetur, senatusque et optimatium ingenia qui maxime perdidicerant, callidi temporum et sapientes credebantur, sic converso statu neque alia re Romana quam si unus imperitet, haec conquiri tradique in rem fuerit, quia pauci prudentia honesta ab deterioribus, utilia ab noxiis discernunt, plures aliorum eventis docentur. ceterum ut profutura, ita minimum oblectationis adferunt. nam situs gentium, varietates proeliorum, clari ducum exitus retinent ac redintegrant legentium animum: nos saeva iussa, continuas accusationes, fallaces amicitias, perniciem innocentium et easdem exitii causas coniungimus, obvia rerum similitudine et satietate. tum quod antiquis scriptoribus rarus obtrectator, neque refert cuiusquam Punicas Romanasne acies laetius extuleris: at multorum qui Tiberio regente poenam vel infamias subiere posteri manent. utque familiae ipsae iam extinctae sint, reperies qui ob similitudinem morum aliena malefacta sibi obiectari putent. etiam gloria ac virtus infensos habet, ut nimis ex propinquo diversa arguens. sed ad inceptum redeo. 6.18. Dein redeunt priores metus postulato maiestatis Considio Proculo; qui nullo pavore diem natalem celebrans raptus in curiam pariterque damnatus interfectusque, et sorori eius Sanciae aqua atque igni interdictum accusante Q. Pomponio. is moribus inquies haec et huiusce modi a se factitari praetendebat ut parta apud principem gratia periculis Pomponii Secundi fratris mederetur. etiam in Pompeiam Macrinam exilium statuitur cuius maritum Argolicum socerum Laconem e primoribus Achaeorum Caesar adflixerat. pater quoque inlustris eques Romanus ac frater praetorius, cum damnatio instaret, se ipsi interfecere. datum erat crimini quod Theophanen Mytilenaeum proavum eorum Cn. Magnus inter intimos habuisset, quodque defuncto Theophani caelestis honores Graeca adulatio tribuerat. 13.31. Nerone iterum L. Pisone consulibus pauca memoria digna evenere, nisi cui libeat laudandis fundamentis et trabibus, quis molem amphitheatri apud campum Martis Caesar extruxerat, volumina implere, cum ex dignitate populi Romani repertum sit res inlustris annalibus, talia diurnis urbis actis mandare. ceterum coloniae Capua atque Nuceria additis veteranis firmatae sunt, plebeique congiarium quadringeni nummi viritim dati, et sestertium quadringenties aerario inlatum est ad retinendam populi fidem. vectigal quoque quintae et vicesimae venalium mancipiorum remissum, specie magis quam vi, quia cum venditor pendere iuberetur, in partem pretii emptoribus adcrescebat. et edixit Caesar, ne quis magistratus aut procurator in provincia quam obtineret spectaculum gladiatorum aut ferarum aut quod aliud ludicrum ederet. nam ante non minus tali largitione quam corripiendis pecuniis subiectos adfligebant, dum quae libidine deliquerant ambitu propugt. 14.18. Motus senatu et Pedius Blaesus, accusantibus Cyrenensibus violatum ab eo thesaurum Aesculapii dilectumque militarem pretio et ambitione corruptum. idem Cyrenenses reum agebant Acilium Strabonem, praetoria potestate usum et missum disceptatorem a Claudio agrorum, quos regis Apionis quondam avitos et populo Romano cum regno relictos proximus quisque possessor invaserant, diutinaque licentia et iniuria quasi iure et aequo nitebantur. igitur abiudicatis agris orta adversus iudicem invidia; et senatus ignota sibi esse mandata Claudii et consulendum principem respondit. Nero probata Strabonis sententia se nihilo minus subvenire sociis et usurpata concedere scripsit. 15.41. Domuum et insularum et templorum quae amissa sunt numerum inire haud promptum fuerit: sed vetustissima religione, quod Servius Tullius Lunae et magna ara fanumque quae praesenti Herculi Arcas Evander sacraverat, aedesque Statoris Iovis vota Romulo Numaeque regia et delubrum Vestae cum Penatibus populi Romani exusta; iam opes tot victoriis quaesitae et Graecarum artium decora, exim monumenta ingeniorum antiqua et incorrupta, ut quamvis in tanta resurgentis urbis pulchritudine multa seniores meminerint quae reparari nequibant. fuere qui adnotarent xiiii Kal. Sextilis principium incendii huius ortum, et quo Senones captam urbem inflammaverint. alii eo usque cura progressi sunt ut totidem annos mensisque et dies inter utraque incendia numerent. | 1.72. In this year triumphal distinctions were voted to Aulus Caecina, Lucius Apronius, and Caius Silius, in return for their services with Germanicus. Tiberius rejected the title Father of his Country, though it had been repeatedly pressed upon him by the people: and, disregarding a vote of the senate, refused to allow the taking of an oath to obey his enactments. "All human affairs," so ran his comment, "were uncertain, and the higher he climbed the more slippery his position." Yet even so he failed to inspire the belief that his sentiments were not monarchical. For he had resuscitated the Lex Majestatis, a statute which in the old jurisprudence had carried the same name but covered a different type of offence â betrayal of an army; seditious incitement of the populace; any act, in short, of official maladministration diminishing the "majesty of the Roman nation." Deeds were challenged, words went immune. The first to take cognizance of written libel under the statute was Augustus; who was provoked to the step by the effrontery with which Cassius Severus had blackened the characters of men and women of repute in his scandalous effusions: then Tiberius, to an inquiry put by the praetor, Pompeius Macer, whether process should still be granted on this statute, replied that "the law ought to take its course." He, too, had been ruffled by verses of unknown authorship satirizing his cruelty, his arrogance, and his estrangement from his mother. 3.18. Much in these suggestions was mitigated by the emperor. He would not have Piso's name cancelled from the records, when the names of Mark Antony, who had levied war on his fatherland, and of Iullus Antonius, who had dishonoured the hearth of Augustus, still remained. He exempted Marcus Piso from official degradation, and granted him his patrimony: for, as I have often said, he was firm enough against pecuniary temptations, and in the present case his shame at the acquittal of Plancina made him exceptionally lenient. So, again, when Valerius Messalinus proposed to erect a golden statue in the temple of Mars the Avenger, and Caecina Severus an altar of Vengeance, he vetoed the scheme, remarking that these memorials were consecrated after victories abroad; domestic calamities called for sorrow and concealment. Messalinus had added that Tiberius, Augusta, Antonia, Agrippina, and Drusus ought to be officially thanked for their services in avenging Germanicus: Claudius he had neglected to mention. Indeed, it was only when Lucius Asprenas demanded point-blank in the senate if the omission was deliberate that the name was appended. For myself, the more I reflect on events recent or remote, the more am I haunted by the sense of a mockery in human affairs. For by repute, by expectancy, and by veneration, all men were sooner marked out for sovereignty than that future emperor whom destiny was holding in the background. 3.38. For Tiberius and the informers showed no fatigue. Ancharius Priscus had accused Caesius Cordus, proconsul of Crete, of malversation: a charge of treason, the complement now of all arraignments, was appended. Antistius Vetus, a grandee of Macedonia, had been acquitted of adultery: the Caesar reprimanded the judges and recalled him to stand his trial for treason, as a disaffected person, involved in the schemes of Rhescuporis during that period after the murder of Cotys when he had meditated war against ourselves. The defendant was condemned accordingly to interdiction from fire and water, with a proviso that his place of detention should be an island not too conveniently situated either for Macedonia or for Thrace. For since the partition of the monarchy between Rhoemetalces and the children of Cotys, who during their minority were under the tutelage of Trebellenus Rufus, Thrace â unaccustomed to Roman methods â was divided against herself; and the accusations against Trebellenus were no more violent than those against Rhoemetalces for leaving the injuries of his countrymen unavenged. Three powerful tribes, the Coelaletae, Odrysae, and Dii, took up arms, but under separate leaders of precisely equal obscurity: a fact which saved us from a coalition involving a serious war. One division embroiled the districts at hand; another crossed the Haemus range to bring out the remote clans; the most numerous, and least disorderly, besieged the king in Philippopolis, a city founded by Philip of Macedon. 3.60. Tiberius, however, while tightening his grasp on the solid power of the principate, vouchsafed to the senate a shadow of the past by submitting the claims of the provinces to the discussion of its members. For throughout the Greek cities there was a growing laxity, and impunity, in the creation of rights of asylum. The temples were filled with the dregs of the slave population; the same shelter was extended to the debtor against his creditor and to the man suspected of a capital offence; nor was any authority powerful enough to quell the factions of a race which protected human felony equally with divine worship. It was resolved, therefore, that the communities in question should send their charters and deputies to Rome. A few abandoned without a struggle the claims they had asserted without a title: many relied on hoary superstitions or on their services to the Roman nation. It was an impressive spectacle which that day afforded, when the senate scrutinized the benefactions of its predecessors, the constitutions of the provinces, even the decrees of kings whose power antedated the arms of Rome, and the rites of the deities themselves, with full liberty as of old to confirm or change. 3.61. The Ephesians were the first to appear. "Apollo and Diana," they stated, "were not, as commonly supposed, born at Delos. In Ephesus there was a river Cenchrius, with a grove Ortygia; where Latona, heavy-wombed and supporting herself by an olive-tree which remained to that day, gave birth to the heavenly twins. The grove had been hallowed by divine injunction; and there Apollo himself, after slaying the Cyclopes, had evaded the anger of Jove. Afterwards Father Liber, victor in the war, had pardoned the suppliant Amazons who had seated themselves at the altar. Then the sanctity of the temple had been enhanced, with the permission of Hercules, while he held the crown of Lydia; its privileges had not been diminished under the Persian empire; later, they had been preserved by the Macedonians â last by ourselves." 3.62. The Magnesians, who followed, rested their case on the rulings of Lucius Scipio and Lucius Sulla, who, after their defeats of Antiochus and Mithridates respectively, had honoured the loyalty and courage of Magnesia by making the shrine of Leucophryne Diana an inviolable refuge. Next, Aphrodisias and Stratonicea adduced a decree of the dictator Julius in return for their early services to his cause, together with a modern rescript of the deified Augustus, who praised the unchanging fidelity to the Roman nation with which they had sustained the Parthian inroad. Aphrodisias, however, was championing the cult of Venus; Stratonicea, that of Jove and Diana of the Crossways. The statement of Hierocaesarea went deeper into the past: the community owned a Persian Diana with a temple dedicated in the reign of Cyrus; and there were references to Perpenna, Isauricus, and many other commanders who had allowed the same sanctity not only to the temple but to the neighbourhood for two miles round. The Cypriotes followed with an appeal for three shrines â the oldest erected by their founder Aërias to the Paphian Venus; the second by his son Amathus to the Amathusian Venus; and a third by Teucer, exiled by the anger of his father Telamon, to Jove of Salamis. 3.63. Deputations from other states were heard as well; till the Fathers, weary of the details, and disliking the acrimony of the discussion, empowered the consuls to investigate the titles, in search of any latent flaw, and to refer the entire question back to the senate. Their report was that â apart from the communities I have already named â they were satisfied there was a genuine sanctuary of Aesculapius at Pergamum; other claimants relied on pedigrees too ancient to be clear. "For Smyrna cited an oracle of Apollo, at whose command the town had dedicated a temple to Venus Stratonicis; Tenos, a prophecy from the same source, ordering the consecration of a statue and shrine to Neptune. Sardis touched more familiar ground with a grant from the victorious Alexander; Miletus had equal confidence in King Darius. With these two, however, the divine object of adoration was Diana in the one case, Apollo in the other. The Cretans, again, were claiming for an effigy of the deified Augustus." The senate, accordingly, passed a number of resolutions, scrupulously complimentary, but still imposing a limit; and the applicants were ordered to fix the brass records actually inside the temples, both as a solemn memorial and as a warning not to lapse into secular intrigue under the cloak of religion. 4.33. For every nation or city is governed by the people, or by the nobility, or by individuals: a constitution selected and blended from these types is easier to commend than to create; or, if created, its tenure of life is brief. Accordingly, as in the period of alternate plebeian domice and patrician ascendancy it was imperative, in one case, to study the character of the masses and the methods of controlling them; while, in the other, those who had acquired the most exact knowledge of the temper of the senate and the aristocracy were accounted shrewd in their generation and wise; so toâday, when the situation has been transformed and the Roman world is little else than a monarchy, the collection and the chronicling of these details may yet serve an end: for few men distinguish right and wrong, the expedient and the disastrous, by native intelligence; the majority are schooled by the experience of others. But while my themes have their utility, they offer the minimum of pleasure. Descriptions of countries, the vicissitudes of battles, commanders dying on the field of honour, such are the episodes that arrest and renew the interest of the reader: for myself, I present a series of savage mandates, of perpetual accusations, of traitorous friendships, of ruined innocents, of various causes and identical results â everywhere monotony of subject, and satiety. Again, the ancient author has few detractors, and it matters to none whether you praise the Carthaginian or the Roman arms with the livelier enthusiasm. But of many, who underwent either the legal penalty or a form of degradation in the principate of Tiberius, the descendants remain; and, assuming the actual families to be now extinct, you will still find those who, from a likeness of character, read the ill deeds of others as an innuendo against themselves. Even glory and virtue create their enemies â they arraign their opposites by too close a contrast. But I return to my subject. 6.18. Old fears now returned with the indictment for treason of Considius Proculus; who, while celebrating his birthday without a qualm, was swept off to the senate-house and in the same moment condemned and executed. His sister Sancia was banned from fire and water, the accuser being Quintus Pomponius: a restless character, who pleaded that the object of his activity in this and similar cases was, by acquiring favour with the emperor, to palliate the dangers of his brother Pomponius Secundus. Exile was also the sentence of Pompeia Macrina, whose husband Argolicus and father-inâlaw Laco, two of the most prominent men in Achaia had been struck down by the Caesar. Her father, too, a Roman knight of the highest rank, and her brother, a former praetor, finding their condemnation at hand, committed suicide. The crime laid to their account was that Theophanes of Mytilene (great-grandfather of Pompeia and her brother) had been numbered with the intimates of Pompey, and that, after his death, Greek sycophancy had paid him the honour of deification. 13.30. In the same consulate, Vipsanius Laenas was found guilty of malversation in his province of Sardinia; Cestius Proculus was acquitted on a charge of extortion brought by the Cretans. Clodius Quirinalis, who, as commandant of the crews stationed at Ravenna, had by his debauchery and ferocity tormented Italy, as though Italy were the most abject of the nations, forestalled his sentence by poison. Caninius Rebilus, who in juristic knowledge and extent of fortune ranked with the greatest, escaped the tortures of age and sickness by letting the blood from his arteries; though, from the unmasculine vices for which he was infamous, he had been thought incapable of the firmness of committing suicide. In contrast, Lucius Volusius departed in the fullness of honour, after enjoying a term of ninety-three years of life, a noble fortune virtuously gained, and the unbroken friendship of a succession of emperors. 13.31. In the consulate of Nero, for the second time, and of Lucius Piso, little occurred that deserves remembrance, unless the chronicler is pleased to fill his rolls with panegyrics of the foundations and the beams on which the Caesar reared his vast amphitheatre in the Campus Martius; although, in accordance with the dignity of the Roman people, it has been held fitting to consign great events to the page of history and details such as these to the urban gazette. Still, the colonies of Capua and Nuceria were reinforced by a draft of veterans; the populace was given a gratuity of four hundred sesterces a head; and forty millions were paid into the treasury to keep the public credit stable. Also, the tax of four per cent on the purchase of slaves was remitted more in appearance than in effect: for, as payment was now required from the vendor, the buyers found the amount added as part of the price. The Caesar, too, issued an edict that no magistrate or procurator should, in the province for which he was responsible, exhibit a gladiatorial spectacle, a display of wild beasts, or any other entertainment. Previously, a subject community suffered as much from the spurious liberality as from the rapacity of its governors, screening as they did by corruption the offences they had committed in wantonness. 14.18. Pedius Blaesus also was removed from the senate: he was charged by the Cyrenaeans with profaning the treasury of Aesculapius and falsifying the military levy by venality and favouritism. An indictment was brought, again by Cyrene, against Acilius Strabo, who had held praetorian office and been sent by Claudius to adjudicate on the estates, once the patrimony of King Apion, which he had bequeathed along with his kingdom to the Roman nation. They had been annexed by the neighbouring proprietors, who relied on their long-licensed usurpation as a legal and fair title. Hence, when the adjudication went against them, there was an outbreak of ill-will against the adjudicator; and the senate could only answer that it was ignorant of Claudius' instructions and the emperor would have to be consulted. Nero, while upholding Strabo's verdict, wrote that none the less he supported the provincials and made over to them the property occupied. 15.41. It would not be easy to attempt an estimate of the private dwellings, tenement-blocks, and temples, which were lost; but the flames consumed, in their old-world sanctity, the temple dedicated to Luna by Servius Tullius, the great altar and chapel of the Arcadian Evander to the Present Hercules, the shrine of Jupiter Stator vowed by Romulus, the Palace of Numa, and the holy place of Vesta with the Penates of the Roman people. To these must be added the precious trophies won upon so many fields, the glories of Greek art, and yet again the primitive and uncorrupted memorials of literary genius; so that, despite the striking beauty of the rearisen city, the older generation recollects much that it proved impossible to replace. There were those who noted that the first outbreak of the fire took place on the nineteenth of July, the anniversary of the capture and burning of Rome by the Senones: others have pushed their researches so far as to resolve the interval between the two fires into equal numbers of years, of months, and of days. |
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| 69. Suetonius, Tiberius, 47.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 149 |
70. Irenaeus, Refutation of All Heresies, 4.40 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 661 | 4.40. And they exhibit a liver seemingly bearing an inscription in this manner. With the left hand he writes what he wishes, appending it to the question, and the letters are traced with gall juice and strong vinegar. Then taking up the liver, retaining it in the left hand, he makes some delay, and then it draws away the impression, and it is supposed to have, as it were, writing upon it. |
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71. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.19.6, 2.4.6, 7.20.6, 8.46.5, 18.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius •antoninus pius, column of Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022) 89; Griffiths (1975) 18; Rutledge (2012) 301| 1.19.6. διαβᾶσι δὲ τὸν Ἰλισὸν χωρίον Ἄγραι καλούμενον καὶ ναὸς Ἀγροτέρας ἐστὶν Ἀρτέμιδος· ἐνταῦθα Ἄρτεμιν πρῶτον θηρεῦσαι λέγουσιν ἐλθοῦσαν ἐκ Δήλου, καὶ τὸ ἄγαλμα διὰ τοῦτο ἔχει τόξον. τὸ δὲ ἀκούσασι μὲν οὐχ ὁμοίως ἐπαγωγόν, θαῦμα δʼ ἰδοῦσι, στάδιόν ἐστι λευκοῦ λίθου. μέγεθος δὲ αὐτοῦ τῇδε ἄν τις μάλιστα τεκμαίροιτο· ἄνωθεν ὄρος ὑπὲρ τὸν Ἰλισὸν ἀρχόμενον ἐκ μηνοειδοῦς καθήκει τοῦ ποταμοῦ πρὸς τὴν ὄχθην εὐθύ τε καὶ διπλοῦν. τοῦτο ἀνὴρ Ἀθηναῖος Ἡρώδης ᾠκοδόμησε, καί οἱ τὸ πολὺ τῆς λιθοτομίας τῆς Πεντελῆσιν ἐς τὴν οἰκοδομὴν ἀνηλώθη. 2.4.6. ἀνιοῦσι δὲ ἐς τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον—ἡ δέ ἐστιν ὄρους ὑπὲρ τὴν πόλιν κορυφή, Βριάρεω μὲν Ἡλίῳ δόντος αὐτὴν ὅτε ἐδίκαζεν, Ἡλίου δὲ ὡς οἱ Κορίνθιοί φασιν Ἀφροδίτῃ παρέντος—ἐς δὴ τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον τοῦτον ἀνιοῦσίν ἐστιν Ἴσιδος τεμένη, ὧν τὴν μὲν Πελαγίαν, τὴν δὲ Αἰγυπτίαν αὐτῶν ἐπονομάζουσιν, καὶ δύο Σαράπιδος, ἐν Κανώβῳ καλουμένου τὸ ἕτερον. μετὰ δὲ αὐτὰ Ἡλίῳ πεποίηνται βωμοί, καὶ Ἀνάγκης καὶ Βίας ἐστὶν ἱερόν· ἐσιέναι δὲ ἐς αὐτὸ οὐ νομίζουσιν. 7.20.6. ἔχεται δὲ τῆς ἀγορᾶς τὸ Ὠιδεῖον, καὶ Ἀπόλλων ἐνταῦθα ἀνάκειται θέας ἄξιος· ἐποιήθη δὲ ἀπὸ λαφύρων, ἡνίκα ἐπὶ τὸν στρατὸν τῶν Γαλατῶν οἱ Πατρεῖς ἤμυναν Αἰτωλοῖς Ἀχαιῶν μόνοι. κεκόσμηται δὲ καὶ ἐς ἄλλα τὸ Ὠιδεῖον ἀξιολογώτατα τῶν ἐν Ἕλλησι, πλήν γε δὴ τοῦ Ἀθήνῃσι· τοῦτο γὰρ μεγέθει τε καὶ ἐς τὴν πᾶσαν ὑπερῆρκε κατασκευήν, ἀνὴρ δὲ Ἀθηναῖος ἐποίησεν Ἡρώδης ἐς μνήμην ἀποθανούσης γυναικός. ἐμοὶ δὲ ἐν τῇ Ἀτθίδι συγγραφῇ τὸ ἐς τοῦτο παρείθη τὸ Ὠιδεῖον, ὅτι πρότερον ἔτι ἐξείργαστό μοι τὰ ἐς Ἀθηναίους ἢ ὑπῆρκτο Ἡρώδης τοῦ οἰκοδομήματος. 8.46.5. τοῦτο μὲν δὴ ἐνταῦθα ἀνάκειται ἐλέφαντος διὰ παντὸς πεποιημένον, τέχνη δὲ Ἐνδοίου · τοῦ δὲ ὑὸς τῶν ὀδόντων κατεᾶχθαι μὲν τὸν ἕτερόν φασιν οἱ ἐπὶ τοῖς θαύμασιν, ὁ δʼ ἔτι ἐξ αὐτῶν λειπόμενος ἀνέκειτο ἐν βασιλέως κήποις ἐν ἱερῷ Διονύσου, τὴν περίμετρον τοῦ μήκους παρεχόμενος ἐς ἥμισυ μάλιστα ὀργυιᾶς. | 1.19.6. Across the Ilisus is a district called Agrae and a temple of Artemis Agrotera (the Huntress). They say that Artemis first hunted here when she came from Delos , and for this reason the statue carries a bow. A marvel to the eyes, though not so impressive to hear of, is a race-course of white marble, the size of which can best be estimated from the fact that beginning in a crescent on the heights above the Ilisus it descends in two straight lines to the river bank. This was built by Herodes, an Athenian, and the greater part of the Pentelic quarry was exhausted in its construction. 2.4.6. The Acrocorinthus is a mountain peak above the city, assigned to Helius by Briareos when he acted as adjudicator, and handed over, the Corinthians say, by Helius to Aphrodite. As you go up this Acrocorinthus you see two precincts of Isis, one if Isis surnamed Pelagian (Marine) and the other of Egyptian Isis, and two of Serapis, one of them being of Serapis called “in Canopus .” After these are altars to Helius, and a sanctuary of Necessity and Force, into which it is not customary to enter. 7.20.6. Next to the market-place is the Music Hall, where has been dedicated an Apollo well worth seeing. It was made from the spoils taken when alone of the Achaeans the people of Patrae helped the Aetolians against the army of the Gauls. The Music Hall is in every way the finest in Greece , except, of course, the one at Athens . This is unrivalled in size and magnificence, and was built by Herodes, an Athenian,in memory of his dead wife. The reason why I omitted to mention this Music Hall in my history of Attica is that my account of the Athenians was finished before Herodes began the building. 8.46.5. Here then it has been set up, made throughout of ivory, the work of Endoeus. Those in charge of the curiosities say that one of the boar's tusks has broken off; the remaining one is kept in the gardens of the emperor, in a sanctuary of Dionysus, and is about half a fathom long. |
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72. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 1.22, 2.1-2.2, 2.9 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022) 77, 89; Johnson and Parker (2009) 87; Trapp et al (2016) 3| 1.22. Διονύσιος δὲ ὁ Μιλήσιος εἴθ', ὡς ἔνιοί φασι, πατέρων ἐπιφανεστάτων ἐγένετο, εἴθ', ὥς τινες, αὐτὸ τοῦτο ἐλευθέρων, ἀφείσθω τούτου τοῦ μέρους, ἐπειδὴ οἰκείᾳ ἀρετῇ ἐλαμπρύνετο, τὸ γὰρ καταφεύγειν ἐς τοὺς ἄνω ἀποβεβληκότων ἐστὶ τὸν ἐφ' ἑαυτῶν ἔπαινον. ̓Ισαίου δὲ ἀκροατὴς γενόμενος ἀνδρός, ὡς ἔφην, κατὰ φύσιν ἑρμηνεύοντος τουτὶ μὲν ἱκανῶς ἀπεμάξατο καὶ πρὸς τούτῳ τὴν εὐταξίαν τῶν νοημάτων, καὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ τοῦτο ̓Ισαίου. μελιχρότατος δὲ περὶ τὰς ἐννοίας γενόμενος οὐκ ἐμέθυε περὶ τὰς ἡδονάς, ὥσπερ ἔνιοι τῶν σοφιστῶν, ἀλλ' ἐταμιεύετο λέγων ἀεὶ πρὸς τοὺς γνωρίμους, ὅτι χρὴ τοῦ μέλιτος ἄκρῳ δακτύλῳ, ἀλλὰ μὴ κοίλῃ χειρὶ γεύεσθαι, ὡς ἐν ἅπασι μὲν τοῖς εἰρημένοις δεδήλωται τῷ Διονυσίῳ, λογικοῖς τε καὶ νομικοῖς καὶ ἠθικοῖς ἀγῶσι, μάλιστα δὲ ἐν τῷ ἐπὶ Χαιρωνείᾳ θρήνῳ. διεξιὼν γὰρ τὸν Δημοσθένην τὸν μετὰ Χαιρώνειαν προσάγοντα τῇ βουλῇ ἑαυτὸν ἐς τήνδε τὴν μονῳδίαν τοῦ λόγου ἐτελεύτησεν: “ὦ Χαιρώνεια πονηρὸν χωρίον.” καὶ πάλιν “ὦ αὐτομολήσασα πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους Βοιωτία. στενάξατε οἱ κατὰ γῆς ἥρωες, ἐγγὺς Πλαταιῶν νενικήμεθα.” καὶ πάλιν “ἐν τοῖς κρινομένοις ἐπὶ τῷ μισθοφορεῖν ̓Αρκάσιν ἀγορὰ πολέμου πρόκειται καὶ τὰ τῶν ̔Ελλήνων κακὰ τὴν ̓Αρκαδίαν τρέφει.” καὶ “ἐπέρχεται πόλεμος αἰτίαν οὐκ ἔχων.” τοιάδε μὲν ἡ ἐπίπαν ἰδέα τοῦ Διονυσίου, καθ' ἣν τὰ τῆς μελέτης αὐτῷ προὔβαινεν ἐπισκοπουμένῳ καιρόν, ὅσονπερ ὁ ̓Ισαῖος, ὁ δὲ λόγος ὁ περὶ τοῦ Διονυσίου λεγόμενος, ὡς Χαλδαίοις τέχναις τοὺς ὁμιλητὰς τὸ μνημονικὸν ἀναπαιδεύοντος πόθεν εἴρηται, ἐγὼ δηλώσω: τέχναι μνήμης οὔτε εἰσὶν οὔτ' ἂν γένοιντο, μνήμη μὲν γὰρ δίδωσι τέχνας, αὐτὴ δὲ ἀδίδακτος καὶ οὐδεμιᾷ τέχνῃ ἁλωτός, ἔστι γὰρ πλεονέκτημα φύσεως ἢ τῆς ἀθανάτου ψυχῆς μοῖρα. οὐ γὰρ ἄν ποτε θνητὰ νομισθείη τὰ ἀνθρώπεια, οὐδὲ διδακτά, ἃ ἐμάθομεν, εἰ μνήμη συνεπολιτεύετο ἀνθρώποις, ἣν εἴτε μητέρα δεῖ χρόνου καλεῖν, εἴτε παῖδα, μὴ διαφερώμεθα πρὸς τοὺς ποιητάς, ἀλλ' ἔστω, ὅ τι βούλονται. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τίς οὕτως εὐήθης κατὰ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ δόξης ἐν σοφοῖς γραφόμενος, ὡς γοητεύων ἐν μειρακίοις διαβάλλειν καὶ ἃ ὀρθῶς ἐπαιδεύθη; πόθεν οὖν τὸ μνημονικὸν τοῖς ἀκροωμένοις; ἄπληστα τὴν ἡδονὴν ἐδόκει τὰ τοῦ Διονυσίου καὶ πολλάκις ἐπαναλαμβάνειν αὐτὰ ἠναγκάζετο, ἐπειδὴ ξυνίει σφῶν χαιρόντων τῇ ἀκροάσει. οἱ δὴ εὐμαθέστεροι τῶν νέων ἐνετυποῦντο αὐτὰ ταῖς γνώμαις καὶ ἀπήγγελλον ἑτέροις μελέτῃ μᾶλλον ἢ μνήμῃ ξυνειληφότες, ὅθεν μνημονικοί τε ὠνομάζοντο καὶ τέχνην αὐτὸ πεποιημένοι. ἔνθεν ὁρμώμενοί τινες τὰς τοῦ Διονυσίου μελέτας ἐσπερματολογῆσθαί φασιν, ὡς δὴ ἄλλο ἄλλου ξυνενεγκόντων ἐς αὐτάς, ἐν ᾧ ἐβραχυλόγησεν. μεγάλων μὲν οὖν ἠξιοῦτο κἀκ τῶν πόλεων, ὁπόσαι αὐτὸν ἐπὶ σοφίᾳ ἐθαύμαζον, μεγίστων δὲ ἐκ βασιλέως: ̓Αδριανὸς γὰρ σατράπην μὲν αὐτὸν ἀπέφηνεν οὐκ ἀφανῶν ἐθνῶν, ̔ἐγ̓κατέλεξε δὲ τοῖς δημοσίᾳ ἱππεύουσι καὶ τοῖς ἐν τῷ Μουσείῳ σιτουμένοις, τὸ δὲ Μουσεῖον τράπεζα Αἰγυπτία ξυγκαλοῦσα τοὺς ἐν πάσῃ τῇ γῆ ἐλλογίμους. πλείστας δὲ ἐπελθὼν πόλεις καὶ πλείστοις ἐνομιλήσας ἔθνεσιν οὔτε ἐρωτικήν ποτε αἰτίαν ἔλαβεν οὔτε ἀλαζόνα ὑπὸ τοῦ σωφρονέστατός τε φαίνεσθαι καὶ ἐφεστηκώς. οἱ δὲ ἀνατιθέντες Διονυσίῳ τὸν ̓Αράσπαν τὸν τῆς Πανθείας ἐρῶντα ἀνήκοοι μὲν τῶν τοῦ Διονυσίου ῥυθμῶν, ἀνήκοοι δὲ τῆς ἄλλης ἑρμηνείας, ἄπειροι δὲ τῆς τῶν ἐνθυμημάτων τέχνης: οὐ γὰρ Διονυσίου τὸ φρόντισμα τοῦτο, ἀλλὰ Κέλερος τοῦ τεχνογράφου, ὁ δὲ Κέλερ βασιλικῶν μὲν ἐπιστολῶν ἀγαθὸς προστάτης, μελέτῃ δὲ οὐκ ἀποχρῶν, Διονυσίῳ δὲ τὸν ἐκ μειρακίου χρόνον διάφορος. Μηδ' ἐκεῖνα παρείσθω μοι ̓Αρισταίου γε ἠκροαμένῳ αὐτὰ πρεσβυτάτου τῶν κατ' ἐμὲ ̔Ελλήνων καὶ πλεῖστα ὑπὲρ σοφιστῶν εἰδότος: ἐγήρασκε μὲν ὁ Διονύσιος ἐν δόξῃ λαμπρᾷ, παρῄει δ' ἐς ἀκμὴν ὁ Πολέμων οὔπω γιγνωσκόμενος τῷ Διονυσίῳ καὶ ἐπεδήμει ταῖς Σάρδεσι ἀγορεύων δίκην ἐν τοῖς ἑκατὸν ἀνδράσιν, ὑφ' ὧν ἐδικαιοῦτο ἡ Λυδία. ἑσπέρας οὖν ἐς τὰς Σάρδεις ἥκων ὁ Διονύσιος ἤρετο Δωρίωνα τὸν κριτικὸν ξένον ἑαυτοῦ: “εἰπέ μοι,” ἔφη “ὦ Δωρίων, τί Πολέμων ἐνταῦθα;” καὶ ὁ Δωρίων “ἀνὴρ” ἔφη “πλουσιώτατος τῶν ἐν Λυδίᾳ κινδυνεύων περὶ τῆς οὐσίας ἄγει συνήγορον τὸν Πολέμωνα ἀπὸ τῆς Σμύρνης πείσας διταλάντῳ μισθῷ, καὶ ἀγωνιεῖται τὴν δίκην αὔριον.” καὶ ὁ Διονύσιος “οἷον” ἔφη “ἕρμαιον εἴρηκας, εἰ καὶ ἀκοῦσαί μοι ἔσται Πολέμωνος οὔπω ἐς πεῖραν αὐτοῦ ἀφιγμένῳ.” “ἔοικεν” εἶπεν ὁ Δωρίων “στρέφειν σε ὁ νεανίας ἐς ὄνομα ἤδη προβαίνων μέγα.” “καὶ καθεύδειν γε οὐκ ἐᾷ, μὰ τὴν ̓Αθηνᾶν,” ἦ δ' ὁ Διονύσιος “ἀλλ' ἐς πήδησιν ἄγει τὴν καρδίαν καὶ τὴν γνώμην ἐνθυμουμένῳ, ὡς πολλοὶ οἱ ἐπαινέται αὐτοῦ, καὶ τοῖς μὲν δωδεκάκρουνος δοκεῖ τὸ στόμα, οἱ δὲ καὶ πήχεσι διαμετροῦσιν αὐτοῦ τὴν γλῶτταν, ὥσπερ τὰς τοῦ Νείλου ἀναβάσεις. σὺ δ' αὖ ταύτην ἰάσαιό μοι τὴν φροντίδα εἰπών, τί μὲν πλέον, τί δὲ ἧττον ἐν ἐμοί τε κἀκείνῳ καθεώρακας.” καὶ ὁ Δωρίων μάλα σωφρόνως “αὐτός,” εἶπεν “ὦ Διονύσιε, σεαυτῷ τε κἀκείνῳ δικάσεις ἄμεινον, σὺ γὰρ ὑπὸ σοφίας οἷος σαυτόν τε γιγνώσκειν, ἕτερόν τε μὴ ἀγνοῆσαι.” ἤκουσεν ὁ Διονύσιος ἀγωνιζομένου τὴν δίκην καὶ ἀπιὼν τοῦ δικαστηρίου “ἰσχὺν” ἔφη “ὁ ἀθλητὴς ἔχει, ἀλλ' οὐκ ἐκ παλαίστρας.” ταῦτα ὡς ἤκουσεν ὁ Πολέμων, ἦλθε μὲν ἐπὶ θύρας τοῦ Διονυσίου μελέτην αὐτῷ ἐπαγγέλλων, ἀφικομένου δὲ διαπρεπῶς ἀγωνιζόμενος προσῆλθε τῷ Διονυσίῳ καὶ ἀντερείσας τὸν ὦμον, ὥσπερ οἱ τῆς σταδιαίας πάλης ἐμβιβάζοντες, μάλα ἀστείως ἐπετώθασεν εἰπὼν ἦσάν ποτ', ἦσαν ἄλκιμοι Μιλήσιοι. ἀνδρῶν μὲν οὖν ἐπιφανῶν πᾶσα γῆ τάφος, Διονυσίῳ δὲ σῆμα ἐν τῇ ἐπιφανεστάτῃ ̓Εφέσῳ, τέθαπται γὰρ ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ κατὰ τὸ κυριώτατον τῆς ̓Εφέσου, ἐν ᾗ κατεβίω παιδεύσας τὸν πρῶτον βίον ἐν τῇ Λέσβῳ. 2.1. περὶ δὲ ̔Ηρώδου τοῦ ̓Αθηναίου τάδε χρὴ εἰδέναι: ὁ σοφιστὴς ̔Ηρώδης ἐτέλει μὲν ἐκ πατέρων ἐς τοὺς δισυπάτους, ἀνέφερε δὲ ἐς τὸν τῶν Αἰακιδῶν, οὓς ξυμμάχους ποτὲ ἡ ̔Ελλὰς ἐπὶ τὸν Πέρσην ἐποιεῖτο, ἀπηξίου δὲ οὐδὲ τὸν Μιλτιάδην, οὐδὲ τὸν Κίμωνα, ὡς ἄνδρε ἀρίστω καὶ πολλοῦ ἀξίω ̓Αθηναίοις τε καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ̔́Ελλησι περὶ τὰ Μηδικά, ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἦρξε τροπαίων Μηδικῶν, ὁ δὲ ἀπῄτησε δίκας τοὺς βαρβάρους ὧν μετὰ ταῦτα ὕβρισαν. ἄριστα δὲ ἀνθρώπων πλούτῳ ἐχρήσατο. τουτὶ δὲ μὴ τῶν εὐμεταχειρίστων ἡγώμεθα, ἀλλὰ τῶν παγχαλέπων τε καὶ δυσκόλων, οἱ γὰρ πλούτῳ μεθύοντες ὕβριν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἐπαντλοῦσιν. προσδιαβάλλουσι δὲ ὡς καὶ τυφλὸν τὸν πλοῦτον, ὃς εἰ καὶ τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον ἐδόκει τυφλός, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ ̔Ηρώδου ἀνέβλεψεν, ἔβλεψε μὲν γὰρ ἐς φίλους, ἔβλεψε δὲ ἐς πόλεις, ἔβλεψε δὲ ἐς ἔθνη, πάντων περιωπὴν ἔχοντος τοῦ ἀνδρὸς καὶ θησαυρίζοντος τὸν πλοῦτον ἐν ταῖς τῶν μετεχόντων αὐτοῦ γνώμαις. ἔλεγε γὰρ δή, ὡς προσήκοι τὸν ὀρθῶς πλούτῳ χρώμενον τοῖς μὲν δεομένοις ἐπαρκεῖν, ἵνα μὴ δέωνται, τοῖς δὲ μὴ δεομένοις, ἵνα μὴ δεηθῶσιν, ἐκάλει τε τὸν μὲν ἀσύμβολον πλοῦτον καὶ φειδοῖ κεκολασμένον νεκρὸν πλοῦτον, τοὺς δὲ θησαυρούς, ἐς οὓς ἀποτίθενται τὰ χρήματα ἔνιοι, πλούτου δεσμωτήρια, τοὺς δὲ καὶ θύειν ἀξιοῦντας ἀποθέτοις χρήμασιν ̓Αλωάδας ἐπωνόμαζε θύοντας ̓́Αρει μετὰ τὸ δῆσαι αὐτόν. πηγαὶ δὲ αὐτῷ τοῦ πλούτου πολλαὶ μὲν κἀκ πολλῶν οἴκων, μέγισται δὲ ἥ τε πατρῴα καὶ ἡ μητρόθεν. ὁ μὲν γὰρ πάππος αὐτοῦ ̔́Ιππαρχος ἐδημεύθη τὴν οὐσίαν ἐπὶ τυραννικαῖς αἰτίαις, ἃς ̓Αθηναῖοι μὲν οὐκ ἐπῆγον, ὁ δὲ αὐτοκράτωρ οὐκ ἠγνόησεν, ̓Αττικὸν δὲ τὸν μὲν ἐκείνου παῖδα, ̔Ηρώδου δὲ πατέρα οὐ περιεῖδεν ἡ Τύχη πένητα ἐκ πλουσίου γενόμενον, ἀλλ' ἀνέδειξεν αὐτῷ θησαυροῦ χρῆμα ἀμύθητον ἐν μιᾷ τῶν οἰκιῶν, ἃς πρὸς τῷ θεάτρῳ ἐκέκτητο, οὗ διὰ μέγεθος εὐλαβὴς μᾶλλον ἢ περιχαρὴς γενόμενος ἔγραψε πρὸς τὸν αὐτοκράτορα ἐπιστολὴν ὧδε ξυγκειμένην: “θησαυρόν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἐπὶ τῆς ἐμαυτοῦ οἰκίας εὕρηκα: τί οὖν περὶ αὐτοῦ κελεύεις;” καὶ ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ, Νερούας δὲ ἦρχε τότε, “χρῶ” ἔφη “οἷς εὕρηκας.” τοῦ δὲ ̓Αττικοῦ ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς εὐλαβείας μείναντος καὶ γράψαντος ὑπὲρ ἑαυτὸν εἶναι τὰ τοῦ θησαυροῦ μέτρα “καὶ παραχρῶ” ἔφη “τῷ ἑρμαίῳ, σὸν γάρ ἐστιν.” ἐντεῦθεν μέγας μὲν ὁ ̓Αττικός, μείζων δὲ ὁ ̔Ηρώδης, πρὸς γὰρ τῷ πατρῴῳ πλούτῳ καὶ ὁ μητρῷος αὐτῷ πλοῦτος οὐ παρὰ πολὺ τούτου ἐπερρύη. μεγαλοψυχία δὲ λαμπρὰ καὶ περὶ τὸν ̓Αττικὸν τοῦτον: ἦρχε μὲν γὰρ τῶν κατὰ τὴν ̓Ασίαν ἐλευθέρων πόλεων ὁ ̔Ηρώδης, ἰδὼν δὲ τὴν Τρῳάδα βαλανείων τε πονήρως ἔχουσαν καὶ γεῶδες ὕδωρ ἐκ φρεάτων ἀνιμῶντας ὀμβρίων τε ὑδάτων θήκας ὀρύττοντας ἐπέστειλεν ̓Αδριανῷ αὐτοκράτορι μὴ περιιδεῖν πόλιν ἀρχαίαν καὶ εὐθάλαττον αὐχμῷ φθαρεῖσαγ, ἀλλ' ἐπιδοῦναί σφισι τριακοσίας μυριάδας ἐς ὕδωρ, ὧν πολλαπλασίους ἤδη καὶ κώμαις ἐπιδεδώκοι. ἐπῄνεσεν ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ τὰ ἐπεσταλμένα ὡς πρὸς τρόπου ἑαυτῷ ὄντα καὶ τὸν ̔Ηρώδην αὐτὸν ἐπέταξε τῷ ὕδατι. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐς ἑπτακοσίας μυριάδας ἡ δαπάνη προὔβαινεν ἐπέστελλόν τε τῷ αὐτοκράτορι οἱ τὴν ̓Ασίαν ἐπιτροπεύοντες, ὡς δεινὸν πεντακοσίων πόλεων φόρον ἐς μιᾶς πόλεως δαπανᾶσθαι κρήνην, ἐμέμψατο πρὸς τὸν ̓Αττικὸν ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ ταῦτα, καὶ ὁ ̓Αττικὸς μεγαλοφρονέστατα ἀνθρώπων “ὦ βασιλεῦ”, εἶπεν “ὑπὲρ μικρῶν μὴ παροξύνου, τὸ γὰρ ὑπὲρ τὰς τριακοσίας μυριάδας ἀναλωθὲν ἐγὼ μὲν τῷ υἱῷ ἐπιδίδωμι, ὁ δὲ υἱὸς τῇ πόλει ἐπιδίδωσι.” καὶ αἱ διαθῆκαι δέ, ἐν αἷς τῷ ̓Αθηναίων δήμῳ κατέλειπε καθ' ἕκαστον ἔτος μνᾶν καθ' ἕνα, μεγαλοφροσύνην κατηγοροῦσι τοῦ ἀνδρός, ᾗ καὶ ἐς τὰ ἄλλα ἐχρῆτο, ἑκατὸν μὲν βοῦς τῇ θεῷ θύων ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ πολλάκις, ἑστιῶν δὲ τῇ θυσίᾳ τὸν ̓Αθηναίων δῆμον κατὰ φυλὰς καὶ γένη, ὁπότε δὲ ἥκοι Διονύσια καὶ κατίοι ἐς ̓Ακαδημίαν τὸ τοῦ Διονύσου ἕδος, ἐν Κεραμεικῷ ποτίζων ἀστοὺς ὁμοίως καὶ ξένους κατακειμένους ἐπὶ στιβάδων κιττοῦ. ἐπεὶ δὲ τῶν τοῦ ̓Αττικοῦ διαθηκῶν ἐπεμνήσθην, ἀνάγκη καὶ τὰς αἰτίας ἀναγράψαι, δι' ἃς προσέκρουσεν ̔Ηρώδης ̓Αθηναίοις: εἶχον μὲν γὰρ αἱ διαθῆκαι, ὡς εἶπον, ἔγραψε δὲ αὐτὰς ξυμβουλίᾳ τῶν ἀμφ' ἑαυτὸν ἀπελευθέρων, οἳ χαλεπὴν ὁρῶντες τὴν ̔Ηρώδου φύσιν ἀπελευθέροις τε καὶ δούλοις ἀποστροφὴν ἐποιοῦντο τοῦ ̓Αθηναίων δήμου, ὡς τῆς δωρεᾶς αὐτοὶ αἴτιοι. καὶ ὁποῖα μὲν τῶν ἀπελευθέρων τὰ πρὸς τὸν ̔Ηρώδην, δηλούτω ἡ κατηγορία, ἣν πεποίηται σφῶν πᾶν κέντρον ἠρμένος τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γλώττης. ἀναγνωσθεισῶν δὲ τῶν διαθηκῶν ξυνέβησαν οἰ ̓Αθηναῖοι πρὸς τὸν ̔Ηρώδην πέντε μνᾶς αὐτὸν ἐσ2άπαξ ἑκάστῳ καταβάλλοντα πρίασθαι παρ' αὐτῶν τὸ μὴ ἀεὶ διδόναι: ἀλλ' ἐπεὶ προσῄεσαν μὲν ταῖς τραπέζαις ὑπὲρ τῶν ὡμολογημένων, ἐπανεγιγνώσκετο δὲ αὐτοῖς ξυμβόλαια πατέρων τε καὶ πάππων ὡς ὀφειλόντων τοῖς ̔Ηρώδου γονεῦσιν ἀντιλογισμοῖς τε ὑπήγοντο καὶ οἱ μὲν μικρὰ ἠριθμοῦντο, οἱ δὲ οὐδέν, οἱ δὲ συνείχοντο ἐπ' ἀγορᾶς ὡς καὶ ἀποδώσοντες, παρώξυνε ταῦτα τοὺς ̓Αθηναίους ὡς ἡρπασμένους τὴν δωρεὰν καὶ οὐκ ἐπαύσαντο μισοῦντες, οὐδὲ ὁπότε τὰ μέγιστα εὐεργετεῖν ᾤετο. τὸ οὖν στάδιον ἔφασαν ̔εὖ̓ἐπωνομάσθαι Παναθηναικόν, κατεσκευάσθαι γὰρ αὐτὸ ἐξ ὧν ἀπεστεροῦντο ̓Αθηναῖοι πάντες. καὶ μὴν καὶ ἐλειτούργησεν ̓Αθηναίοις τήν τε ἐπώνυμον καὶ τὴν τῶν Πανελληνίων, στεφανωθεὶς δὲ καὶ τὴν τῶν Παναθηναίων “καὶ ὑμᾶς”, εἶπεν “ὦ ̓Αθηναῖοι, καὶ τῶν ̔Ελλήνων τοὺς ἥξοντας καὶ τῶν ἀθλητῶν τοὺς ἀγωνιουμένους ὑποδέξομαι σταδίῳ λίθου λευκοῦ.” καὶ εἰπὼν ταῦτα τὸ στάδιον τὸ ὑπὲρ τὸν ̓Ιλισσὸν ἔσω τεττάρων ἐτῶν ἀπετέλεσεν ἔργον ξυνθεὶς ὑπὲρ πάντα τὰ θαύματα, οὐδὲν γὰρ θέατρον αὐτῷ ἁμιλλᾶται. κἀκεῖνα περὶ τῶν Παναθηναίων τούτων ἤκουον: πέπλον μὲν ἀνῆφθαι τῆς νεὼς ἡδίω γραφῆς ξὺν οὐρίῳ τῷ κόλπῳ, δραμεῖν δὲ τὴν ναῦν οὐχ ὑποζυγίων ἀγόντων, ἀλλ' ὑπογείοις μηχαναῖς ἐπολισθάνουσαν, ἐκ Κεραμεικοῦ δὲ ἄρασαν χιλίᾳ κώπῃ ἀφεῖναι ἐπὶ τὸ ̓Ελευσίνιον καὶ περιβαλοῦσαν αὐτὸ παραμεῖψαι τὸ Πελασγικὸν κομιζομένην τε παρὰ τὸ Πύθιον ἐλθεῖν, οἷ νῦν ὥρμισται. τὸ δὲ ἐπὶ θάτερα τοῦ σταδίου νεὼς ἐπέχει Τύχης καὶ ἄγαλμα ἐλεφάντινον ὡς κυβερνώσης πάντα. μετεκόσμησε δὲ καὶ τοὺς ̓Αθηναίων ἐφήβους ἐς τὸ νῦν σχῆμα χλαμύδας πρῶτος ἀμφιέσας λευκάς, τέως γὰρ δὴ μελαίνας ἐνημμένοι τὰς ἐκκλησίας περιεκάθηντο καὶ τὰς πομπὰς ἔπεμπον πενθούντων δημοσίᾳ τῶν ̓Αθηναίων τὸν κήρυκα τὸν Κοπέα, ὃν αὐτοὶ ἀπέκτειναν τοὺς ̔Ηρακλείδας τοῦ βωμοῦ ἀποσπῶντα. ἀνέθηκε δὲ ̔Ηρώδης ̓Αθηναίοις καὶ τὸ ἐπὶ ̔Ρηγίλλῃ θέατρον κέδρου ξυνθεὶς τὸν ὄροφον, ἡ δὲ ὕλη καὶ ἐν ἀγαλματοποιίαις σπουδαία: δύο μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ̓Αθήνησιν, ἃ οὐχ ἑτέρωθι τῆς ὑπὸ ̔Ρωμαίοις, ἀξιούσθω δὲ λόγου καὶ τὸ ὑπωρόφιον θέατρον, ὃ ἐδείματο Κορινθίοις, παρὰ πολὺ μὲν τοῦ ̓Αθήνησιν, ἐν ὀλίγοις δὲ τῶν παρ' ἄλλοις ἐπαινουμένων, καὶ τὰ ̓Ισθμοῖ ἀγάλματα ὅ τε τοῦ ̓Ισθμίου κολοσσὸς καὶ ὁ τῆς ̓Αμφιτρίτης καὶ τὰ ἄλλα, ὧν τὸ ἱερὸν ἐνέπλησεν, οὐδὲ τὸν τοῦ Μελικέρτου παρελθὼν δελφῖνα. ἀνέθηκε δὲ καὶ τῷ Πυθίῳ τὸ Πυθοῖ στάδιον καὶ τῷ Διὶ τὸ ἐν τῇ ̓Ολυμπίᾳ ὕδωρ, Θετταλοῖς τε καὶ τοῖς περὶ Μηλιακὸν κόλπον ̔́Ελλησι τὰς ἐν Θερμοπύλαις κολυμβήθρας τοῖς νοσοῦσι παιωνίους. ᾤκισε δὲ καὶ τὸ ἐν τῇ ̓Ηπείρῳ ̓Ωρικὸν ὑποδεδωκὸς ἤδη καὶ τὸ ἐν τῇ ̓Ιταλίᾳ Κανύσιον ἡμερώσας ὕδατι μάλα τούτου δεόμενον, ὤνησε δὲ καὶ τὰς ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ καὶ Πελοποννήσῳ καὶ Βοιωτίᾳ πόλεις ἄλλο ἄλλην. καὶ τοσοῦτος ὢν ἐν μεγαλουργίᾳ μέγα οὐδὲν εἰργάσθαι ᾤετο, ἐπεὶ μὴ τὸν ̓Ισθμὸν ἔτεμεν, λαμπρὸν ἡγούμενος ἤπειρον ἀποτεμεῖν καὶ πελάγη ξυνάψαι διττὰ καὶ ̔ἐς' περίπλουν σταδίων ἓξ καὶ εἴκοσι θαλάττης ξυνελεῖν μήκη. καὶ τούτου ἤρα μέν, οὐκ ἐθάρρει δὲ αὐτὸ αἰτεῖν ἐκ βασιλέως, ὡς μὴ διαβληθείη διανοίας δοκῶν ἅπτεσθαι, ᾗ μηδὲ Νέρων ἤρκεσεν. ἐξελάλησε δὲ αὐτὸ ὧδε: ὡς γὰρ ἐγὼ Κτησιδήμου τοῦ ̓Αθηναίου ἤκουον, ἤλαυνε μὲν τὴν ἐπὶ Κορίνθου ὁ ̔Ηρώδης ξυγκαθημένου τοῦ Κτησιδήμου, γενόμενος δὲ κατὰ τὸν ̓Ισθμὸν “Πόσειδον,” εἶπεν “βούλομαι μέν, ξυγχωρήσει δὲ οὐδείς.” θαυμάσας οὖν ὁ Κτησίδημος τὸ εἰρημένον ἤρετο αὐτὸν τὴν αἰτίαν τοῦ λόγου. καὶ ὁ ̔Ηρώδης “ἐγὼ” ἔφη “πολὺν χρόνον ἀγωνίζομαι σημεῖον ὑπολείπεσθαι τοῖς μετ' ἐμὲ ἀνθρώποις διανοίας δηλούσης ἄνδρα καὶ οὔπω δοκῶ μοι τῆς δόξης ταύτης τυγχάνειν.” ὁ μὲν δὴ Κτησίδημος ἐπαίνους διῄει τῶν τε λόγων αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν ἔργων ὡς οὐκ ἐχόντων ὑπερβολὴν ἑτέρῳ, ὁ δὲ ̔Ηρώδης “φθαρτὰ” ἔφη “λέγεις ταῦτα, καὶ γάρ ἐστι χρόνῳ ἁλωτά, καὶ τοὺς λόγους ἡμῶν τοιχωρυχοῦσιν ἕτεροι ὁ μὲν τὸ μεμφόμενος, ὁ δὲ τό, ἡ δὲ τοῦ ̓Ισθμοῦ τομὴ ἔργον ἀθάνατον καὶ ἀπιστούμενον τῇ φύσει, δοκεῖ γάρ μοι τὸ ῥῆξαι τὸν ̓Ισθμὸν Ποσειδῶνος δεῖσθαι ἢ ἀνδρός.” ὃν ̔δ̓̓ ἐκάλουν οἱ πολλοὶ ̔Ηρώδου ̔Ηρακλέα, νεανίας οὗτος ἦν ἐν ὑπήνῃ πρῴτῃ Κελτῷ μεγάλῳ ἴσος καὶ ἐς ὀκτὼ πόδας τὸ μέγεθος. διαγράφει δὲ αὐτὸν ὁ ̔Ηρώδης ἐν μιᾷ τῶν πρὸς τὸν ̓Ιουλιανὸν ἐπιστολῶν, κομᾶν τε ξυμμέτρως καὶ τῶν ὀφρύων λασίως ἔχειν, ἃς καὶ ξυμβάλλειν ἀλλήλαις οἷον μίαν, χαροπήν τε ἀκτῖνα ἐκ τῶν ὀμμάτων ἐκδίδοσθαι παρεχομένην τι ὁρμῆς ἦθος καὶ γρυπὸν εἶναι καὶ εὐτραφῶς ἔχοντα τοῦ αὐχένος, τουτὶ δὲ ἐκ πόνων ἥκειν αὐτῷ μᾶλλον ἢ σίτου. εἶναι δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ στέρνα εὐπαγῆ καὶ ξὺν ὥρᾳ κατεσκληκότα, καὶ κνήμην μικρὸν ἐς τὰ ἔξω κυρτουμένην καὶ παρέχουσαν τῇ βάσει τὸ εὖ βεβηκέναι. ἐνῆφθαι δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ δορὰς λύκων, ῥαπτὸν ἔσθημα, ἄθλους τε ποιεῖσθαι τοὺς ἀγρίους τῶν συῶν καὶ τοὺς θῶας καὶ τοὺς λύκους καὶ τῶν ταύρων τοὺς ὑβρίζοντας, καὶ ὠτειλὰς δὲ δεικνύναι τούτων τῶν ἀγώνων. γενέσθαι δὲ τὸν ̔Ηρακλέα τοῦτον οἱ μὲν γηγενῆ φασιν ἐν τῷ Βοιωτίῳ δήμῳ, ̔Ηρώδης δὲ ἀκοῦσαι λέγοντός φησιν, ὡς μήτηρ μὲν αὐτῷ γένοιτο γυνὴ βουκόλος οὕτω τι ἐπερρωμένη, ὡς βουκολεῖν, πατὴρ δὲ Μαραθών, οὗ τὸ ἐν Μαραθῶνι ἄγαλμα, ἔστι δὲ ἥρως γεωργός. ἤρετό τε τὸν ̔Ηρακλέα τοῦτον ὁ ̔Ηρώδης, εἰ καὶ ἀθάνατος εἴη, ὁ δὲ “θνητοῦ” ἔφη “μακροημερώτερος.” ἤρετο αὐτὸν καὶ ὅ τι σιτοῖτο, ὁ δὲ “γαλακτοφαγῶ” ἔφη “τὸν πλείω τοῦ χρόνου καί με βόσκουσιν αἶγές τε καὶ ποιμένες τῶν τε βοῶν καὶ τῶν ἵππων αἱ τοκάδες, ἐκδίδοται δέ τι καὶ θηλῆς ὄνων γάλα εὔποτόν τε καὶ κοῦφον, ἐπειδὰν δὲ ἀλφίτοις προσβάλλω, δέκα σιτοῦμαι χοίνικας, καὶ ξυμφέρουσί μοι τὸν ἔρανον τοῦτον γεωργοὶ Μαραθώνιοί τε καὶ Βοιώτιοι, οἵ με καὶ ̓Αγαθίωνα ἐπονομάζουσιν, ἐπειδὴ καὶ εὐξύμβολος αὐτοῖς φαίνομαι.” “τὴν δὲ δὴ γλῶτταν” ἔφη ὁ ̔Ηρώδης “πῶς ἐπαιδεύθης καὶ ὑπὸ τίνων; οὐ γάρ μοι τῶν ἀπαιδεύτων φαίνῃ.” καὶ ὁ ̓Αγαθίων “ἡ μεσογεία” ἔφη “τῆς ̓Αττικῆς ἀγαθὸν διδασκαλεῖον ἀνδρὶ βουλομένῳ διαλέγεσθαι, οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐν τῷ ἄστει ̓Αθηναῖοι μισθοῦ δεχόμενοι Θρᾴκια καὶ Ποντικὰ μειράκια καὶ ἐξ ἄλλων ἐθνῶν βαρβάρων ξυνερρυηκότα παραφθείρονται παρ' αὐτῶν τὴν φωνὴν μᾶλλον ἢ ξυμβάλλονταί τι αὐτοῖς ἐς εὐγλωττίαν, ἡ μεσογεία δὲ ἄμικτος βαρβάροις οὖσα ὑγιαίνει αὐτοῖς ἡ φωνὴ καὶ ἡ γλῶττα τὴν ἄκραν ̓Ατθίδα ἀποψάλλει.” “πανηγύρει δὲ” ἦ δ' ὁ ̔Ηρώδης “παρέτυχες”; καὶ ὁ ̓Αγαθίων “τῇ γε Πυθοῖ” ἔφη “οὐκ ἐπιμιγνὺς τῷ ὁμίλῳ, ἀλλ' ἐκ περιωπῆς τοῦ Παρνασοῦ ἀκούων τῶν τῆς μουσικῆς ἀγωνιστῶν, ὅτε Παμμένης ἐπὶ τραγῳδίᾳ ἐθαυμάσθη, καί μοι ἔδοξαν οἱ σοφοὶ ̔́Ελληνες οὐ χρηστὸν πρᾶγμα ἐργάζεσθαι τὰ τῶν Πελοπιδῶν καὶ τὰ τῶν Λαβδακιδῶν κακὰ ξὺν ἡδονῇ ἀκούοντες, ξύμβουλοι γὰρ σχετλίων ἔργων μῦθοι μὴ ἀπιστούμενοι.” φιλοσοφοῦντα δὲ αὐτὸν ἰδὼν ὁ ̔Ηρώδης ἤρετο καὶ περὶ τῆς γυμνικῆς ἀγωνίας ὅπως γιγνώσκοι, καὶ ὃς “ἐκείνων” ἔφη “καταγελῶ μᾶλλον ὁρῶν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους διαγωνιζομένους ἀλλήλοις παγκράτιον καὶ πυγμὴν καὶ δρόμον καὶ πάλην καὶ στεφανουμένους ὑπὲρ τούτου: στεφανούσθω δὲ ὁ μὲν δρομικὸς ἀθλητὴς ἔλαφον παρελθὼν ἢ ἵππον, ὁ δὲ τὰ βαρύτερα ἀσκῶν ταύρῳ συμπλακεὶς ἢ ἄρκτῳ, ὃ ἐγὼ ὁσημέραι πράττω μέγαν ἆθλον ἀφῃρημένης μοι τῆς τύχης, ἐπεὶ μηκέτι βόσκει λέοντας ̓Ακαρνανία.” ἀγασθεὶς οὖν ὁ ̔Ηρώδης ἐδεῖτο αὐτοῦ ξυσσιτῆσαί οἱ. καὶ ὁ ̓Αγαθίων “αὔριον” ἔφη “ἀφίξομαί σοι κατὰ μεσημβρίαν ἐς τὸ τοῦ Κανώβου ἱερόν, ἔστω δέ σοι κρατὴρ ὁ μέγιστος τῶν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ γάλακτος πλέως, ὃ μὴ γυνὴ ἤμελξεν.” καὶ ἀφίκετο μὲν ἐς τὴν ὑστεραίαν καθ' ὃν ὡμολόγησε καιρόν, τὴν δὲ ῥῖνα ἐρείσας ἐς τὸν κρατῆρα “οὐ καθαρὸν” ἔφη “τὸ γάλα, προσβάλλει γάρ με χεὶρ γυναικός.” καὶ εἰπὼν ταῦτα ἀπῆλθε μὴ ἐπισπασάμενος τοῦ γάλακτος. ἐπιστήσας οὖν ὁ ̔Ηρώδης τῷ περὶ τῆς γυναικὸς λόγῳ ἔπεμψεν ἐς τὰ ἐπαύλια τοὺς ἐπισκεψομένους τἀληθές, καὶ μαθὼν αὐτὸ οὕτως ἔχον ξυνῆκεν, ὡς δαιμονία φύσις εἴη περὶ τὸν ἄνδρα. οἱ δὲ ποιούμενοι κατηγορίαν τῶν ̔Ηρώδου χειρῶν ὡς ἐπενεχθεισῶν ̓Αντωνίνῳ ἐν τῇ ̓́Ιδῃ τῷ ὄρει κατὰ χρόνους, οὓς ὁ μὲν τῶν ἐλευθέρων πόλεων, ὁ δὲ πασῶν τῶν κατὰ τὴν ̓Ασίαν ἦρχον, ἠγνοηκέναι μοι δοκοῦσι τὸν Δημοστράτου πρὸς τὸν ̔Ηρώδην ἀγῶνα, ἐν ᾧ πλεῖστα διαβάλλων αὐτὸν οὐδαμοῦ τῆς παροινίας ταύτης ἐπεμνήσθη, ἐπεὶ μηδὲ ἐγένετο. ὠθισμὸς μὲν γάρ τις αὐτοῖς ξυνέπεσεν, ὡς ἐν δυσχωρίᾳ καὶ στενοῖς, αἱ δὲ χεῖρες οὐδὲν παρηνόμησαν, ὥστε οὐκ ἂν παρῆκεν ὁ Δημόστρατος διελθεῖν αὐτὰ ἐν τῇ πρὸς τὸν ̔Ηρώδην δίκῃ πικρῶς οὕτω καθαψάμενος τοῦ ἀνδρός, ὡς διαβάλλειν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰ ἐπαινούμενα. ἦλθεν ἐπὶ τὸν ̔Ηρώδην καὶ φόνου δίκη ὧδε ξυντεθεῖσα: κύειν μὲν αὐτῷ τὴν γυναῖκα ̔Ρήγιλλαν ὄγδοόν που μῆνα, τὸν δὲ ̔Ηρώδην οὐχ ὑπὲρ μεγάλων ̓Αλκιμέδοντι ἀπελευθέρῳ προστάξαι τυπτῆσαι αὐτήν, πληγεῖσαν δὲ ἐς τὴν γαστέρα τὴν γυναῖκα ἀποθανεῖν ἐν ὠμῷ τῷ τόκῳ. ἐπὶ τούτοις ὡς ἀληθέσι γράφεται αὐτὸν φόνου Βραδούας ὁ τῆς ̔Ρηγίλλης ἀδελφὸς εὐδοκιμώτατος ὢν ἐν ὑπάτοις καὶ τὸ ξύμβολον τῆς εὐγενείας περιηρτημένος τῷ ὑποδήματι, τοῦτο δέ ἐστιν ἐπισφύριον ἐλεφάντινον μηνοειδές, καὶ παρελθὼν ἐς τὸ ̔Ρωμαίων βουλευτήριον πιθανὸν μὲν οὐδὲν διῄει περὶ τῆς αἰτίας, ἣν ἐπῆγεν, ἑαυτοῦ δὲ ἔπαινον ἐμακρηγόρει περὶ τοῦ γένους, ὅθεν ἐπισκώπτων αὐτὸν ὁ ̔Ηρώδης “σὺ” ἔφη “τὴν εὐγένειαν ἐν τοῖς ἀστραγάλοις ἔχεις.” μεγαλαυχουμένου δὲ τοῦ κατηγόρου καὶ ἐπ' εὐεργεσίᾳ μιᾶς τῶν ἐν ̓Ιταλίᾳ πόλεων μάλα γενναίως ὁ ̔Ηρώδης “κἀγὼ” ἔφη “πολλὰ τοιαῦτα περὶ ἐμαυτοῦ διῄειν ἄν, εἰ ἐν ἁπάσῃ τῇ γῇ ἐκρινόμην.” ξυνήρατο δὲ αὐτῷ τῆς ἀπολογίας πρῶτον μὲν τὸ μηδὲν προστάξαι τοιοῦτον ἐπὶ τὴν ̔Ρήγιλλαν, ἔπειτα τὸ ὑπερπενθῆσαι ἀποθανοῦσαν: διεβάλλετο μὲν γὰρ καὶ ταῦτα ὡς πλάσμα, ἀλλ' ὅμως τἀληθὲς ἴσχυεν, οὐ γάρ ποτε οὔτ' ἂν θέατρον αὐτῇ ἀναθεῖναι τοιοῦτον, οὔτ' ἂν δευτέραν κλήρωσιν τῆς ὑπάτου ἀρχῆς ἐπ' αὐτῇ ἀναβαλέσθαι μὴ καθαρῶς ἔχοντα τῆς αἰτίας, οὔτ' ἂν τὸν κόσμον αὐτῆς ἐς τὸ ἐν ̓Ελευσῖνι ἱερὸν ἀναθεῖναι φέροντα φόνῳ μεμιασμένον, τουτὶ γὰρ τιμωροὺς τοῦ φόνου ποιοῦντος ἦν τὰς θεὰς μᾶλλον ἢ ξυγγνώμονας. ὁ δὲ καὶ τὸ σχῆμα τῆς οἰκίας ἐπ' αὐτῇ ὑπήλλαξε μελαίνων τὰ τῶν οἴκων ἄνθη παραπετάσμασι καὶ χρώμασι καὶ λίθῳ Λεσβίῳ — κατηφὴς δὲ ὁ λίθος καὶ μέλας — ὑπὲρ ὧν λέγεται καὶ Λούκιος ἀνὴρ σοφὸς ἐς ξυμβουλίαν τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ καθιστάμενος, ὡς οὐκ ἔπειθε μεταβαλεῖν αὐτὸν διασκῶψαι. ἄξιον δὲ μηδὲ τοῦτο παρελθεῖν λόγου παρὰ τοῖς σπουδαίοις ἀξιούμενον: ἦν μὲν γὰρ ἐν τοῖς φανεροῖς σπουδαῖος ὁ ἀνὴρ οὗτος, Μουσωνίῳ δὲ τῷ Τυρίῳ προσφιλοσοφήσας εὐσκόπως εἶχε τῶν ἀποκρίσεων καὶ τὸ ἐπίχαρι σὺν καιρῷ ἐπετήδευεν, ἐπιτηδειότατος δὲ ὢν τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ παρῆν αὐτῷ πονήρως διατιθεμένῳ τὸ πένθος καὶ ἐνουθέτει τοιαῦτα λέγων: “ὦ ̔Ηρώδη, πᾶν τὸ ἀποχρῶν μεσότητι ὥρισται, καὶ ὑπὲρ τούτου πολλὰ μὲν ἤκουσα Μουσωνίου διαλεγομένου, πολλὰ δὲ αὐτὸς διείλεγμαι, καὶ σοῦ δὲ ἠκροώμην ἐν ̓Ολυμπίᾳ ἐπαινοῦντος αὐτὸ πρὸς τοὺς ̔́Ελληνας, ὅτε δὴ καὶ τοὺς ποταμοὺς ἐκέλευες μέσους τῆς ὄχθης ῥεῖν. ἀλλὰ μὴν νῦν ποῦ ταῦτα; σεαυτοῦ γὰρ ἐκπεσὼν ἄξια τοῦ πενθεῖσθαι πράττεις περὶ τῇ δόξῃ κινδυνεύων” καὶ πλείω ἕτερα. ὡς δὲ οὐκ ἔπειθεν, ἀπῄει δυσχεράνας. ἰδὼν δὲ παῖδας ἐν κρήνῃ τινὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν οἰκίαν ῥαφανῖδας πλύνοντας ἤρετο αὐτούς, ὅτου εἴη τὸ δεῖπνον, οἱ δὲ ἔφασαν ̔Ηρώδῃ εὐτρεπίζειν αὐτὸ. καὶ ὁ Λούκιος “ἀδικεῖ” ἔφη “̔Ρήγιλλαν ̔Ηρώδης λευκὰς ῥαφανῖδας σιτούμενος ἐν μελαίνῃ οἰκίᾳ.” ταῦτα ὡς ἤκουσεν ἐσαγγελθέντα ὁ ̔Ηρώδης ἀφεῖλε τὴν ἀχλὺν τῆς οἰκίας, ὡς μὴ ἄθυρμα γένοιτο ἀνδρῶν σπουδαίων. Λουκίου τούτου κἀκεῖνο θαυμάσιον: ἐσπούδαζε μὲν ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ Μάρκος περὶ Σέξτον τὸν ἐκ Βοιωτίας φιλόσοφον, θαμίζων αὐτῷ καὶ φοιτῶν ἐπὶ θύρας, ἄρτι δὲ ἥκων ἐς τὴν ̔Ρώμην ὁ Λούκιος ἤρετο τὸν αὐτοκράτορα προιόντα, ποῖ βαδίζοι καὶ ἐφ' ὅ τι, καὶ ὁ Μάρκος “καλὸν” ἔφη “καὶ γηράσκοντι τὸ μανθάνειν: εἶμι δὴ πρὸς Σέξτον τὸν φιλόσοφον μαθησόμενος, ἃ οὔπω οἶδα.” καὶ ὁ Λούκιος ἐξάρας τὴν χεῖρα ἐς τὸν οὐρανὸν “ὦ Ζεῦ,” ἔφη “ὁ ̔Ρωμαίων βασιλεὺς γηράσκων ἤδη δέλτον ἐξαψάμενος ἐς διδασκάλου φοιτᾷ, ὁ δὲ ἐμὸς βασιλεὺς ̓Αλέξανδρος δύο καὶ τριάκοντα ἐτῶν ἀπέθανεν.” ἀπόχρη καὶ τὰ εἰρημένα δεῖξαι τὴν ἰδέαν, ἣν ἐφιλοσόφει Λούκιος, ἱκανὰ γάρ που ταῦτα δηλῶδαι τὸν ἄνδρα, καθάπερ τὸν ἀνθοσμίαν τὸ γεῦμα. τὸ μὲν δὴ ἐπὶ ̔Ρηγίλλῃ πένθος ὧδε ἐσβέσθη, τὸ δὲ ἐπὶ Παναθηναίδι τῇ θυγατρὶ ̓Αθηναῖοι ἐπράυναν ἐν ἄστει τε αὐτὴν θάψαντες καὶ ψηφισάμενοι τὴν ἡμέραν, ἐφ' ἧς ἀπέθανεν, ἐξαιρεῖν τοῦ ἔτους. ἀποθανούσης δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τῆς ἄλλης θυγατρός, ἣν ̓Ελπινίκην ὠνόμαζεν, ἔκειτο μὲν ἐν τῷ δαπέδῳ τὴν γῆν παίων καὶ βοῶν “τί σοι, θύγατερ, καθαγίσω; τί σοι ξυνθάψω;” παρατυχὼν δὲ αὐτῷ Σέξτος ὁ φιλόσοφος “μεγάλα” ἔφη “τῇ θυγατρὶ δώσεις ἐγκρατῶς αὐτὴν πενθήσας.” ἐπένθει δὲ ταῖς ὑπερβολαῖς ταύταις τὰς θυγατέρας, ἐπειδὴ ̓Αττικὸν τὸν υἱὸν ἐν ὀργῇ εἶχεν. διεβέβλητο δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν ὡς ἠλιθιώδη καὶ δυσγράμματον καὶ παχὺν τὴν μνήμην: τὰ γοῦν πρῶτα γράμματα παραλαβεῖν μὴ δυνηθέντος ἦλθεν ἐς ἐπίνοιαν τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ ξυντρέφειν αὐτῷ τέτταρας παῖδας καὶ εἴκοσιν ἰσήλικας ὠνομασμένους ἀπὸ τῶν γραμμάτων, ἵνα ἐν τοῖς τῶν παίδων ὀνόμασι τὰ γράμματα ἐξ ἀνάγκης αὐτῷ μελετῷτο. ἑώρα δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ μεθυστικὸν καὶ ἀνοήτως ἐρῶντα, ὅθεν ζῶν μὲν ἐπεχρησμῴδει τῇ ἑαυτοῦ οὐσίᾳ ἐκεῖνο τὸ ἔπος: εἷς δ' ἔτι που μωρὸς καταλείπεται εὐρέι οἴκῳ, τελευτῶν δὲ τὰ μὲν μητρῷα αὐτῷ ἀπέδωκεν, ἐς ἑτέρους δὲ κληρονόμους τὸν ἑαυτοῦ οἶκον μετέστησεν. ἀλλ' ̓Αθηναίοις ἀπάνθρωπα ἐδόκει ταῦτα οὐκ ἐνθυμουμένοις τὸν ̓Αχιλλέα καὶ τὸν Πολυδεύκην καὶ τὸν Μέμνονα, οὓς ἴσα γνησίοις ἐπένθησε τροφίμους ὄντας, ἐπειδὴ καλοὶ μάλιστα καὶ ἀγαθοὶ ἦσαν γενναῖοί τε καὶ φιλομαθεῖς καὶ τῇ παρ' αὐτῷ τροφῇ πρέποντες. εἰκόνας γοῦν ἀνετίθει σφῶν θηρώντων καὶ τεθηρακότων καὶ θηρασόντων τὰς μὲν ἐν δρυμοῖς, τὰς δὲ ἐπ' ἀγροῖς, τὰς δὲ πρὸς πηγαῖς, τὰς δὲ ὑπὸ σκιαῖς πλατάνων, οὐκ ἀφανῶς, ἀλλὰ ξὺν ἀραῖς τοῦ περικόψοντος ἢ κινήσοντος, οὓς οὐκ ἂν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἦρεν, εἰ μὴ ἐπαίνων ἀξίους ἐγίγνωσκεν. Κυντιλίων δέ, ὁπότε ἦρχον τῆς ̔Ελλάδος, αἰτιωμένων αὐτὸν ἐπὶ ταῖς τῶν μειρακίων τούτων εἰκόσιν ὡς περιτταῖς “τί δὲ ὑμῖν” ἔφη “διενήνοχεν, εἰ ἐγὼ τοῖς ἐμοῖς ἐμπαίζω λιθαρίοις;” ἦρξε δὲ αὐτῷ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς Κυντιλίους διαφορᾶς, ὡς μὲν οἱ πολλοί φασι, Πυθικὴ πανήγυρις, ἐπειδὴ ἑτεροδόξως τῆς μουσικῆς ἠκροῶντο, ὡς δὲ ἔνιοι, τὰ παισθέντα περὶ αὐτῶν ̔Ηρώδῃ πρὸς Μάρκον: ὁρῶν γὰρ αὐτοὺς Τρῶας μέν, μεγάλων δὲ ἀξιουμένους παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως “ἐγὼ” ἔφη “καὶ τὸν Δία μέμφομαι τὸν ̔Ομηρικόν, ὅτι τοὺς Τρῶας φιλεῖ.” ἡ δὲ ἀληθεστέρα αἰτία ἥδε: τὼ ἄνδρε τούτω, ὁπότε ἄμφω τῆς ̔Ελλάδος ἠρχέτην, καλέσαντες ἐς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ̓Αθηναῖοι φωνὰς ἀφῆκαν τυραννουμένων πρὸς τὸν ̔Ηρώδην ἀποσημαίνοντες καὶ δεόμενοι ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἐς τὰ βασίλεια ὦτα παραπεμφθῆναι τὰ εἰρημένα. τῶν δὲ Κυντιλίων παθόντων τι πρὸς τὸν δῆμον καὶ ξὺν ὁρμῇ ἀναπεμψάντων ἃ ἤκουσαν, ἐπιβουλεύεσθαι παρ' αὐτῶν ὁ ̔Ηρώδης ἔφασκεν ὡς ἀναθολούντων ἐπ' αὐτὸν τοὺς ̓Αθηναίους. μετ' ἐκείνην γὰρ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν Δημόστρατοι ἀνέφυσαν καὶ Πραξαγόραι καὶ Μαμερτῖνοι καὶ ἕτεροι πλείους ἐς τὸ ἀντίξοον τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ πολιτεύοντες. γραψάμενος δὲ αὐτοὺς ̔Ηρώδης ὡς ἐπισυνιστάντας αὐτῷ τὸν δῆμον ἦγεν ἐπὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν, οἱ δὲ ὑπεξῆλθον ἀφανῶς παρὰ τὸν αὐτοκράτορα Μάρκον, θαρροῦντες τῇ τε φύσει τοῦ βασιλέως δημοτικωτέρᾳ οὔσῃ καὶ τῷ καιρῷ: ὧν γὰρ ὑπώπτευσε Λούκιον κοινωνὸν αὐτῷ τῆς ἀρχῆς γενόμενον, οὐδὲ τὸν ̔Ηρώδην ἠφίει τοῦ μὴ οὐ ξυμμετέχειν αὐτῷ. ὁ μὲν δὴ αὐτοκράτωρ ἐκάθητο ἐς τὰ Παιόνια ἔθνη ὁρμητηρίῳ τῷ Σιρμίῳ χρώμενος, κατέλυον δὲ οἱ μὲν ἀμφὶ τὸν Δημόστρατον περὶ τὰ βασίλεια, παρέχοντος αὐτοῖς ἀγορὰν τοῦ Μάρκου καὶ θαμὰ ἐρωτῶντος, εἴ του δέοιντο. φιλανθρώπως δὲ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἔχειν αὐτός τε ἑαυτὸν ἐπεπείκει καὶ τῇ γυναικὶ ἐπέπειστο καὶ τῷ θυγατρίῳ ψελλιζομένῳ ἔτι, τοῦτο γὰρ μάλιστα ξὺν πολλοῖς θωπεύμασι περιπῖπτον τοῖς γόνασι τοῦ πατρὸς ἐδεῖτο σῶσαί οἱ τοὺς ̓Αθηναίους. ὁ δὲ ̔Ηρώδης ἐν προαστείῳ ἐσκήνου, ἐν ὧ πύργοι ἐξῳκοδόμηντο καὶ ἡμιπύργια, καὶ δὴ ξυναπεδήμουν αὐτῷ καὶ δίδυμοι κόραι πρὸς ἀκμῇ γάμων θαυμαζόμεναι ἐπὶ τῷ εἴδει, ἃς ἐκνηπιώσας ὁ ̔Ηρώδης οἰνοχόους ἑαυτῷ καὶ ὀψοποιοὺς ἐπεποίητο θυγάτρια ἐπονομάζων καὶ ὧδε ἀσπαζόμενος — ̓Αλκιμέδοντος μὲν δὴ αὗται θυγατέρες, ὁ δὲ ̓Αλκιμέδων ἀπελεύθερος τοῦ ̔Ηρώδου — καθευδούσας δὲ αὐτὰς ἐν ἑνὶ τῶν πύργων, ὃς ἦν ἐχυρώτατος, σκηπτὸς ἐνεχθεὶς νύκτωρ ἀπέκτεινεν. ὑπὸ τούτου δὴ τοῦ πάθους ἔκφρων ὁ ̔Ηρώδης ἐγένετο καὶ παρῆλθεν ἐς τὸ βασίλειον δικαστήριον οὔτε ἔννους καὶ θανάτου ἐρῶν. παρελθὼν γὰρ καθίστατο ἐς διαβολὰς τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος οὐδὲ σχηματίσας τὸν λόγον, ὡς εἰκὸς ἦν ἄνδρα γεγυμνασμένον τῆς τοιᾶσδε ἰδέας μεταχειρίσασθαι τὴν ἑαυτοῦ χολήν, ἀλλ' ἀπηγκωνισμένῃ τῇ γλώττῃ καὶ γυμνῇ διετείνετο λέγων “ταῦτά μοι ἡ Λουκίου ξενία, ὃν σύ μοι ἔπεμψας: ὅθεν δικάζεις, γυναικί με καὶ τριετεῖ παιδίῳ καταχαριζόμενος.” Βασσαίου δὲ τοῦ πεπιστευμένου τὸ ξίφος θάνατον αὐτῷ φήσαντος ὁ ̔Ηρώδης “ὦ λῷστε”, ἔφη “γέρων ὀλίγα φοβεῖται.” ὁ μὲν οὖν ̔Ηρώδης ἀπῆλθε τοῦ δικαστηρίου εἰπὼν ταῦτα καὶ μετέωρον καταλείψας πολὺ τοῦ ὕδατος, ἡμεῖς δὲ τῶν ἐπιδήλως τῷ Μάρκῳ φιλοσοφηθέντων καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν δίκην ταύτην ἡγώμεθα: οὐ γὰρ ξυνήγαγε τὰς ὀφρῦς, οὐδὲ ἔτρεψε τὸ ὄμμα, ὃ κἂν διαιτητής τις ἔπαθεν, ἀλλ' ἐπιστρέψας ἑαυτὸν ἐς τοὺς ̓Αθηναίους “ἀπολογεῖσθε”, ἔφη, “ὦ ̓Αθηναῖοι, εἰ καὶ μὴ ξυγχωρεῖ ̔Ηρώδης.” καὶ ἀκούων ἀπολογουμένων ἐπὶ πολλοῖς μὲν ἀφανῶς ἤλγησεν, ἀναγιγνωσκομένης δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ ̓Αθηναίων ἐκκλησίας, ἐν ᾗ ἐφαίνοντο καθαπτόμενοι τοῦ ̔Ηρώδου, ὡς τοὺς ἄρχοντας τῆς ̔Ελλάδος ὑποποιουμένου πολλῷ τῷ μέλιτι καί που καὶ βεβοηκότες “ὢ πικροῦ μέλιτος” καὶ πάλιν “μακάριοι οἱ ἐν τῷ λοιμῷ ἀποθνήσκοντες” οὕτως ἐσείσθη τὴν καρδίαν ὑφ' ὧν ἤκουσεν, ὡς ἐς δάκρυα φανερὰ ὑπαχθῆναι. τῆς δὲ τῶν ̓Αθηναίων ἀπολογίας ἐχούσης κατηγορίαν τοῦ τε ̔Ηρώδου καὶ τῶν ἀπελευθέρων τὴν ὀργὴν ὁ Μάρκος ἐς τοὺς ἀπελευθέρους ἔτρεψε κολάσει χρησάμενος ὡς οἷόν τε ἐπιεικεῖ, οὕτω γὰρ αὐτὸς χαρακτηρίζει τὴν ἑαυτοῦ κρίσιν, μόνῳ δὲ ̓Αλκιμέδοντι τὴν τιμωρίαν ἐπανῆκεν ἀποχρῶσαν εἶναί οἱ φήσας τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς τέκνοις συμφοράν. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ὧδε ἐφιλοσοφεῖτο τῷ Μάρκῳ. ἐπιγράφουσι δὲ ἔνιοι καὶ φυγὴν οὐ φυγόντι καί φασιν αὐτὸν οἰκῆσαι τὸ ἐν τῇ ̓Ηπείρῳ ̓Ωρικόν, ὃ καὶ πολίσαι αὐτόν, ὡς εἴη δίαιτα ἐπιτηδεία τῷ σώματι. ὁ δὲ ̔Ηρώδης ᾤκησε μὲν τὸ χωρίον τοῦτο νοσήσας ἐν αὐτῷ καὶ θύσας ἐκβατήρια τῆς νόσου, φυγεῖν δὲ οὔτε προσετάχθη οὔτε ἔτλη. καὶ μάρτυρα τοῦ λόγου τούτου ποιήσομαι τὸν θεσπέσιον Μάρκον: μετὰ γὰρ τὰ ἐν τῇ Παιονίᾳ διῃτᾶτο μὲν ὁ ̔Ηρώδης ἐν τῇ ̓Αττικῇ περὶ τοὺς φιλτάτους ἑαυτῷ δήμους Μαραθῶνα καὶ Κηφισίαν ἐξηρτημένης αὐτοῦ τῆς πανταχόθεν νεότητος, οἳ κατ' ἔρωτα τῶν ἐκείνου λόγων ἐφοίτων ̓Αθήναζε, πεῖραν δὲ ποιούμενος, μὴ χαλεπὸς αὐτῷ εἴη διὰ τὰ ἐν τῷ δικαστηρίῳ πέμπει πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπιστολὴν οὐκ ἀπολογίαν ἔχουσαν, ἀλλ' ἔγκλημα, θαυμάζειν γὰρ ἔφη, τοῦ χάριν οὐκέτι αὐτῷ ἐπιστέλλοι καίτοι τὸν πρὸ τοῦ χρόνον θαμὰ οὕτω γράφων, ὡς καὶ τρεῖς γραμματοφόρους ἀφικέσθαι ποτὲ παρ' αὐτὸν ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ κατὰ πόδας ἀλλήλων. καὶ ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ διὰ πλειόνων μὲν καὶ ὑπὲρ πλειόνων, θαυμάσιον δὲ ἦθος ἐγκαταμίξας τοῖς γράμμασιν ἐπέστειλε πρὸς τὸν ̔Ηρώδην, ὧν ἐγὼ τὰ ξυντείνοντα ἐς τὸν παρόντα μοι λόγον ἐξελὼν τῆς ἐπιστολῆς δηλώσω: τὸ μὲν δὴ προοίμιον τῶν ἐπεσταλμένων “χαῖρέ μοι, φίλε ̔Ηρώδη.” διαλεχθεὶς δὲ ὑπὲρ τῶν τοῦ πολέμου χειμαδίων, ἐν οἷς ἦν τότε, καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα ὀλοφυράμενος ἄρτι αὐτῷ τεθνεῶσαν εἰπών τέ τι καὶ περὶ τῆς τοῦ σώματος ἀσθενείας ἐφεξῆς γράφει “σοὶ δὲ ὑγιαίνειν τε εὔχομαι καὶ περὶ ἐμοῦ ὡς εὔνου σοι διανοεῖσθαι, μηδὲ ἡγεῖσθαι ἀδικεῖσθαι, εἰ καταφωράσας τινὰς τῶν σῶν πλημμελοῦντας κολάσει ἐπ' αὐτοὺς ἐχρησάμην ὡς οἷόν τε ἐπιεικεῖ. διὰ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα μή μοι ὀργίζου, εἰ δέ τι λελύπηκά σε ἢ λυπῶ, ἀπαίτησον παρ' ἐμοῦ δίκας ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τῆς ἐν ἄστει ̓Αθηνᾶς ἐν μυστηρίοις. ηὐξάμην γάρ, ὁπότε ὁ πόλεμος μάλιστα ἐφλέγμαινε, καὶ μυηθῆναι, εἴη δὲ καὶ σοῦ μυσταγωγοῦντος.” τοιάδε ἡ ἀπολογία τοῦ Μάρκου καὶ οὕτω φιλάνθρωπος καὶ ἐρρωμένη. τίς ἂν οὖν ποτε ἢ ὃν φυγῇ περιέβαλεν οὕτω προσεῖπεν ἢ τὸν ἄξιον οὕτω προσειρῆσθαι φεύγειν προσέταξεν; ἔστι δέ τις λόγος, ὡς νεώτερα μὲν ὁ τὴν ἑῴαν ἐπιτροπεύων Κάσσιος ἐπὶ τὸν Μάρκον βουλεύοι, ὁ δὲ ̔Ηρώδης ἐπιπλήξειεν αὐτῷ δι' ἐπιστολῆς ὧδε ξυγκειμένης “̔Ηρώδης Κασσίῳ: ἐμάνης.” τήνδε τὴν ἐπιστολὴν μὴ μόνον ἐπίπληξιν ἡγώμεθα, ἀλλὰ καὶ ῥώμην ἀνδρὸς ὑπὲρ τοῦ βασιλέως τιθεμένου τὰ τῆς γνώμης ὅπλα. ὁ δὲ λόγος, ὃν διῆλθε πρὸς τὸν ̔Ηρώδην ὁ Δημόστρατος, ἐν θαυμασίοις δοκεῖ. ἰδέα δὲ αὐτοῦ ἡ μὲν τοῦ ἤθους μία, τὸ γὰρ ἐμβριθὲς ἐκ προοιμίων ἐς τέλος διήκει τοῦ λόγου, αἱ δὲ τῆς ἑρμηνείας ἰδέαι πολλαὶ καὶ ἀνόμοιαι μὲν ἀλλήλαις, λόγου δὲ ἄξιαι. ἔστω που καὶ τὸ δι' ̔Ηρώδην παρὰ τοῖς βασκάνοις εὐδοκιμεῖν τὸν λόγον, ἐπειδὴ ἀνὴρ τοιοῦτος ἐν αὐτῷ κακῶς ἤκουσεν. ἀλλ' ὅπως γε καὶ πρὸς τὰς λοιδορίας ἔρρωτο, δηλώσει καὶ τὰ πρὸς τὸν κύνα Πρωτέα λεχθέντα ποτὲ ὑπ' αὐτοῦ ̓Αθήνησιν: ἦν μὲν γὰρ τῶν οὕτω θαρραλέως φιλοσοφούντων ὁ Πρωτεὺς οὗτος, ὡς καὶ ἐς πῦρ ἑαυτὸν ἐν ̓Ολυμπίᾳ ῥῖψαι, ἐπηκολούθει δὲ τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ κακῶς ἀγορεύων αὐτὸν ἡμιβαρβάρῳ γλώττῃ: ἐπιστραφεὶς οὖν ὁ ̔Ηρώδης “ἔστω”, ἔφη “κακῶς με ἀγορεύεις, πρὸς τί καὶ οὕτως”; ἐπικειμένου δὲ τοῦ Πρωτέως ταῖς λοιδορίαις “γεγηράκαμεν” ἔφη “σὺ μὲν κακῶς με ἀγορεύων, ἐγὼ δὲ ἀκούων” ἐνδεικνύμενος δήπου τὸ ἀκούειν μέν, καταγελᾶν δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ πεπεῖσθαι τὰς ψευδεῖς λοιδορίας μὴ περαιτέρω ἀκοῆς ἥκειν. ἑρμηνεύσω καὶ τὴν γλῶτταν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἐς χαρακτῆρα ἰὼν τοῦ λόγου: ὡς μὲν δὴ Πολέμωνα καὶ Φαβωρῖνον καὶ Σκοπελιανὸν ἐν διδασκάλοις ἑαυτοῦ ἦγε καὶ ὡς Σεκούνδῳ τῷ ̓Αθηναίῳ ἐφοίτησεν, εἰρημένον μοι ἤδη, τοὺς δὲ κριτικοὺς τῶν λόγων Θεαγένει τε τῷ Κνιδίῳ καὶ Μουνατίῳ τῷ ἐκ Τραλλέων συνεγένετο καὶ Ταύρῳ τῷ Τυρίῳ ἐπὶ ταῖς Πλάτωνος δόξαις. ἡ δὲ ἁρμονία τοῦ λόγου ἱκανῶς κεκολασμένη καὶ ἡ δεινότης ὑφέρπουσα μᾶλλον ἢ ἐγκειμένη κρότος τε σὺν ἀφελείᾳ καὶ κριτιάζουσα ἠχὼ καὶ ἔννοιαι οἷαι μὴ ἑτέρῳ ἐνθυμηθῆναι κωμική τε εὐγλωττία οὐκ ἐπέσακτος, ἀλλ' ἐκ τῶν πραγμάτων, καὶ ἡδὺς ὁ λόγος καὶ πολυσχήματος καὶ εὐσχήμων καὶ σοφῶς ἐξαλλάττων τὸ πνεῦμά τε οὐ σφοδρόν, ἀλλὰ λεῖον καὶ καθεστηκὸς καὶ ἡ ἐπίπαν ἰδέα τοῦ λόγου χρυσοῦ ψῆγμα ποταμῷ ἀργυροδίνῃ ὑπαυγάζον. προσέκειτο μὲν γὰρ πᾶσι τοῖς παλαιοῖς, τῷ δὲ Κριτίᾳ καὶ προσετετήκει καὶ παρήγαγεν αὐτὸν ἐς ἤθη ̔Ελλήνων τέως ἀμελούμενον καὶ περιορώμενον. βοώσης δὲ ἐπ' αὐτῷ τῆς ̔Ελλάδος καὶ καλούσης αὐτὸν ἕνα τῶν δέκα οὐχ ἡττήθη τοῦ ἐπαίνου μεγάλου δοκοῦντος, ἀλλ' ἀστειότατα πρὸς τοὺς ἐπαινέσαντας “̓Ανδοκίδου μὲν” ἔφη “βελτίων εἰμί.” εὐμαθέστατος δὲ ἀνθρώπων γενόμενος οὐδὲ τοῦ μοχθεῖν ἠμέλησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρὰ πότον ἐσπούδαζε καὶ νύκτωρ ἐν τοῖς διαλείμμασι τῶν ὕπνων, ὅθεν ἐκάλουν αὐτὸν σιτευτὸν ῥήτορα οἱ ὀλίγωροί τε καὶ λεπτοί. ἄλλος μὲν οὖν ἄλλο ἀγαθὸς καὶ ἄλλος ἐν ἄλλῳ βελτίων ἑτέρου, ὁ μὲν γὰρ σχεδιάσαι θαυμάσιος, ὁ δὲ ἐκπονῆσαι λόγον, ὁ δὲ τὰ ξύμπαντα ἄριστα τῶν σοφιστῶν διέθετο καὶ τὸ παθητικὸν οὐκ ἐκ τῆς τραγῳδίας μόνον, ἀλλὰ κἀκ τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων συνελέξατο. ἐπιστολαὶ δὲ πλεῖσται ̔Ηρώδου καὶ διαλέξεις καὶ ἐφημερίδες ἐγχειρίδιά τε καὶ καίρια τὴν ἀρχαίαν πολυμάθειαν ἐν βραχεῖ ἀπηνθισμένα. οἱ δὲ προφέροντες αὐτῷ νέῳ ἔτι τὸ λόγου τινὸς ἐν Παιονίᾳ ἐκπεσεῖν ἐπὶ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος ἠγνοηκέναι μοι δοκοῦσιν, ὅτι καὶ Δημοσθένης ἐπὶ Φιλίππου λέγων ταὐτὸν ἔπαθεν: κἀκεῖνος μὲν ἥκων ̓Αθήναζε τιμὰς προσῄτει καὶ στεφάνους ἀπολωλυίας ̓Αθηναίοις ̓Αμφιπόλεως, ̔Ηρώδης δέ, ἐπεὶ τοῦτο ἔπαθεν, ἐπὶ τὸν ̓́Ιστρον ἦλθεν ὡς ῥίψων ἑαυτὸν, τοσοῦτον γὰρ αὐτῷ περιῆν τοῦ ἐν λόγοις βούλεσθαι ὀνομαστῷ εἶναι, ὡς θανάτου τιμᾶσθαι τὸ σφαλῆναι. ἐτελεύτα μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ τὰ ἓξ καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα ξυντακὴς γενόμενος. ἀποθανόντος δὲ αὐτοῦ ἐν τῷ Μαραθῶνι καὶ ἐπισκήψαντος τοῖς ἀπελευθέροις ἐκεῖ θάπτειν ̓Αθηναῖοι ταῖς τῶν ἐφήβων χερσὶν ἁρπάσαντες ἐς ἄστυ ἤνεγκαν προαπαντῶντες τῷ λέχει πᾶσα ἡλικία δακρύοις ἅμα καὶ ἀνευφημοῦντες, ὅσα παῖδες χρηστοῦ πατρὸς χηρεύσαντες, καὶ ἔθαψαν ἐν τῷ Παναθηναικῷ ἐπιγράψαντες αὐτῷ βραχὺ καὶ πολὺ ἐπίγραμμα τόδε: ̓Αττικοῦ ̔Ηρώδης Μαραθώνιος, οὗ τάδε πάντα κεῖται τῷδε τάφῳ, πάντοθεν εὐδόκιμος. τοσαῦτα περὶ ̔Ηρώδου τοῦ ̓Αθηναίου, τὰ μὲν εἰρημένα, τὰ δὲ ἠγνοημένα ἑτέροις. 2.2. ἐπὶ τὸν σοφιστὴν Θεόδοτον καλεῖ με ὁ λόγος. Θεόδοτος μὲν προὔστη καὶ τοῦ ̓Αθηναίων δήμου κατὰ χρόνους, οὓς προσέκρουον ̔Ηρώδῃ ̓Αθηναῖοι, καὶ ἐς ἀπέχθειαν φανερὰν οὐδεμίαν τῷ ἀνδρὶ ἀφίκετο, ἀλλ' ἀφανῶς αὐτὸν ὑπεκάθητο δεινὸς ὢν χρῆσθαι τοῖς πράγμασιν, καὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ τῶν ἀγοραίων εἷς οὗτος: τοῖς γοῦν ἀμφὶ τὸν Δημόστρατον οὕτω ξυνεκέκρατο, ὡς καὶ ξυνάρασθαί σφισι τῶν λόγων, οὓς ἐξεπόνουν πρὸς τὸν ̔Ηρώδην. προὔστη δὲ καὶ τῆς ̓Αθηναίων νεότητος πρῶτος ἐπὶ ταῖς ἐκ βασιλέως μυρίαις. καὶ οὐ τοῦτό πω λόγου ἄξιον, οὐδὲ γὰρ πάντες οἱ ἐπιβατεύοντες τοῦ θρόνου τούτου λόγου ἄξιοι, ἀλλ' ὅτι τοὺς μὲν Πλατωνείους καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς Στοᾶς καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ Περιπάτου καὶ αὐτοῦ ̓Επικούρου προσέταξεν ὁ Μάρκος τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ κρῖναι, τὸν δὲ ἄνδρα τοῦτον ἀπὸ τῆς περὶ αὐτὸν δόξης αὐτὸς ἐπέκρινε τοῖς νέοις ἀγωνιστὴν τῶν πολιτικῶν προσειπὼν λόγων καὶ ῥητορικῆς ὄφελος. ὁ ἀνὴρ οὗτος Λολλιανοῦ μὲν ἀκροατής, ̔Ηρώδου δὲ οὐκ ἀνήκοος. ἐβίω μὲν οὖν ὑπὲρ τὰ πεντήκοντα δυοῖν ἐτοῖν κατασχὼν τὸν θρόνον, τὴν δὲ ἰδέαν τῶν λόγων ἀποχρῶν καὶ τοῖς δικανικοῖς καὶ τοῖς ὑπερσοφιστεύουσιν. 2.9. ̓Αριστείδην δὲ τὸν εἴτε Εὐδαίμονος εἴτε Εὐδαίμονα ̓Αδριανοὶ μὲν ἤνεγκαν, οἱ δὲ ̓Αδριανοὶ πόλις οὐ μεγάλη ἐν Μυσοῖς, ̓Αθῆναι δὲ ἤσκησαν κατὰ τὴν ̔Ηρώδου ἀκμὴν καὶ τὸ ἐν τῇ ̓Ασίᾳ Πέργαμον κατὰ τὴν ̓Αριστοκλέους γλῶτταν. νοσώδης δὲ ἐκ μειρακίου γενόμενος οὐκ ἠμέλησε τοῦ πονεῖν. τὴν μὲν οὖν ἰδέαν τῆς νόσου καὶ ὅτι τὰ νεῦρα αὐτῷ ἐπεφρίκει, ἐν ̔Ιεροῖς βιβλίοις αὐτὸς φράζει, τὰ δὲ βιβλία ταῦτα ἐφημερίδων ἐπέχει τινὰ αὐτῷ λόγον, αἱ δὲ ἐφημερίδες ἀγαθαὶ διδάσκαλοι τοῦ περὶ παντὸς εὖ διαλέγεσθαι. ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ σχεδιάζειν μὴ ἑπομένης αὐτῷ τῆς φύσεως ἀκριβείας ἐπεμελήθη καὶ πρὸς τοὺς παλαιοὺς ἐβλεψεν ἱκανῶς τε τῷ γονίμῳ ἴσχυσε κουφολογίαν ἐξελὼν τοῦ λόγου. ἀποδημίαι δὲ ̓Αριστείδου οὐ πολλαί, οὔτε γὰρ ἐς χάριν τῶν πολλῶν διελέγετο οὔτε ἐκράτει χολῆς ἐπὶ τοὺς μὴ ξὺν ἐπαίνῳ ἀκροωμένους, ἃ δέ γε ἐπῆλθεν ἔθνη, ̓Ιταλοί τέ εἰσι καὶ ̔Ελλὰς καὶ ἡ πρὸς τῷ Δέλτα κατῳκημένη Αἴγυπτος, οἳ χαλκοῦν ἔστησαν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῆς κατὰ τὴν Σμύρναν ἀγορᾶς. οἰκιστὴν δὲ καὶ τὸν ̓Αριστείδην τῆς Σμύρνης εἰπεῖν οὐκ ἀλαζὼν ἔπαινος, ἀλλὰ δικαιότατός τε καὶ ἀληθέστατος: τὴν γὰρ πόλιν ταύτην ἀφανισθεῖσαν ὑπὸ σεισμῶν τε καὶ χασμάτων οὕτω τι ὠλοφύρατο πρὸς τὸν Μάρκον, ὡς τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ μονῳδίᾳ θαμὰ ἐπιστενάξαι τὸν βασιλέα, ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ “ζέφυροι δὲ ἐρήμην καταπνέουσι” καὶ δάκρυα τῷ βιβλίῳ ἐπιστάξαι τὸν βασιλέα ξυνοικίαν τε τῇ πόλει ἐκ τῶν τοῦ ̓Αριστείδου ἐνδοσίμων νεῦσαι. ἐτύγχανε δὲ καὶ ξυγγεγονὼς ἤδη τῷ Μάρκῳ ὁ ̓Αριστείδης ἐν ̓Ιωνίᾳ, ὡς γὰρ τοῦ ̓Εφεσίου Δαμιανοῦ ἤκουον, ἐπεδήμει μὲν ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ ἤδη τῇ Σμύρνῃ τρίτην ἡμέραν, τὸν δὲ ̓Αριστείδην οὔπω γιγνώσκων ἤρετο τοὺς Κυντιλίους, μὴ ἐν τῷ τῶν ἀσπαζομένων ὁμίλῳ παρεωραμένος αὐτῷ ὁ ἀνὴρ εἴη, οἱ δὲ οὐδὲ αὐτοὶ ἔφασαν ἑωρακέναι αὐτόν, οὐ γὰρ ἂν παρεῖναι τὸ μὴ οὐ ξυστῆσαι, καὶ ἀφίκοντο τῆς ὑστεραίας τὸν ̓Αριστείδην ἄμφω δορυφοροῦντες. προσειπὼν δὲ αὐτὸν ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ “διὰ τί σε” ἔφη “βραδέως εἴδομεν”; καὶ ὁ ̓Αριστείδης “θεώρημα”, ἔφη “ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἠσχόλει, γνώμη δὲ θεωροῦσά τι μὴ ἀποκρεμαννύσθω οὗ ζητεῖ.” ὑπερησθεὶς δὲ ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ τῷ ἤθει τἀνδρὸς ὡς ἁπλοικωτάτῳ τε καὶ σχολικωτάτῳ “πότε” ἔφη “ἀκροάσομαί σου”; καὶ ὁ ̓Αριστείδης “τήμερον” εἶπεν “πρόβαλε καὶ αὔριον ἀκροῶ: οὐ γὰρ ἐσμὲν τῶν ἐμούντων, ἀλλὰ τῶν ἀκριβούντων. ἐξέστω δέ, ὦ βασιλεῦ, καὶ τοὺς γνωρίμους παρεῖναι τῇ ἀκροάσει.” “ἐξέστω” ἦ δ' ὁ Μάρκος, “δημοτικὸν γάρ.” εἰπόντος δὲ τοῦ ̓Αριστείδου “δεδόσθω δὲ αὐτοῖς, ὦ βασιλεῦ, καὶ βοᾶν καὶ κροτεῖν, ὁπόσον δύνανται”, μειδιάσας ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ “τοῦτο” ἔφη “ἐπὶ σοὶ κεῖται.” οὐκ ἔγραψα τὴν μελετηθεῖσαν ὑπόθεσιν, ἐπειδὴ ἄλλοι ἄλλην φασίν, ἐκεῖνό γε μὴν πρὸς πάντων ὁμολογεῖται, τὸν ̓Αριστείδην ἀρίστῃ φορᾷ ἐπὶ τοῦ Μάρκου χρήσασθαι πόρρωθεν τῇ Σμύρνῃ ἑτοιμαζούσης τῆς τύχης τὸ δι' ἀνδρὸς τοιούτου δὴ ἀνοικισθῆναι. καὶ οὐ φημὶ ταῦτα, ὡς οὐχὶ καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀνοικίσαντος ἂν ἀπολωλυῖαν πόλιν, ἣν οὖσαν ἐθαύμασεν, ἀλλ' ὅτι αἱ βασίλειοί τε καὶ θεσπέσιοι φύσεις, ἢν προσεγείρῃ αὐτὰς ξυμβουλία καὶ λόγος, ἀναλάμπουσι μᾶλλον καὶ πρὸς τὸ ποιεῖν εὖ ξὺν ὁρμῇ φέρονται. Δαμιανοῦ κἀκεῖνα ἤκουον, τὸν σοφιστὴν τοῦτον διαβάλλειν μὲν τοὺς αὐτοσχεδίους ἐν ταῖς διαλέξεσι, θαυμάζειν δὲ οὕτω τὸ σχεδιάζειν, ὡς καὶ ἰδίᾳ ἐκπονεῖν αὐτὸ ἐν δωματίῳ ἑαυτόν καθειργνύντα, ἐξεπόνει δὲ κῶλον ἐκ κώλου καὶ νόημα ἐκ νοήματος ἐπανακυκλῶν. τουτὶ δὲ ἡγώμεθα μασωμένου μᾶλλον ἢ ἐσθίοντος, αὐτοσχέδιος γὰρ γλώττης εὐροούσης ἀγώνισμα. κατηγοροῦσι δὲ τοῦ ̓Αριστείδου τινὲς ὡς εὐτελὲς εἰπόντος προοίμιον ἐπὶ τῶν μισθοφόρων τῶν ἀπαιτουμένων τὴν γῆν, ἄρξασθαι γὰρ δὴ αὐτὸν τῆς ὑποθέσεως ταύτης ὧδε: “οὐ παύσονται οὗτοι οἱ ἄνθρωποι παρέχοντες ἡμῖν πράγματα.” λαμβάνονται δέ τινες καὶ ἀκμῆς τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἐπὶ τοῦ παραιτουμένου τὸν τειχισμὸν τῆς Λακεδαίμονος, εἴρηται δὲ ὧδε: “μὴ γὰρ δὴ ἐν τείχει ἐπιπτήξαιμεν ὀρτύγων ἀναψάμενοι φύσιν.” λαμβάνονται καὶ παροιμίας ὡς ταπεινῶς προσερριμμένης, ἐπιδιαβάλλων γὰρ τὸν ̓Αλέξανδρον ὡς πατρῴζοντα τὴν ἐν τοῖς πράγμασι δεινότητα τοῦ πατρὸς ἔφη τὸ παιδίον εἶναι. οἱ αὐτοὶ κατηγοροῦσι καὶ σκώμματος, ἐπειδὴ τοὺς ̓Αριμασποὺς τοὺς μονομμάτους ἔφη ξυγγενεῖς εἶναι τοῦ Φιλίππου, ὥσπερ τοῦ Δημοσθένους ἀπολελογημένου τοῖς ̔́Ελλησιν ὑπὲρ τοῦ τραγικοῦ πιθήκου καὶ τοῦ ἀρουραίου Οἰνομάου. ἀλλὰ μὴ ἐκ τούτων τὸν ̓Αριστείδην, δηλούτω δὲ αὐτὸν ὅ τε ̓Ισοκράτης ὁ τοὺς ̓Αθηναίους ἐξάγων τῆς θαλάττης καὶ ὁ ἐπιτιμῶν τῷ Καλλιξείνῳ ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ θάπτειν τοὺς δέκα καὶ οἱ βουλευόμενοι περὶ τῶν ἐν Σικελίᾳ καὶ ὁ μὴ λαβὼν Αἰσχίνης παρὰ τοῦ Κερσοβλέπτου τὸν σῖτον καὶ οἱ παραιτούμενοι τὰς σπονδὰς μετὰ τὸ κτεῖναι τὰ γένη, ἐν ᾗ μάλιστα ὑποθέσεων ἀναδιδάσκει ἡμᾶς, πῶς ἄν τις ἀσφαλῶς κεκινδυνευμένας τε καὶ τραγικὰς ἐννοίας μεταχειρίσαιτο. καὶ πλείους ἑτέρας ὑποθέσεις οἶδα εὐπαιδευσίαν ἐνδεικνυμένας τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τούτου καὶ ἰσχὺν καὶ ἦθος, ἀφ' ὧν μᾶλλον αὐτὸν θεωρητέον, ἢ εἰ που καὶ παρέπτυσέ τι ἐς φιλοτιμίαν ἐκπεσών. καὶ τεχνικώτατος δὲ σοφιστῶν ὁ ̓Αριστείδης ἐγένετο καὶ πολὺς ἐν θεωρήμασι, ὅθεν καὶ τοῦ σχεδιάζειν ἀπηνέχθη, τὸ γὰρ κατὰ θεωρίαν βούλεσθαι προάγειν πάντα ἀσχολεῖ τὴν γνώμην καὶ ἀπαλλάττει τοῦ ἑτοίμου. ἀποθανεῖν δὲ τὸν ̓Αριστείδην οἱ μὲν οἴκοι γράφουσιν, οἱ δὲ ἐν ̓Ιωνίᾳ ἔτη βιώσαντα οἱ μὲν ἑξήκοντά φασιν, οἱ δὲ ἀγχοῦ τῶν ἑβδομήκοντα. | |
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| 73. Irenaeus, Demonstration of The Apostolic Teaching, 57 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 661 |
| 74. Tertullian, On The Flesh of Christ, 2.4-2.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Lieu (2015) 57 |
75. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 1.3, 1.34, 5.36.5, 6.26.1-6.26.2, 6.33, 6.43, 7.14 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Borg (2008) 362; Czajkowski et al (2020) 219; Manolaraki (2012) 285; Tuori (2016) 284| 1.3. ἐγένετο Δάμις ἀνὴρ οὐκ ἄσοφος τὴν ἀρχαίαν ποτὲ οἰκῶν Νῖνον: οὗτος τῷ ̓Απολλωνίῳ προσφιλοσοφήσας ἀποδημίας τε αὐτοῦ ἀναγέγραφεν, ὧν κοινωνῆσαι καὶ αὐτός φησι, καὶ γνώμας καὶ λόγους καὶ ὁπόσα ἐς πρόγνωσιν εἶπε. καὶ προσήκων τις τῷ Δάμιδι τὰς δέλτους τῶν ὑπομνημάτων τούτων οὔπω γιγνωσκομένας ἐς γνῶσιν ἤγαγεν ̓Ιουλίᾳ τῇ βασιλίδι. μετέχοντι δέ μοι τοῦ περὶ αὐτὴν κύκλου — καὶ γὰρ τοὺς ῥητορικοὺς πάντας λόγους ἐπῄνει καὶ ἠσπάζετο — μεταγράψαι τε προσέταξε τὰς διατριβὰς ταύτας καὶ τῆς ἀπαγγελίας αὐτῶν ἐπιμεληθῆναι, τῷ γὰρ Νινίῳ σαφῶς μέν, οὐ μὴν δεξιῶς γε ἀπηγγέλλετο. ἐνέτυχον δὲ καὶ Μαξίμου τοῦ Αἰγιέως βιβλίῳ ξυνειληφότι τὰ ἐν Αἰγαῖς ̓Απολλωνίου πάντα, καὶ διαθῆκαι δὲ τῷ ̓Απολλωνίῳ γεγράφαται, παρ' ὧν ὑπάρχει μαθεῖν, ὡς ὑποθειάζων τὴν φιλοσοφίαν ἐγένετο. οὐ γὰρ Μοιραγένει γε προσεκτέον βιβλία μὲν ξυνθέντι ἐς ̓Απολλώνιον τέτταρα, πολλὰ δὲ τῶν περὶ τὸν ἄνδρα ἀγνοήσαντι. ὡς μὲν οὖν ξυνήγαγον ταῦτα διεσπασμένα καὶ ὡς ἐπεμελήθην τοῦ ξυνθεῖναι αὐτά, εἴρηκα, ἐχέτω δὲ ὁ λόγος τῷ τε ἀνδρὶ τιμήν, ἐς ὃν ξυγγέγραπται, τοῖς τε φιλομαθεστέροις ὠφέλειαν: ἦ γὰρ ἂν μάθοιεν, ἃ μήπω γιγνώσκουσιν. 1.34. ὑπολαβὼν οὖν ὁ Δάμις “ταῦτα μὲν καὶ αὖθις ἐπισκεψόμεθα,” ἔφη “ὦ ̓Απολλώνιε, ἃ δὲ χρὴ ἀποκρίνασθαι αὔριον πρὸς τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπαγγελίαν λαμπρὰν οὖσαν διεσκέφθαι προσήκει. αἰτήσεις μὲν γὰρ ἴσως οὐδέν, τὸ δ' ὅπως ἂν μὴ ἄλλῳ, φασί, τύφῳ παραιτεῖσθαι δοκοίης, ἅπερ ἂν ὁ βασιλεὺς διδῷ, τοῦτο ὅρα καὶ φυλάττου αὐτό, ὁρῶν οἷ τῆς γῆς εἰ καὶ ὅτι ἐπ' αὐτῷ κείμεθα. δεῖ δὲ φυλάττεσθαι διαβολάς, ὡς ὑπεροψίᾳ χρώμενον, γιγνώσκειν τε ὡς νῦν μὲν ἐφόδιά ἐστιν ἡμῖν ὁπόσα ἐς ̓Ινδοὺς πέμψαι, ἐπανιοῦσι δὲ ἐκεῖθεν οὔτ' ἂν ἀποχρήσαι ταῦτα, γένοιτο δὲ οὐκ ἂν ἕτερα.” καὶ τοιᾷδε ὑπέθαλπεν αὐτὸν τέχνῃ, 6.33. ἡ δὲ πρὸς τὸν Δημήτριον ἐπιστολὴ ὧδε εἶχεν: ̓Απολλώνιος φιλόσοφος Δημητρίῳ κυνὶ χαίρειν. δίδωμί σε βασιλεῖ Τίτῳ διδάσκαλον τοῦ τῆς βασιλείας ἤθους, σὺ δ' ἀληθεῦσαί τέ μοι πρὸς αὐτὸν δίδου καὶ γίγνου αὐτῷ, πλὴν ὀργῆς, πάντα. ἔρρωσο. 6.43. κἀκεῖνα ἐν Ταρσοῖς τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ᾅδουσι: κύων ἐνεπεπτώκει ἐφήβῳ λυττῶν καὶ ἀπῆγε τὸν ἔφηβον τὸ δῆγμα ἐς τὰ τῶν κυνῶν πάντα, ὑλάκτει τε γὰρ καὶ ὠρύετο καὶ τετράπους ἔθει τὼ χεῖρε ὑπέχων τῷ δρόμῳ. νοσοῦντι δ' αὐτῷ τριακοστὴν ἡμέραν ἐφίσταται μὲν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος ἄρτι ἐς τοὺς Ταρσοὺς ἥκων, κελεύει δὲ ἀνιχνευθῆναί οἱ τὸν κύνα, ὃς ταῦτα εἰργάσατο, οἱ δ' οὔτε ἐντετυχηκέναι τῷ κυνὶ ἔφασαν, ἔξω γὰρ τείχους εἰλῆφθαι αὐτὸν τοῦ ἐφήβου πρὸς ἀκοντίοις ὄντος, οὔτ' ἂν τοῦ νοσοῦντος μαθεῖν, ἥτις ἡ ἰδέα τοῦ κυνός, ἐπεὶ μηδὲ αὑτὸν ἔτι οἶδεν. ἐπισχὼν οὖν “ὦ Δάμι,” ἔφη “λευκὸς ὁ κύων λάσιος προβατευτικὸς ̓Αμφιλοχικῷ ἴσος, προσέστηκε δὲ τῇ δεῖνι κρήνῃ τρέμων, τὸ γὰρ ὕδωρ καὶ ποθεῖ καὶ δέδοικεν: ἄγε μοι τοῦτον ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ ποταμοῦ ὄχθην, ἐφ' ἧς αἱ παλαῖστραι, μόνον εἰπών, ὅτι ὑπ' ἐμοῦ καλοῖτο.” ἑλχθεὶς δ' ὁ κύων ὑπὸ τοῦ Δάμιδος ὑπεκλίθη τοῖς τοῦ ̓Απολλωνίου ποσίν, ὥσπερ οἱ βώμιοι τῶν ἱκετῶν κλαίων, ὁ δ' ἡμέρου τε αὐτὸν ἔτι μᾶλλον καὶ τῇ χειρὶ ἐπράυνε, τὸν ἔφηβόν τε ἵστη ἐγγὺς ξυνέχων αὐτός, ὡς δὲ μὴ λάθοι τοὺς πολλοὺς μέγα ἀπόρρητον “μεθέστηκε μὲν” ἔφη “ἐς τὸν παῖδα τοῦτον ἡ Τηλέφου ψυχὴ τοῦ Μυσοῦ, Μοῖραι δ' ἐπ' αὐτῷ ταὐτὰ βούλονται,” καὶ εἰπὼν ταῦτα ἐκέλευσε τὸν κύνα περιλιχμήσασθαι τὸ δῆγμα, ὡς ἰατρὸς αὐτῷ πάλιν ὁ τρώσας γένοιτο. ἐπεστράφη τὸ ἐντεῦθεν ἐς τὸν πατέρα ὁ παῖς καὶ ξυνῆκε τῆς μητρὸς προσεῖπέ τε τοὺς ἥλικας καὶ ἔπιε τοῦ Κύδνου, περιώφθη δὲ οὐδὲ ὁ κύων, ἀλλὰ κἀκεῖνον εὐξάμενος τῷ ποταμῷ δι' αὐτοῦ ἧκεν. ὁ δ' ἐπεὶ διέβη τὸν Κύδνον, ἐπιστὰς τῇ ὄχθῃ φωνήν τε ἀφῆκεν, ὅπερ ἥκιστα περὶ τοὺς λυττῶντας τῶν κυνῶν ξυμβαίνει, καὶ τὰ ὦτα ἀνακλάσας ἔσεισε τὴν οὐρὰν ξυνιεὶς τοῦ ἐρρῶσθαι, φαρμακοποσία γὰρ λύττης ὕδωρ, ἢν θαρσήσῃ αὐτὸ ὁ λυττῶν. Τοιαῦτα τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τὰ ὑπὲρ ἱερῶν τε καὶ πόλεων καὶ τὰ πρὸς δήμους καὶ ὑπὲρ δήμων καὶ τὰ ὑπὲρ τεθνεώτων ἢ νοσούντων καὶ τὰ πρὸς σοφούς τε καὶ μὴ σοφοὺς καὶ τὰ πρὸς βασιλέας, οἳ ξύμβουλον αὐτὸν ἀρετῆς ἐποιοῦντο. 7.14. πρὸς ταῦτα ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος “Δάμιδι μὲν ὑπὲρ τῶν παρόντων εὐλαβῶς διειλεγμένῳ ξυγγνώμην” ἔφη “προσήκει ἔχειν, ̓Ασσύριος γὰρ ὢν καὶ Μήδοις προσοικήσας, οὗ τὰς τυραννίδας προσκυνοῦσιν, οὐδὲν ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας ἐνθυμεῖται μέγα, σὺ δ' οὐκ οἶδ' ὅ τι πρὸς φιλοσοφίαν ἀπολογήσῃ, φόβους ὑποτιθείς, ὧν, εἴ τι καὶ ἀληθὲς ἐφαίνετο, ἀπάγειν ἐχρῆν μᾶλλον ἢ ἔσω καθιστάναι τοῦ φοβεῖσθαι τὸν μηδ' ἃ παθεῖν εἰκὸς ἦν δεδιότα. σοφὸς δ' ἀνὴρ ἀποθνησκέτω μὲν ὑπὲρ ὧν εἶπας, ἀποθάνοι δ' ἄν τις ὑπὲρ τούτων καὶ μὴ σοφός, τὸ μὲν γὰρ ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας ἀποθνήσκειν νόμῳ προστέτακται, τὸ δ' ὑπὲρ ξυγγενείας ἢ φίλων ἢ παιδικῶν φύσις ὥρισε, δουλοῦται δὲ ἅπαντας ἀνθρώπους φύσις καὶ νόμος, φύσις μὲν καὶ ἑκόντας, νόμος δὲ ἄκοντας: σοφοῖς δὲ οἰκειότερον τελευτᾶν ὑπὲρ ὧν ἐπετήδευσαν: ἃ γὰρ μὴ νόμου ἐπιτάξαντος, μηδὲ φύσεως ξυντεκούσης αὐτοὶ ὑπὸ ῥώμης τε καὶ θράσους ἐμελέτησαν, ὑπὲρ τούτων, εἰ καταλύοι τις αὐτά, ἴτω μὲν πῦρ ἐπὶ τὸν σοφόν, ἴτω δὲ πέλεκυς, ὡς νικήσει αὐτὸν οὐδὲν τούτων, οὐδὲ ἐς ὁτιοῦν περιελᾷ ψεῦδος, καθέξει δέ, ὁπόσα οἶδε, μεῖον οὐδὲν ἢ ἃ ἐμυήθη. ἐγὼ δὲ γιγνώσκω μὲν πλεῖστα ἀνθρώπων, ἅτε εἰδὼς πάντα, οἶδα δὲ ὦν οἶδα τὰ μὲν σπουδαίοις, τὰ δὲ σοφοῖς, τὰ δὲ ἐμαυτῷ, τὰ δὲ θεοῖς, τυράννοις δὲ οὐδέν. ὡς δὲ οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἀνοήτων ἥκω, σκοπεῖν ἔξεστιν: ἐγὼ γὰρ περὶ μὲν τῷ ἐμαυτοῦ σώματι κινδυνεύω οὐδέν, οὐδ' ἀποθάνοιμ' ἂν ὑπὸ τῆς τυραννίδος, οὐδ' εἰ αὐτὸς βουλοίμην, ξυνίημι δὲ κινδυνεύων περὶ τοῖς ἀνδράσιν, ὧν εἴτε ἀρχὴν εἴτε προσθήκην ποιεῖταί με ὁ τύραννος, εἰμὶ πᾶν ὅ τι βούλεται. εἰ δὲ προὐδίδουν σφᾶς ἢ βραδύνων ἢ βλακεύων πρὸς τὴν αἰτίαν, τίς ἂν τοῖς σπουδαίοις ἔδοξα; τίς δ' οὐκ ἂν ἀπέκτεινέ με εἰκότως, ὡς παίζοντα ἐς ἄνδρας, οἷς, ἃ παρὰ τῶν θεῶν ᾔτουν, ἀνετέθη; ὅτι δ' οὐκ ἦν μοι διαφυγεῖν τὸ μὴ οὐ προδότης δόξαι, δηλῶσαι βούλομαι: τυραννίδων ἤθη διττά, αἱ μὲν γὰρ ἀκρίτους ἀποκτείνουσιν, αἱ δὲ ὑπαχθέντας δικαστηρίοις, ἐοίκασι δ' αἱ μὲν τοῖς θερμοῖς τε καὶ ἑτοίμοις τῶν θηρίων, αἱ δὲ τοῖς μαλακωτέροις τε καὶ ληθάργοις. ὡς μὲν δὴ χαλεπαὶ ἄμφω, δῆλον πᾶσι παράδειγμα ποιουμένοις τῆς μὲν ὁρμώσης καὶ ἀκρίτου Νέρωνα, τῆς δὲ ὑποκαθημένης Τιβέριον, ἀπώλλυσαν γὰρ ὁ μὲν οὐδ' οἰηθέντας, ὁ δ' ἐκ πολλοῦ δείσαντας. ἐγὼ δ' ἡγοῦμαι χαλεπωτέρας τὰς δικάζειν προσποιουμένας καὶ ψηφίζεσθαί τι ὡς ἐκ τῶν νόμων, πράττουσι μὲν γὰρ κατ' αὐτοὺς οὐδέν, ψηφίζονται δ', ἅπερ οἱ μηδὲν κρίναντες, ὄνομα τῷ διατρίβοντι τῆς ὀργῆς θέμενοι νόμον, τὸ δ' ἀποθνήσκειν κατεψηφισμένους ἀφαιρεῖται τοὺς ἀθλίους καὶ τὸν παρὰ τῶν πολλῶν ἔλεον, ὃν ὥσπερ ἐντάφιον χρὴ ἐπιφέρειν τοῖς ἀδίκως ἀπελθοῦσι. δικαστικὸν μὲν δὴ τὸ τῆς τυραννίδος ταύτης ὁρῶ σχῆμα, τελευτᾶν δέ μοι δοκεῖ ἐς ἄκριτον, ὧν γὰρ πρὶν ἢ δικάσαι κατεψηφίσατο, τούτους ὡς μήπω δεδικασμένους ὑπάγει τῇ κρίσει, καὶ ὁ μὲν ψήφῳ ἁλοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ δῆλον ὡς ὑπὸ τοῦ μὴ κατὰ νόμους κρίναντος ἀπολωλέναι φησίν, ὁ δ' ἐκλιπὼν τὸ δικάσασθαι πῶς ἂν διαφύγοι τὸ μὴ οὐκ ἐφ' ἑαυτὸν ἐψηφίσθαι; τὸ δὲ καὶ τοιῶνδε ἀνδρῶν κειμένων ἐπ' ἐμοὶ νῦν ἀποδρᾶναι τὸν ἐμαυτοῦ τε κἀκείνων ἀγῶνα ποῖ με τῆς γῆς ἐάσει καθαρὸν δόξαι; ἔστω γὰρ σὲ μὲν εἰρηκέναι ταῦτα, ἐμὲ δὲ ̔ὡς' ὀρθῶς εἰρημένοις πείθεσθαι, τοὺς δὲ ἀπεσφάχθαι, τίς μὲν ὑπὲρ εὐπλοίας εὐχὴ τῷ τοιῷδε; ποῖ δὲ ὁρμιεῖται; πορεύσεται δὲ παρὰ τίνα; ἐξαλλάττειν γὰρ χρὴ οἶμαι πάσης, ὁπόσης ̔Ρωμαῖοι ἄρχουσι, παρ' ἄνδρας δὲ ἥκειν ἐπιτηδείους τε καὶ μὴ ἐν φανερῷ οἰκοῦντας, τουτὶ δ' ἂν Φραώτης τε εἴη καὶ ὁ Βαβυλώνιος καὶ ̓Ιάρχας ὁ θεῖος καὶ Θεσπεσίων ὁ γενναῖος. εἰ μὲν δὴ ἐπ' Αἰθιόπων στελλοίμην, τί ἄν, ὦ λῷστε, πρὸς Θεσπεσίωνα εἴποιμι; εἴτε γὰρ κρύπτοιμι ταῦτα, ψευδολογίας ἐραστὴς δόξω, μᾶλλον δὲ δοῦλος, εἴτε ἐς ἀπαγγελίαν αὐτῶν ἴοιμι, τοιῶνδέ που δεήσει λόγων: ἐμέ, ὦ Θεσπεσίων, Εὐφράτης πρὸς ὑμᾶς διέβαλεν, ἃ μὴ ἐμαυτῷ ξύνοιδα: ὁ μὲν γὰρ κομπαστὴν ἔφη καὶ τερατώδη με εἶναι καὶ ὑβριστὴν σοφίας, ὁπόση ̓Ινδῶν, ἐγὼ δὲ ταυτὶ μὲν οὐκ εἰμί, προδότης δὲ τῶν ἐμαυτοῦ φίλων καὶ σφαγεὺς καὶ οὐδὲν πιστὸν καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτά εἰμι, στέφανόν τε ἀρετῆς, εἴ τις, στεφανωσόμενος ἥκω τοῦτον, ἐπειδὴ τοὺς μεγίστους τῶν κατὰ τὴν ̔Ρώμην οἴκων οὕτως ἀνεῖλον, ὡς μηδὲ οἰκήσεσθαι αὐτοὺς ἔτι. ἐρυθριᾷς, Δημήτριε, τούτων ἀκούων, ὁρῶ γάρ. τί οὖν, εἰ καὶ Φραώτην ἐνθυμηθείης κἀμὲ παρὰ τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον ἐς ̓Ινδοὺς φεύγοντα, πῶς μὲν ἂν ἐς αὐτὸν βλέψαιμι; τί δ' ἂν εἴποιμι ὑπὲρ ὧν φεύγω; μῶν ὡς ἀφικόμην μὲν καλὸς κἀγαθὸς πρότερον καὶ τὸν θάνατον τὸν ὑπὲρ φίλων οὐκ ἄθυμος, ἐπεὶ δὲ ξυνεγενόμην αὐτῷ, τὸ θειότατον τουτὶ τῶν κατὰ ἀνθρώπους ἄτιμον ἔρριψά σοι; ὁ δὲ ̓Ιάρχας οὐδὲ ἐρήσεται οὐδὲν ἥκοντα, ἀλλ' ὥσπερ ὁ Αἴολός ποτε τὸν ̓Οδυσσέα κακῶς χρησάμενον τῷ τῆς εὐπλοίας δώρῳ ἄτιμον ἐκέλευσε χωρεῖν τῆς νήσου, κἀμὲ δήπου ἀπελᾷ τοῦ ὄχθου, κακὸν εἰπὼν ἐς τὸ Ταντάλειον γεγονέναι πῶμα, βούλονται γὰρ τὸν ἐς αὐτὸ κύψαντα καὶ κινδύνων κοινωνεῖν τοῖς φίλοις. οἶδα, ὡς δεινὸς εἶ, Δημήτριε, λόγους ξυντεμεῖν πάντας, ὅθεν μοι δοκεῖς καὶ τοιοῦτό τι ἐρεῖν πρός με: ἀλλὰ μὴ παρὰ τούτους ἴθι, παρ' ἄνδρας δέ, οἷς μήπω ἐπέμιξας, καὶ εὖ κείσεταί σοι τὸ ἀποδρᾶναι, ῥᾷον γὰρ ἐν οὐκ εἰδόσι λήσῃ. βασανιζέσθω δὲ καὶ ὅδε ὁ λόγος, ὅπη τοῦ πιθανοῦ ἔχει: δοκεῖ γάρ μοι περὶ αὐτοῦ τάδε: ἐγὼ ἡγοῦμαι τὸν σοφὸν μηδὲν ἰδίᾳ μηδ' ἐφ' ἑαυτοῦ πράττειν, μηδ' ἂν ἐνθυμηθῆναί τι οὕτως ἀμάρτυρον, ὡς μὴ αὐτὸν γοῦν ἑαυτῷ παρεῖναι, καὶ εἴτε ̓Απόλλωνος αὐτοῦ τὸ Πυθοῖ γράμμα, εἴτε ἀνδρὸς ὑγιῶς ἑαυτὸν γνόντος καὶ διὰ τοῦτο γνώμην αὐτὸ ποιουμένου ἐς πάντας, δοκεῖ μοι ὁ σοφὸς ἑαυτὸν γιγνώσκων καὶ παραστάτην ἔχων τὸν ἑαυτοῦ νοῦν μήτ' ἂν πτῆξαί τι ὧν οἱ πολλοί, μήτ' ἂν θαρσῆσαί τι ὧν ἕτεροι μὴ ξὺν αἰσχύνῃ ἅπτονται: δοῦλοι γὰρ τῶν τυραννίδων ὄντες καὶ προδοῦναι αὐταῖς ποτε τοὺς φιλτάτους ὥρμησαν, τὰ μὲν μὴ φοβερὰ δείσαντες, ἃ δὲ χρὴ δεῖσαι μὴ φοβηθέντες. σοφία δὲ οὐ ξυγχωρεῖ ταῦτα: πρὸς γὰρ τῷ Πυθικῷ ἐπιγράμματι καὶ τὸ τοῦ Εὐριπίδου ἐπαινεῖ ξύνεσιν ἡγουμένου περὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους εἶναι τὴν ἀπολλῦσαν αὐτοὺς ̔νόσον', ἐπειδὰν ἐνθυμηθῶσιν, ὡς κακὰ εἰργασμένοι εἰσίν. ἥδε γάρ που καὶ τῷ ̓Ορέστῃ τὰ τῶν Εὐμενίδων εἴδη ἀνέγραφεν, ὅτε δὴ ἐμαίνετο ἐπὶ τῇ μητρί, νοῦς μὲν γὰρ τῶν πρακτέων κύριος, σύνεσις δὲ τῶν ἐκείνῳ δοξάντων. ἢν μὲν δὴ χρηστὰ ἕληται ὁ νοῦς, πέμπει ἤδη τὸν ἄνδρα ἡ ξύνεσις ἐς πάντα μὲν ἱερά, πάσας δὲ ἀγυιάς, πάντα δὲ τεμένη, πάντα δὲ ἀνθρώπων ἤθη κροτοῦσά τε καὶ ᾅδουσα, ἐφυμνήσει δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ καθεύδοντι, παριστᾶσα χορὸν εὔφημον ἐκ τοῦ τῶν ὀνείρων δήμου, ἢν δ' ἐς φαῦλα ὀλίσθῃ ἡ τοῦ νοῦ στάσις, οὐκ ἐᾷ τοῦτον ἡ ξύνεσις οὔτε ὄμμα ὀρθὸν ἐς ἀνθρώπων τινὰ ἀφεῖναι οὔτε τὸ ἀπ' ἐλευθέρας γλώττης φθέγμα, ἱερῶν τε ἀπελαύνει καὶ τοῦ εὔχεσθαι, οὐδὲ γὰρ χεῖρα αἴρειν ξυγχωρεῖ ἐς τὰ ἀγάλματα, ἀλλ' ἐπικόπτει αἴροντας, ὥσπερ τοὺς ἐπανατεινομένους οἱ νόμοι, ἐξίστησι δὲ αὐτοὺς καὶ ὁμίλου παντὸς καὶ δειματοῖ καθεύδοντας, καὶ ἃ μὲν ὁρῶσι μεθ' ἡμέραν καὶ εἰ δή τινα ἀκούειν ἢ λέγειν οἴονται, ὀνειρώδη καὶ ἀνεμιαῖα ποιεῖ τούτοις, τὰς δὲ ἀμυδρὰς καὶ φαντασιώδεις πτοίας ἀληθεῖς ἤδη καὶ πιθανὰς τῷ φόβῳ. ὡς μὲν δὴ ἐλέγξει με ἡ σύνεσις ἐς εἰδότας τε καὶ μὴ εἰδότας ἥκοντα, προδότης εἰ γενοίμην τῶν ἀνδρῶν, δεδεῖχθαί μοι σαφῶς οἶμαι καὶ ὡς φαίνει ἀλήθεια, προδώσω δὲ οὐδὲ ἐμαυτόν, ἀλλ' ἀγωνιοῦμαι πρὸς τὸν τύραννον, τὸ τοῦ γενναίου ̔Ομήρου ἐπειπών: ξυνὸς ̓Ενυάλιος.” | 1.3. There was a man, Damis, by no means stupid, who formerly dwelt in the ancient city of Nineveh. He resorted to Apollonius in order to study wisdom, and having shared, by his own account, his wanderings abroad, wrote an account of them. And he records his opinions and discourses and all his prophecies. And a certain kinsmen of Damis drew the attention of the empress Julia to the documents containing these documents hitherto unknown. Now I belonged to the circle of the empress, for she was a devoted admirer of all rhetorical exercises; and she commanded me to recast and edit these essays, at the same time paying more attention to the style and diction of them; for the man of Nineveh had told his story clearly enough, yet somewhat awkwardly. And I also read the book of Maximus of Aegae, which comprised all the life of Apollonius in Aegae; and furthermore a will was composed by Apollonius, from which one can learn how rapturous and inspired a sage he really was. For we must not pay attention anyhow to Moeragenes, who composed four books about Apollonius, and yet was ignorant of many circumstances of his life. That then I combined these scattered sources together and took trouble over my composition, I have said; but let my work, I pray, redound to the honor of the man who is the subject of my compilation, and also be of use to those who love learning. For assuredly, they will here learn things of which as yet they were ignorant. 1.34. And by such devices he tried to wheedle Apollonius into not refusing to take anything he might be offered; but Apollonius, as if by way of assisting him in his argument, said: But, O Damis, are you not going to give me some examples? Let me supply you with some: Aeschines, the son of Lysanias, went off to Dionysius in Sicily in quest of money, and Plato is said thrice to have traversed Charybdis in quest of the wealth of Sicily, and Aristippus of Cyrene, and Helicon of Cyzicus, and Phyton of Rhegium, when he was in exile, buried their noses so deep in the treasure-houses of Dionysius, that they could barely tear themselves away. Moreover they tell of how Eudoxus of Cnidus once arrived in Egypt and both admitted that he had come there in quest of money, and conversed with the king about the matter. And not to take away more characters, they say that Speusippus, the Athenian, was so fond of money, that he reeled off festal songs, when he romped off to Macedonia, in honor of Cassander's marriage, which were frigid compositions, and that he sang these songs in public for the sake of money. Well, I think, O Damis, that a wise man runs more risk than do sailors and soldiers in action, for envy is ever assailing him, whether he holds his tongue or speaks, whether he exerts himself or is idle, whether he passes by anything or takes care to visit anyone, whether he addresses others or neglects to address them. And so a man must fortify himself and understand that a wise man who yields to laziness or anger or passion, or love of drink, or who commits any other action prompted by impulse and inopportune, will probably find his fault condoned; but if he stoops to greed, he will not be pardoned, but render himself odious with a combination of all vices at once. For surely they will not allow that he could be the slave of money, unless he was already the slave of his stomach or of fine raiment or of wine or of riotous living. But you perhaps imagine that it is a lesser thing to go wrong in Babylon than to go wrong at Athens or at the Olympian or Pythian games; and you do not reflect that a wise man finds Hellas everywhere, and that a sage will not regard or consider any place to be a desert or barbarous, because he, at any rate, lives under the eyes of virtue, and although he only sees a few men, yet he is himself looked at by ten thousand eyes. Now if you came across an athlete, Damis, one of those who practice and train themselves in wrestling and boxing, surely you would require him, in case he were contending in the Olympic games, or went to Arcadia, to be both noble in character and good; nay, more, of the Pythian or Nemean contest were going on, you would require him to take care of his physique, because these games are famous and the race-courses are made much of in Hellas; would you then, if Philip were sacrificing with Olympic rites after capturing certain cities, or if his son Alexander were holding games to celebrate his victories, tell the man forthwith to neglect the training of his body and to leave off being keen to win, because the contest was to be held in Olynthus or in Macedonia or in Egypt, rather than among the Hellenes, and on your native race-courses? These then were the arguments by which Damis declares that he was so impressed as to blush at what he had said, and to ask Apollonius to pardon him for having through imperfect acquaintance with him, ventured to tender him such advice, and use such arguments. But the sage caught him up and said: Never mind, for it was not by way of rebuking and humbling you that I have spoken thus, but in order to give you some idea of my own point of view. 6.33. But the letter to Demetrius ran as follows: Apollonius, the Philosopher, sends greeting to Demetrius the cynic.I have made a present of you to the Emperor Titus, that you may instruct him how to behave as a sovereign, and take care that you confirm the truth of my words to him, and make yourself, anger apart, everything to him. Farewell. 6.43. Here too is a story which they tell of him in Tarsus. A mad dog had attacked a lad, and as a result of the bite the lad behaved exactly like a dog, for he barked and howled and went on all four feet using his hands as such, and ran about in that manner. And he had been ill in this way for thirty days, when Apollonius, who had recently come to Tarsus, met him and ordered a search to be made for the dog which had done the harm. But they said that the dog had not been found, because the youth had been attacked outside the wall when he was practicing with javelins, nor could they learn from the patient what the dog was like, for he did not even know himself any more. Then Apollonius reflected for a moment and said: O Damis, the dog is a white shaggy sheep-dog, as big as an Amphilochian hound, and he is standing at a certain fountain trembling all over, for he is longing to drink the water, but at the same time is afraid of it. Bring him to me to the bank of the river, where there are the wrestling grounds, merely telling that it is I who call him. So Damis dragged the dog along, and it crouched at the feet of Apollonius, crying out as a suppliant might do before an altar. But he quite tamed it by stroking it with his hand, and then he stood the lad close by, holding him with his hand; and in order that the multitude might be cognizant of so great a mystery, he said: The soul of Telephus of Mysia has been transferred into this boy, and the Fates impose the same things upon him as upon Telephus. And with these words he bade the dog lick the wound all round where he had bitten the boy, so that the agent of the wound might in turn be its physician and healer. After that the boy returned to his father and recognized his mother, and saluted his comrades as before, and drank of the waters of the Cydnus. Nor did the sage neglect the dog either, but after offering a prayer to the river he sent the dog across it; and when the dog had crossed the river, he took his stand on the opposite bank, and began to bark, a thing which mad dogs rarely do, and he folded back his ears and wagged his tail, because he knew that he was all right again, for a draught of water cures a mad dog, if he has only the courage to take it.Such were the exploits of our sage in behalf of both temples and cities; such were the discourses he delivered to the public or in behalf of different communities, and in behalf of those who were dead or who were sick; and such were the harangues he delivered to wise and unwise alike, and to the sovereigns who consulted him about moral virtue. 7.14. Apollonius answered thus: We must make allowance for the very timid remarks which Damis has made about the situation; for he is a Syrian and lives on the border of Media, where tyrants are worshipped, and hence does not entertain a lofty idea of freedom; but as for yourself, I do not see how you can defend yourself at the bar of philosophy from the charge of trumping up fears, from which, even if there were really any reason for them, you ought to try to wean him; instead of doing so you try to plunge into terror a man who was not even afraid of such things as were likely to occur. I would indeed have a wise man sacrifice his life for the objects you have mentioned, but any man without being wise should equally die for them; for it is an obligation of law that we should die in behalf of our freedom, and an injunction of nature that we should die in behalf of our kinsfolk or of our friends or darlings. Now all men are the slaves of nature and of law; the willing slaves of nature, as the unwilling ones of law. But it is the duty of the wise in a still higher degree to lay down their lives for the tenets they have embraced. Here are interests which neither law has laid upon us, nor nature planted in us from birth, but to which we have devoted ourselves out of mere strength of character and courage. In behalf therefore of these, should anyone try to violate them, let the wise man pass through fire, let him bare his neck for the axe, for he will not be overcome by any such threats, nor driven to any sort of subterfuge; but he will cleave to all he knows as firmly as if it were a religion in which he had been initiated. As for myself, I am acquainted with more than other human beings, for I know all things, and what I know, I know partly for good men, partly for wise ones, partly for myself, partly for the gods, but for tyrants nothing. But that I am not come on any fool's errand, you can see if you will; for I run no risk of my life myself, nor shall I die at the hands of a despot, however much I might wish to do so; but I am aware that I am gambling with the lives of those whom I bear such relation as the tyrant chooses, whether he count me their leader or their supporter. But if I were to betray them by holding back or by cowardly refusal to face the accusation, what would good men think of me? Who would not justly slay me, for playing with the lives of men to whom was entrusted everything I had besought of heaven? And I would like to point out to you, that I could not possibly escape the reputation of being a traitor.For there are two kinds of tyrants; the one kind put their victims to death without trial, the other after they have been brought before a court of law.The former kind resemble the more passionate and prompt of wild beasts, the other kind resemble the gentle and more lethargic ones. That both kinds are cruel is clear to everybody who takes Nero as an example of the impetuous disposition which does not trouble about legal forms, Tiberius, on the other hand of the tardy and lurking nature; for the former destroyed his victims before they had any suspicion of what was coming, and the other after he had tortured them with long drawn-out terror. For myself I consider those crueler who make a pretense of legal trial, and of getting a verdict pronounced in accordance with the laws; for in reality they set them at defiance, and bring in the same verdict as they would have done without any real trial, giving the name of law to the mere postponement of their own spleen. The very fact of their being put to death in legal form does not deprive the wretches so condemned to death of that compassion on the part of the crowd, which should be tendered like a winding sheet to the victims of injustice. Well, I perceive that the present ruler cloaks his tyranny under legal forms. But it seems to me that he ends by condemnation without trial; for he really sentences men before they enter the court, and then brings them before it as if they had not yet been tried. Now one who is formally condemned by a verdict in court, can obviously say he perished owing to an illegal sentence, but how can he that evades his trial escape the implied verdict against himself? And supposing, now that the fate of such distinguished persons also rests on me, I do manage to run away from the crisis which equally impends over them and myself, what can save me from no matter where I go on all the earth from the brand of infamy? For let us suppose that you have delivered yourself of all these sentiments, and that I have admitted their correctness and acted on them, and that in consequence our friends have been murdered, what prayers could I offer in such a case for a favorable voyage? What haven could I cast anchor in? To whom could I set out on any voyage? For methinks I should have to steer clear of any land over which the Romans rule, and should have to seek men who are my friends, and yet do not live in sight of the tyrant, and that would be Phraotes, and the Babylonian, and the divine Iarchas, and the noble Thespesion. Now supposing I set out for Ethiopia, what, my excellent friend, could I tell Thespesion? For if I concealed this episode, I should prove myself a lover of falsehood, nay worse, a slave; while if I frankly confessed all to him, I could only use such words as these: O Thespesion, Euphrates slandered me to you and accused me of things that are not on my conscience; for he said that I was a boaster and a miracle-monger, and one that violated wisdom, especially that of the Indians; but while I am none of these things, I am nevertheless a betrayer of my own friends, and their murderer, and utterly unreliable and so forth; and if there is any wreath for virtue, I come to wear it, because I have ruined the greatest of the Roman houses so utterly, that henceforth they are left desolate. You blush, Demetrius, to hear such words; I see that you do so. What then, if you turn from Thespesion to Phraotes and imagine me fleeing to India to take refuge with such a man as he? How should I look him in the face? How should I explain the motive of my flight? Should I not have to say that when I visited him before, I was a gentleman not too faint-hearted to lay down my life for my friends; but that after enjoying his society, I had at your bidding thrown away with scorn this divinest of human privileges. And as for Iarchas, he surely would not ask me any questions at all when I arrived, but just as Aeolus once bade Odysseus quit his island with ignominy, because he had made a bad use of the gift of a good wind which he had bestowed on him, so Iarchas, I imagine, would drive me from his eminence, and tell me that I had disgraced the draught I there had from the cup of Tantalus. For they require a man who stoops and drinks of that goblet, to share the dangers of his friends. I know, Demetrius, how clever you are at chopping logic, and this, I believe, is why you will tender me some further advice, such as this: But you must not resort to those you have named, but to men with whom you have never had anything to do, and then your flight will be secure; for you will find it easier to lie hidden among people who do not know you. Well, let me examine this argument too, and see whether there is anything in it. For this is how I regard it: I consider that a wise man does nothing in private nor by himself alone; I hold that not even his inmost thoughts can be so devoid of witness, that he himself at least is not present with himself; and whether the Pythian inscription was suggested by Apollo himself, or by some man who had a healthy conscience, and was therefore minded to publish it as an aphorism for all, I hold that the sage who “knows himself,” and has his own conscience as his perpetual companion, will never cower before things that scare the many, nor venture upon courses which others would engage upon without shame. For being the slaves of despots, they have been ready at times to betray to them even their dearest; because just as they trembled at imaginary terrors, so they felt no fear where they should have trembled.But Wisdom allows of none these things. For beside the Pythian epigram, she also praises Euripides who regarded “conscience in the case of human beings as a disease which works their ruin, whenever they realize that they have done wrong.” For it was such conscience that brought up before Orestes and depicted in his imagination the shapes of the Eumenides, when he had gone mad with wrath against his mother; for whereas reason decides what should be done, conscience revises the resolutions taken by reason. If then reason chooses the better part, conscience forthwith escorts a man to all the temples, into all the by-streets, into all groves of the gods, and into all haunts of mankind, applauding him and singing his praises. She will even hymn his merits as he sleeps, and will weave around him a chorus of angels from the world of dreams; but if the determination of reason trip and fall into evil courses, conscience permits not the sinner to look others in the face, nor to address them freely and boldly with his lips; and she drives him away from temples and from prayer. For she suffers him not even to uplift his hands in prayer to the images, but strikes them down as he lifts them, as the law strikes down those who rebel against it; and she drives such men from every social meeting, and terrifies them in their sleep; and while she turns into dreams and windy forms all that they see by day, and any things they think they hear or say, she lends to their empty and fantastic flutterings of heart truth and substantial reality of well-found terror. I think then that I have clearly shown you, and that truth itself will convince you, that my conscience will convict me wherever I go, whether to people that know me, or to people that do not, supposing I were to betray my friends; but I will not betray even myself, but I will boldly wrestle with the tyrant, hailing him with the words of the noble Homer: Ares is as much my friend as thine. |
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| 76. Gaius, Instiutiones, 1.53 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Tuori (2016) 211 |
| 77. Hippolytus, Refutation of All Heresies, 8-9 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Vinzent (2013) 10 |
| 78. Hippolytus, On The Blessings of Issac And Jacob, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 661 |
| 79. Palestinian Talmud, Sanhedrin, 10.6 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 108 |
| 80. Melito of Sardis, Fragments, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 81. Melito of Sardis, Fragments, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
82. Tertullian, Apology, 2.6, 4.4, 5.6, 21.1, 27.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, spurious letter concerning christians •antoninus pius Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 810, 818, 821; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 169; Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022) 136| 2.6. prohibentes. 4.4. quia debuit non licere. Quodsi, quia non debet, ideo non vultis licere, sine dubio id non debet licere quod male fit, et utique hoc ipso praeiudicatur licere quod bene fit. Si bonum invenero esse quod lex tua prohibuit, nonne ex illo praeiudicio prohibere me non potest quod, si malum esset, iure prohiberet? Si lex tua erravit, puto, ab homine concepta est; neque enim de caelo ruit. 5.6. accusatoribus damnatione, et quidem tetriore. Quales ergo leges istae quas adversus nos soli exercent impii, iniusti, turpes, truces, vani, dementes? quas Traianus ex parte frustratus est vetando inquiri Christianos, quas nullus Hadrianus, quamquam omnium curiositatum explorator, nullus Vespasianus, quamquam Iudaeorum debellator, nullus Pius, nullus verus inpressit. 21.1. praesumptionis abscondat, 27.2. | 40. On the contrary, they deserve the name of faction who conspire to bring odium on good men and virtuous, who cry out against innocent blood, offering as the justification of their enmity the baseless plea, that they think the Christians the cause of every public disaster, of every affliction with which the people are visited. If the Tiber rises as high as the city walls, if the Nile does not send its waters up over the fields, if the heavens give no rain, if there is an earthquake, if there is famine or pestilence, straightway the cry is, Away with the Christians to the lion! What! shall you give such multitudes to a single beast? Pray, tell me how many calamities befell the world and particular cities before Tiberius reigned - before the coming, that is, of Christ? We read of the islands of Hiera, and Anaphe, and Delos, and Rhodes, and Cos, with many thousands of human beings, having been swallowed up. Plato informs us that a region larger than Asia or Africa was seized by the Atlantic Ocean. An earthquake, too, drank up the Corinthian sea; and the force of the waves cut off a part of Lucania, whence it obtained the name of Sicily. These things surely could not have taken place without the inhabitants suffering by them. But where - I do not say were Christians, those despisers of your gods - but where were your gods themselves in those days, when the flood poured its destroying waters over all the world, or, as Plato thought, merely the level portion of it? For that they are of later date than that calamity, the very cities in which they were born and died, nay, which they founded, bear ample testimony; for the cities could have no existence at this day unless as belonging to postdiluvian times. Palestine had not yet received from Egypt its Jewish swarm (of emigrants), nor had the race from which Christians sprung yet settled down there, when its neighbors Sodom and Gomorrha were consumed by fire from heaven. The country yet smells of that conflagration; and if there are apples there upon the trees, it is only a promise to the eye they give - you but touch them, and they turn to ashes. Nor had Tuscia and Campania to complain of Christians in the days when fire from heaven overwhelmed Vulsinii, and Pompeii was destroyed by fire from its own mountain. No one yet worshipped the true God at Rome, when Hannibal at Cann counted the Roman slain by the pecks of Roman rings. Your gods were all objects of adoration, universally acknowledged, when the Senones closely besieged the very Capitol. And it is in keeping with all this, that if adversity has at any time befallen cities, the temples and the walls have equally shared in the disaster, so that it is clear to demonstration the thing was not the doing of the gods, seeing it also overtook themselves. The truth is, the human race has always deserved ill at God's hand. First of all, as undutiful to Him, because when it knew Him in part, it not only did not seek after Him, but even invented other gods of its own to worship; and further, because, as the result of their willing ignorance of the Teacher of righteousness, the Judge and Avenger of sin, all vices and crimes grew and flourished. But had men sought, they would have come to know the glorious object of their seeking; and knowledge would have produced obedience, and obedience would have found a gracious instead of an angry God. They ought then to see that the very same God is angry with them now as in ancient times, before Christians were so much as spoken of. It was His blessings they enjoyed - created before they made any of their deities: and why can they not take it in, that their evils come from the Being whose goodness they have failed to recognize? They suffer at the hands of Him to whom they have been ungrateful. And, for all that is said, if we compare the calamities of former times, they fall on us more lightly now, since God gave Christians to the world; for from that time virtue put some restraint on the world's wickedness, and men began to pray for the averting of God's wrath. In a word, when the summer clouds give no rain, and the season is matter of anxiety, you indeed - full of feasting day by day, and ever eager for the banquet, baths and taverns and brothels always busy - offer up to Jupiter your rain-sacrifices; you enjoin on the people barefoot processions; you seek heaven at the Capitol; you look up to the temple-ceilings for the longed-for clouds - God and heaven not in all your thoughts. We, dried up with fastings, and our passions bound tightly up, holding back as long as possible from all the ordinary enjoyments of life, rolling in sackcloth and ashes, assail heaven with our importunities - touch God's heart - and when we have extorted divine compassion, why, Jupiter gets all the honour! |
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| 83. Palestinian Talmud, Megillah, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 607 |
| 84. Tertullian, Prescription Against Heretics, 30.2, 40.1-40.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Alvar Ezquerra (2008) 387; Lieu (2015) 57 |
| 85. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 1.8.2, 1.8.8, 1.13.4-1.13.8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Stanton (2021) 29 |
| 86. Gellius, Attic Nights, a b c d\n0 1.22.19 1.22.19 1 22\n1 '12.2.1 '12.2.1 '12 2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Arthur-Montagne DiGiulio and Kuin (2022) 187 |
| 87. Apuleius, Florida, 9.10 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 243 |
| 88. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 1.26, 2.18, 6.2, 6.4, 7.13 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Griffiths (1975) 13, 190 |
| 89. Galen, On The Preservation of Health, 3.4.11-3.4.30, 13.7 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Trapp et al (2016) 123 |
90. Anon., Acts of John, 30 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Geljon and Vos (2020) 71 | 30. And he commanded Verus (Berus), the brother that ministered to him, to gather the aged women that were in all Ephesus, and made ready, he and Cleopatra and Lycomedes, all things for the care of them. Verus, then, came to John, saying: of the aged women that are here over threescore years old I have found four only sound in body, and of the rest some . . . . (a word gone) and some palsied and others sick. And when he heard that, John kept silence for a long time, and rubbed his face and said: O the slackness (weakness) of them that dwell in Ephesus! O the state of dissolution, and the weakness toward God! O devil, that hast so long mocked the faithful in Ephesus! Jesus, who giveth me grace and the gift to have my confidence in him, saith to me in silence: Send after the old women that are sick and come (be) with them into the theatre, and through me heal them: for there are some of them that will come unto this spectacle whom by these healings I will convert and make them useful for some end. |
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| 91. Tertullian, Against Marcion, 1.1.6, 1.1.5, 1.2.1, 1.7.7, 1.15.1, 1.18.4, 1.19.3, 1.19.2, 1.19.4, 3.12-13.3, 4.4.3, 4.4.5, 4.6.3, 4.22.10, 4.22.8, 4.22.9, 4.40, 5.2.2, 5.19.2, 5.19.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lieu (2015) 57 |
| 92. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 1.10-1.13, 1.23, 1.60, 1.322, 2.3-2.4, 2.24, 2.37-2.45, 4.22, 4.72, 4.87-4.88, 4.95, 4.101, 14.205, 23.3, 23.23, 24.3-24.4, 24.37, 26.11-26.12, 26.14, 26.28, 26.31, 26.33, 26.36-26.39, 26.41, 26.59, 26.63, 26.67, 26.81, 26.88, 26.90-26.102, 26.104, 26.107, 26.109, 37.29, 42.6-42.15, 47.23, 48.7, 48.18-48.21, 48.60-48.70, 49.38, 49.44, 50.53-50.54, 50.58, 50.70, 50.72-50.73, 50.89-50.92 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Borg (2008) 368; Csapo (2022) 133; Czajkowski et al (2020) 162, 196; Manolaraki (2012) 285; Marek (2019) 430, 477; Stanton (2021) 85, 89; Trapp et al (2016) 3, 5, 16, 123, 134, 141; Tuori (2016) 196, 202 |
| 93. Pliny The Younger, Letters, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 825 |
| 94. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 3.3.21, 3.13, 7.17.106-7.17.108 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Lieu (2015) 128 |
| 95. Aristides of Athens, Apology, 4.3-6.1, 15, 15.4-16.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022) 16 |
96. Cassius Dio, Roman History, a b c d\n0 56.25.6 56.25.6 56 25\n1 54.7.2 54.7.2 54 7 \n2 77.9.5 77.9.5 77 9 \n3 65.3.3 65.3.3 65 3 \n4 69.11.1 69.11.1 69 11\n5 69.12.2-13.1 69.12.2 69 12\n6 69.21.2 69.21.2 69 21\n7 69.1.6 69.1.6 69 1 \n8 66.17.1 66.17.1 66 17\n9 54.7.5 54.7.5 54 7 \n10 54.7.4 54.7.4 54 7 \n11 44.4.4 44.4.4 44 4 \n12 72.8 72.8 72 8 \n13 70.2.3 70.2.3 70 2 \n14 72.31 72.31 72 31\n15 71.2 71.2 71 2 \n16 79.22.5 79.22.5 79 22\n17 37.17.1 37.17.1 37 17\n18 37.16.5-17.1 37.16.5 37 16\n19 59.5 59.5 59 5 \n20 72.31.3 72.31.3 72 31\n21 60.6.9 60.6.9 60 6 \n22 63.13.3 63.13.3 63 13\n23 79.11.2 79.11.2 79 11\n24 71.35.4 71.35.4 71 35\n25 72.7 72.7 72 7 \n26 72.6 72.6 72 6 \n27 72.4 72.4 72 4 \n28 71.11.5 71.11.5 71 11\n29 71.11.4 71.11.4 71 11\n30 72.5 72.5 72 5 \n31 69.4.3 69.4.3 69 4 \n32 74.8 74.8 74 8 \n33 69.7.1 69.7.1 69 7 \n34 69.4.1 69.4.1 69 4 \n35 69.4.2 69.4.2 69 4 \n36 69.18.2 69.18.2 69 18\n37 74.5 74.5 74 5 \n38 75.16.3 75.16.3 75 16\n39 75.16.4 75.16.4 75 16\n40 76(77).17.1 76(77).17.1 76(77) 17\n41 69.7.2 69.7.2 69 7 \n42 76(77).17.2 76(77).17.2 76(77) 17\n43 76(77).17.3 76(77).17.3 76(77) 17\n44 69.18.3 69.18.3 69 18 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 250 | 56.25.6. Nevertheless, he forbade this practice. He also issued a proclamation to the subject nations forbidding them to bestow any honours upon a person assigned to govern them either during his term of office or within sixty days after his departure; this was because some governors by arranging beforehand for testimonials and eulogies from their subjects were causing much mischief. |
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97. Justin, First Apology, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lampe (2003) 271; Lieu (2015) 298; Vinzent (2013) 206 | 1. To the Emperor Titus Ælius Adrianus Antoninus Pius Augustus C sar, and to his son Verissimus the Philosopher, and to Lucius the Philosopher, the natural son of C sar, and the adopted son of Pius, a lover of learning, and to the sacred Senate, with the whole People of the Romans, I, Justin, the son of Priscus and grandson of Bacchius, natives of Flavia Neapolis in Palestine, present this address and petition on behalf of those of all nations who are unjustly hated and wantonly abused, myself being one of them. 4. By the mere application of a name, nothing is decided, either good or evil, apart from the actions implied in the name; and indeed, so far at least as one may judge from the name we are accused of, we are most excellent people. But as we do not think it just to beg to be acquitted on account of the name, if we be convicted as evil-doers, so, on the other hand, if we be found to have committed no offense, either in the matter of thus naming ourselves, or of our conduct as citizens, it is your part very earnestly to guard against incurring just punishment, by unjustly punishing those who are not convicted. For from a name neither praise nor punishment could reasonably spring, unless something excellent or base in action be proved. And those among yourselves who are accused you do not punish before they are convicted; but in our case you receive the name as proof against us, and this although, so far as the name goes, you ought rather to punish our accusers. For we are accused of being Christians, and to hate what is excellent (Chrestian) is unjust. Again, if any of the accused deny the name, and say that he is not a Christian, you acquit him, as having no evidence against him as a wrong-doer; but if any one acknowledge that he is a Christian, you punish him on account of this acknowledgment. Justice requires that you inquire into the life both of him who confesses and of him who denies, that by his deeds it may be apparent what kind of man each is. For as some who have been taught by the Master, Christ, not to deny Him, give encouragement to others when they are put to the question, so in all probability do those who lead wicked lives give occasion to those who, without consideration, take upon them to accuse all the Christians of impiety and wickedness. And this also is not right. For of philosophy, too, some assume the name and the garb who do nothing worthy of their profession; and you are well aware, that those of the ancients whose opinions and teachings were quite diverse, are yet all called by the one name of philosophers. And of these some taught atheism; and the poets who have flourished among you raise a laugh out of the uncleanness of Jupiter with his own children. And those who now adopt such instruction are not restrained by you; but, on the contrary, you bestow prizes and honours upon those who euphoniously insult the gods. |
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| 98. Justin, Second Apology, a b c d\n0 '3.1 '3.1 '3 1 \n1 '2.16 '2.16 '2 16 \n2 '2.8 '2.8 '2 8 \n3 '2.3 '2.3 '2 3 \n4 '2.2 '2.2 '2 2 \n5 2 2 2 None\n6 15 15 15 None\n7 1.1 1.1 1 1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Malherbe et al (2014) 886 |
| 99. Pliny The Younger, Letters, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 825 |
| 100. Lucian, Alexander The False Prophet, 27, 2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 430 |
101. Justin, Dialogue With Trypho, 120.4, 120.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 661; Lampe (2003) 260; Lieu (2015) 298 | 52. Jacob predicted two advents of Christ Justin: And it was prophesied by Jacob the patriarch that there would be two advents of Christ, and that in the first He would suffer, and that after He came there would be neither prophet nor king in your nation (I proceeded), and that the nations who believed in the suffering Christ would look for His future appearance. And for this reason the Holy Spirit had uttered these truths in a parable, and obscurely: for it is said, 'Judah, your brethren have praised you: your hands [shall be] on the neck of your enemies; the sons of your father shall worship you. Judah is a lion's cub; from the germ, my son, you are sprung up. Reclining, he lay down like a lion, and like [a lion's] cub: who shall raise him up? A ruler shall not depart from Judah, or a leader from his thighs, until that which is laid up in store for him shall come; and he shall be the desire of nations, binding his foal to the vine, and the foal of his ass to the tendril of the vine. He shall wash his garments in wine, and his vesture in the blood of the grape. His eyes shall be bright with wine, and his teeth white like milk.' Genesis 49:8-12 Moreover, that in your nation there never failed either prophet or ruler, from the time when they began until the time when this Jesus Christ appeared and suffered, you will not venture shamelessly to assert, nor can you prove it. For though you affirm that Herod, after whose [reign] He suffered, was an Ashkelonite, nevertheless you admit that there was a high priest in your nation; so that you then had one who presented offerings according to the law of Moses, and observed the other legal ceremonies; also [you had] prophets in succession until John, (even then, too, when your nation was carried captive to Babylon, when your land was ravaged by war, and the sacred vessels carried off); there never failed to be a prophet among you, who was lord, and leader, and ruler of your nation. For the Spirit which was in the prophets anointed your kings, and established them. But after the manifestation and death of our Jesus Christ in your nation, there was and is nowhere any prophet: nay, further, you ceased to exist under your own king, your land was laid waste, and forsaken like a lodge in a vineyard; and the statement of Scripture, in the mouth of Jacob, 'And He shall be the desire of nations,' meant symbolically His two advents, and that the nations would believe in Him; which facts you may now at length discern. For those out of all the nations who are pious and righteous through the faith of Christ, look for His future appearance. |
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| 102. Lucian, Salaried Posts In Great Houses, 9 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Borg (2008) 368 |
| 103. Lucian, The Parasite, 31-32, 34-35, 33 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Borg (2008) 362 |
| 104. Lucian, Demonax, 31 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Borg (2008) 362 |
| 105. Tertullian, To Scapula, 5.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, emperor Found in books: Marek (2019) 536 |
106. Anon., The Acts of John, 30 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Geljon and Vos (2020) 71 | 30. And he commanded Verus (Berus), the brother that ministered to him, to gather the aged women that were in all Ephesus, and made ready, he and Cleopatra and Lycomedes, all things for the care of them. Verus, then, came to John, saying: of the aged women that are here over threescore years old I have found four only sound in body, and of the rest some . . . . (a word gone) and some palsied and others sick. And when he heard that, John kept silence for a long time, and rubbed his face and said: O the slackness (weakness) of them that dwell in Ephesus! O the state of dissolution, and the weakness toward God! O devil, that hast so long mocked the faithful in Ephesus! Jesus, who giveth me grace and the gift to have my confidence in him, saith to me in silence: Send after the old women that are sick and come (be) with them into the theatre, and through me heal them: for there are some of them that will come unto this spectacle whom by these healings I will convert and make them useful for some end. |
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107. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, a b c d\n0 4.3.1 4.3.1 4 3 \n1 4.3.2 4.3.2 4 3 \n2 4.9.2 4.9.2 4 9 \n3 5.18.9 5.18.9 5 18 \n4 4.261 4.261 4 261\n.. ... ... .. ...\n79 6.23.4 6.23.4 6 23 \n80 4.23.3 4.23.3 4 23 \n81 4.23.2 4.23.2 4 23 \n82 4.3.3 4.3.3 4 3 \n83 '4.16.3 '4.16.3 '4 16 \n\n[84 rows x 4 columns] (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 76 | 4.3.1. After Trajan had reigned for nineteen and a half years Aelius Hadrian became his successor in the empire. To him Quadratus addressed a discourse containing an apology for our religion, because certain wicked men had attempted to trouble the Christians. The work is still in the hands of a great many of the brethren, as also in our own, and furnishes clear proofs of the man's understanding and of his apostolic orthodoxy. |
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108. Origen, Against Celsus, 3.30 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022) 19 | 3.30. For the Church of God, e.g., which is at Athens, is a meek and stable body, as being one which desires to please God, who is over all things; whereas the assembly of the Athenians is given to sedition, and is not at all to be compared to the Church of God in that city. And you may say the same thing of the Church of God at Corinth, and of the assembly of the Corinthian people; and also of the Church of God at Alexandria, and of the assembly of the people of Alexandria. And if he who hears this be a candid man, and one who investigates things with a desire to ascertain the truth, he will be filled with admiration of Him who not only conceived the design, but also was able to secure in all places the establishment of Churches of God alongside of the assemblies of the people in each city. In like manner, also, in comparing the council of the Church of God with the council in any city, you would find that certain councillors of the Church are worthy to rule in the city of God, if there be any such city in the whole world; whereas the councillors in all other places exhibit in their characters no quality worthy of the conventional superiority which they appear to enjoy over their fellow citizens. And so, too, you must compare the ruler of the Church in each city with the ruler of the people of the city, in order to observe that even among those councillors and rulers of the Church of God who come very far short of their duty, and who lead more indolent lives than others who are more energetic, it is nevertheless possible to discover a general superiority in what relates to the progress of virtue over the characters of the councillors and rulers in the various cities. |
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| 109. Lactantius, Deaths of The Persecutors, 2-9, 34 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 818 |
| 110. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, 2.6.9 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, emperor Found in books: Marek (2019) 347 |
| 111. Athanasius, Against The Pagans, 9.43 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, emperor Found in books: Marek (2019) 347 |
| 112. Menander of Laodicea, Rhet., 3.363-3.364 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 487 |
| 113. Cyprian, Letters, 59.6 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 818 |
| 114. Cyprian, Letters, 59.6 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 818 |
| 115. Cyprian, Letters, 59.6 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 818 |
| 116. Cyprian, Letters, 59.6 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 818 |
| 117. Cyprian, Testimoniorum Libri Tres Adversus Judaeos (Ad Quirinum), 1.21 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 661 |
| 118. Eusebius of Caesarea, Life of Constantine, 2.71.4 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius (emperor), Found in books: Huttner (2013) 240 |
| 119. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 13.8, 18.1, 19.6, 22.11-22.13, 23.11, 24.1, 26.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo (2022) 110; Marek (2019) 347; Rizzi (2010) 114; Tuori (2016) 210 |
| 120. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Aurelian, 8.6, 9.4, 29.1-29.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, emperor •antoninus pius Found in books: Marek (2019) 350; Rutledge (2012) 149 |
| 121. Julian (Emperor), , None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Alvar Ezquerra (2008) 290 |
| 122. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Verus, 1.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 114 |
| 123. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Al. Sev., 46 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 382 |
| 124. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Elagabalus, 26 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 37 |
| 125. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Verus, 1.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 114 |
| 126. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Commodus, 1.7, 1.8, 3.9, 4.8-6.2, 18 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 818 |
| 127. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Commodus, 1.7, 1.8, 3.9, 4.8-6.2, 18 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 818 |
| 128. Anon., Apophthegmata Patrum, Cyrus, 115, 688, 803 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brooten (1982) 243 |
| 129. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Quadrigae Tyrannorum, 8.10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 114 |
| 130. Anon., Apophthegmata Patrum, John, 384, 698 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brooten (1982) 243 |
| 131. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Pescennius Niger, 7.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 382 |
| 132. Epiphanius, Panarion, 32.6.1, 42.1.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022) 19; Lieu (2015) 296 |
133. Augustine, The City of God, 2.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, spurious letter concerning christians Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 821 | 2.3. But remember that, in recounting these things, I have still to address myself to ignorant men; so ignorant, indeed, as to give birth to the common saying, Drought and Christianity go hand in hand. There are indeed some among them who are thoroughly well-educated men, and have a taste for history, in which the things I speak of are open to their observation; but in order to irritate the uneducated masses against us, they feign ignorance of these events, and do what they can to make the vulgar believe that those disasters, which in certain places and at certain times uniformly befall mankind, are the result of Christianity, which is being everywhere diffused, and is possessed of a renown and brilliancy which quite eclipse their own gods. Let them then, along with us, call to mind with what various and repeated disasters the prosperity of Rome was blighted, before ever Christ had come in the flesh, and before His name had been blazoned among the nations with that glory which they vainly grudge. Let them, if they can, defend their gods in this article, since they maintain that they worship them in order to be preserved from these disasters, which they now impute to us if they suffer in the least degree. For why did these gods permit the disasters I am to speak of to fall on their worshippers before the preaching of Christ's name offended them, and put an end to their sacrifices? |
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| 134. Augustine, Sermons, 221 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Vinzent (2013) 206 |
| 135. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Marcus Antoninus, 3.1, 24.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Borg (2008) 362; Stanton (2021) 29 |
136. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 14.8.14-14.8.15, 23.6.24 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, column of •antoninus pius Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 47; Trapp et al (2016) 141 | 14.8.14. Cyprus, too, an island far removed from the mainland, and abounding in harbours, besides having numerous towns, is made famous by two cities, Salamis and Paphos, the one celebrated for its shrines of Jupiter, the other for its temple of Venus. This Cyprus is so fertile and so abounds in products of every kind, that without the need of any help from without, by its native resources alone it builds cargo ships from the very keel to the topmast sails, and equipping them completely entrusts them to the deep. 14.8.15. Nor am I loth to say that the Roman people in invading that island showed more greed than justice; for King Ptolemy, Brother of Ptolemy Auletes, King of Egypt from 80 B.C. our ally joined to us by a treaty, without any fault of his, merely because of the low state of our treasury was ordered to be proscribed, and in consequence committed suicide by drinking poison; whereupon the island was made tributary and its spoils, as though those of an enemy, were taken aboard our fleet and brought to Rome by Cato. Cato Uticensis in 58 B.C. I shall now resume the thread of my narrative. 23.6.24. When this city was stormed by the generals of Verus Caesar (as I have related before), In a lost book; cf. Capitolinus, Verus , 8, 3. the statue of Apollo Comaeus was torn from its place and taken to Rome, where the priests of the gods set it up in the temple of the Palatine Apollo. And it is said that, after this same statue had been carried off and the city burned, the soldiers in ransacking the temple found a narrow crevice; this they widened in the hope of finding something valuable; but from a kind of shrine, closed by the occult arts of the Chaldaeans, the germ of that pestilence burst forth, which after generating the virulence of incurable diseases, in the time of the same Verus and of Marcus Antoninus polluted everything with contagion and death, from the frontiers of Persia all the way to the Rhine and to Gaul. Cf. Capitol., Marcus Ant. 13, 3-6. |
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| 137. Sallustius, On The Gods, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 138. Jerome, Chronicon Eusebii (Interpretatio Chronicae Eusebii Pamphili), None (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 81 |
| 139. Jerome, On Illustrious Men, 19-20 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 81 |
| 140. Justinian, Digest, None (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 382 |
| 141. Justinian, Novellae, 78.5 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 487 |
| 142. Justinian, Institutiones, 2.6.9 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 69 |
| 143. Justinian, Codex Justinianus, 10.53.1-10.53.3 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 139 |
| 144. Theodosius Ii Emperor of Rome, Theodosian Code, 1.16.3, 9.16.2, 9.16.6, 13.11.6, 16.4.3, 16.8.20, 16.16.4 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Ando (2013) 364; Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 818; Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019) 180; Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022) 138 |
| 145. Justinian, Novellae, 78.5 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 487 |
| 146. Sha, Ver., 7.7 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, emperor Found in books: Marek (2019) 350 |
| 147. Epigraphy, Ms, 4.26 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, emperor Found in books: Marek (2019) 477 |
| 148. Papyri, P.Tebt., 2.286, 2.339 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 37; Tuori (2016) 213 |
| 149. Ep., Ep., 10, 112 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 433 |
| 150. Papyri, P.Yadin, 28 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 37, 69 |
| 151. Papyri, Psi, 15.1549 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 26 |
| 152. Anon., Martyrdom of Pionius, 19 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Ando (2013) 364 |
| 153. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Antoninus Pius, 6.6-6.7, 7.7, 9.6, 10.4 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, •antoninus pius •antoninus pius, emperor Found in books: Borg (2008) 362, 382; Brooten (1982) 243; Marek (2019) 350 |
| 154. Papyri, P.Stras., 1.22 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 69 |
| 155. Synkellos, Ecloga Chronographica, 658 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 76 |
| 156. Epigraphy, Ig, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brooten (1982) 243 |
| 157. Pontius Diaconus, Acts of Cyprian, 57 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, reform of metroac cult Found in books: Alvar Ezquerra (2008) 267 |
| 158. Paulus Julius, Digesta, 5.21.1, 5.22.3-5.22.4 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 818; Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022) 138 |
| 159. Papyri, P.Stras., 1.22 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 69 |
| 160. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 219 |
| 161. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.45.5 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, column of Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 47 |
| 162. Ulpianus Domitius, Digesta, 1.16.6.1 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Ando (2013) 364 |
| 163. Papyri, P. Catt. Recto, 22 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius (emperor) Found in books: Phang (2001) 199 |
| 164. Epigraphy, Ircp, 482-496, 498-565, 497 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 506 |
| 165. Epigraphy, Iler, 670 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 506 |
| 166. Epigraphy, Pompei, 1-7, 9, 8 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 16 |
| 167. Epigraphy, Inscr.It., 13.2 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 507 |
| 168. Epigraphy, Fira, None Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 198 |
| 169. Epigraphy, I. Assos, 13 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Stanton (2021) 28 |
| 170. Hippocratic Corpus, Airs Waters Places, 23 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Stanton (2021) 92 |
| 171. Papyri, P.Berl.Leihg., 1.1 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 37 |
| 172. Igr Iii, Ig, 66 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Csapo (2022) 143 |
| 173. Epigraphy, I. Thespiae, 358 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius •antoninus pius, statue of Found in books: Csapo (2022) 129, 132, 133, 134, 143 |
| 174. Papyri, P.Oxy., 1.40, 2.237, 17.2104, 43.3106, 67.4593 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 26, 191, 326; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 144 |
| 175. Gr. Nyss., V. Macrina, a b c d\n0 15. 15. 15 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022) 15 |
| 176. Antoninus Pius, Digest, 48.8.11 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022) 136, 152 |
| 177. Apol., Apol., 102.8 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Arthur-Montagne DiGiulio and Kuin (2022) 264 |
| 178. Papyri, P.Berl.Thun., 1 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 37 |
| 179. Papyri, P.Coll.Youtie, 2.66 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 191 |
| 180. Papyri, P.Fay., 106 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 144 |
| 181. Anon., Scholia To Pindar, Olympian Odes, None Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Csapo (2022) 31 |
| 182. Marcian, Digesta, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013) 364 |
| 183. Papyri, P.Giss.Univ., 6.49 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 37 |
| 184. Epigraphy, I. Sagalassos, 28, 8-9 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019) 173 |
| 185. Augustus, Sterrett, Journey, 1888.156 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, emperor Found in books: Marek (2019) 430 |
| 186. Epigraphy, I. Prusa, 1008 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, emperor Found in books: Marek (2019) 430 |
| 187. Epigraphy, Marek, Stadt. Ära, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 430 |
| 188. Eus., S.A., 125 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022) 15 |
| 189. Papyri, P.Harr., 1.67 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 191 |
| 191. Epigraphy, Tam, 2.408, 4.13, 5.2.943 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 196 |
| 192. Ennius, Scipio, 3.23-3.27 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, m. antony Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 312 |
| 193. Epigraphy, Ephesus Iii, 373 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, spurious letter concerning christians Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 815 |
| 194. Epigraphy, Fjra Ii, 61, 74, 86, 91, 88 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 818 |
| 195. Epiphanius, Epistula Apostolorum, 1.6.2 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 825 |
| 196. Epigraphy, Ils, 1029, 106, 1102, 1455, 1534, 205, 212, 225, 2304, 327, 335, 338, 420, 423, 5182-5197, 5208-5217, 5404, 5720, 6092, 6144, 6150, 6367, 6509, 6675, 694, 6988, 7012, 7212, 7256, 8745, 1067 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 382 |
| 198. Hom., Hom. Matt., 0.134722222 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Ando (2013) 230 |
| 200. Epigraphy, Irt, 301, 647 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 382 |
| 201. John Chrysostom, Hom. 3 In 1Cor, 16.2.7 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, m. antony Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 634 |
| 202. Menander, Perik., None Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, spurious letter concerning christians Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 821 |
| 203. New Testament, Jas, 7.13 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, spurious letter concerning christians Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 820 |
| 204. Epigraphy, Magnesia, 192 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Csapo (2022) 110 |
| 205. Rhetores Graeci, Fragments, 33, 380 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 818 |
| 206. Theodorus Mopsuestenus, Commentarius In Epistulam Ad Galatos, 373 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, spurious letter concerning christians Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 815 |
| 207. Epigraphy, Ogis, 458, 493, 502, 56, 569, 709 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Trapp et al (2016) 3 |
| 208. Epigraphy, Priene, 225 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 189 |
| 209. Dracontius, Carmen De Mensibus, None Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 825 |
| 210. Epigraphy, Seg, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 224 |
| 212. Aurelius Victor, Historia Abbreviata, None Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Alvar Ezquerra (2008) 251 |
| 213. Papyri, P. Berol., 9579 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 26 |
| 214. Papyri, Bgu, 1.267, 2.372, 20.2863 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 26, 69 |
| 215. Numismatics, Rib, 3507, 707 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 244, 245 |
| 216. Epigraphy, J.H. Oliver. Greek Constitutions of Early Roman Emperors From Inscriptions And Papyri. Philadelphia, 1989., None Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, emperor Found in books: Marek (2019) 477 |
| 217. Papyri, Rdge, 49 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 542 |
| 218. Epigraphy, Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae Veteres, 2256-2258, 2807 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lampe (2003) 339 |
| 219. Papyri, Sm, 3.7193, 6.9298, 18.13302, 20.14662, 20.15147, 26.16643 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 26, 37 |
| 220. Adamantius, Dialogue of Adamantius, 52.10-52.13 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Lieu (2015) 71 |
| 221. Digesta, Digesta, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 93 |
| 222. Epigraphy, Ae, 1424, 1528, 1645, 1739, 1758, 1994, 2001, 2006, 2013, 2011 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 382 |
| 223. Epigraphy, Cil, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brooten (1982) 243 |
| 224. Epigraphy, Demos Rhamnountos Ii, 156 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020) 157 |
| 225. Epigraphy, Ephesos, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 433 |
| 226. Epigraphy, I.Eleusis, 300, 333, 358, 297 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020) 157 |
| 227. Epigraphy, I.Ephesos, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hallmannsecker (2022) 54; Kalinowski (2021) 302, 303, 304 |
| 228. Epigraphy, Ig Ii, 4.215-4.218 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022) 89 |
| 229. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 1043, 3242 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020) 157 |
| 230. Epigraphy, Ig Xii Suppl., 44, 7, 43 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 277 |
| 231. Epigraphy, Lex Irnitana, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 326 |
| 232. Epigraphy, Smyrna, 638 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Hallmannsecker (2022) 54 |
| 233. Eusebius of Caesarea, Chronicon, None Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, spurious letter concerning christians Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 810 |
| 235. Papyri, Chla, None Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 26 |
| 236. Epigraphy, Crawford, Roman Statutes, 22, 35-36, 12 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 141 |
| 237. Epigraphy, Fd, 3.498, 3.4286, 3.4290-5, 3.4302 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 219, 224 |
| 238. Epigraphy, Ciglph, 125, 134, 136, 145-146, 152, 162-163, 50, 59, 133 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 301 |
| 241. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, M. Ant., 7.5 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 88 |
| 242. Historia Augusta, Ael., 1.2, 2.1, 3.1, 4.1, 4.3, 5.6, 6.6-6.7, 7.1-7.2 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 114 |
| 244. Epigraphy, Trallians, 1940.62 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 114 |
| 245. Phlegon of Tralles, Fragmenta, Fghr 257, None Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 114 |
| 248. Galen, De Praecogn., 4.8 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Trapp et al (2016) 123 |
| 249. Epigraphy, Igbulg, 4.2263, 5.5895 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 227, 301 |
| 250. Epigraphy, Illrp, 637, 152 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 506 |
| 251. Papyri, Fira, 1.84 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 69 |
| 252. Anon., Acta Apollonii, 11 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Ando (2013) 364 |
| 253. Epigraphy, Oliver, Gcre, 94, 276 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 191 |
| 254. Paulus, Leyden Fragment, 2 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 250 |
| 255. Epigraphy, Ive, 3047, 426 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Johnson and Parker (2009) 87 |
| 257. Fronto, Ad M. Antoninum Imp. Epist., 1.6.2-1.6.9 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 191 |
| 258. Fronto, Ad M. Caesarem Et Invicem, 1.6.2-1.6.3 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Tuori (2016) 215 |
| 261. Anon., Acta Nerei Et Achillei, 3 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Lampe (2003) 64 |
| 262. Epigraphy, New Docs, a b c d\n0 10. 10. 10 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 167 |
263. Strabo, Geography, 4.4.5, 12.3.11, 17.3.25 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius •antoninus pius, column of Found in books: Ando (2013) 363; Czajkowski et al (2020) 21; Rutledge (2012) 47 | 4.4.5. To their simplicity and vehemence, the Gauls join much folly, arrogance, and love of ornament. They wear golden collars round their necks, and bracelets on their arms and wrists, and those who are of any dignity have garments dyed and worked with gold. This lightness of character makes them intolerable when they conquer, and throws them into consternation when worsted. In addition to their folly, they have a barbarous and absurd custom, common however with many nations of the north, of suspending the heads of their enemies from their horses' necks on their return from tattle, and when they have arrived nailing them as a spectacle to their gates. Posidonius says he witnessed this in many different places, and was at first shocked, but became familiar with it in time on account of its frequency. The beads of any illustrious persons they embalm with cedar, exhibit them to strangers, and would not sell them for their weight in gold. However, the Romans put a stop to these customs, as well as to their modes of sacrifice and divination, which were quite opposite to those sanctioned by our laws. They would strike a man devoted as an offering in his back with a sword, and divine from his convulsive throes. Without the Druids they never sacrifice. It is said they have other modes of sacrificing their human victims; that they pierce some of them with arrows, and crucify others in their sanctuaries; and that they prepare a colossus of hay and wood, into which they put cattle, beasts of all kinds, and men, and then set fire to it. 12.3.11. Then one comes to Sinope itself, which is fifty stadia distant from Armene; it is the most noteworthy of the cities in that part of the world. This city was founded by the Milesians; and, having built a naval station, it reigned over the sea inside the Cyaneae, and shared with the Greeks in many struggles even outside the Cyaneae; and, although it was independent for a long time, it could not eventually preserve its freedom, but was captured by siege, and was first enslaved by Pharnaces and afterwards by his successors down to Eupator and to the Romans who overthrew Eupator. Eupator was both born and reared at Sinope; and he accorded it especial honor and treated it as the metropolis of his kingdom. Sinope is beautifully equipped both by nature and by human foresight, for it is situated on the neck of a peninsula, and has on either side of the isthmus harbors and roadsteads and wonderful pelamydes-fisheries, of which I have already made mention, saying that the Sinopeans get the second catch and the Byzantians the third. Furthermore, the peninsula is protected all round by ridgy shores, which have hollowed-out places in them, rock-cavities, as it were, which the people call choenicides; these are filled with water when the sea rises, and therefore the place is hard to approach, not only because of this, but also because the whole surface of the rock is prickly and impassable for bare feet. Higher up, however, and above the city, the ground is fertile and adorned with diversified market-gardens; and especially the suburbs of the city. The city itself is beautifully walled, and is also splendidly adorned with gymnasium and marked place and colonnades. But although it was such a city, still it was twice captured, first by Pharnaces, who unexpectedly attacked it all of a sudden, and later by Lucullus and by the tyrant who was garrisoned within it, being besieged both inside and outside at the same time; for, since Bacchides, who had been set up by the king as commander of the garrison, was always suspecting treason from the people inside, and was causing many outrages and murders, he made the people, who were unable either nobly to defend themselves or to submit by compromise, lose all heart for either course. At any rate, the city was captured; and though Lucullus kept intact the rest of the city's adornments, he took away the globe of Billarus and the work of Sthenis, the statue of Autolycus, whom they regarded as founder of their city and honored as god. The city had also an oracle of Autolycus. He is thought to have been one of those who went on the voyage with Jason and to have taken possession of this place. Then later the Milesians, seeing the natural advantages of the place and the weakness of its inhabitants, appropriated it to themselves and sent forth colonists to it. But at present it has received also a colony of Romans; and a part of the city and the territory belong to these. It is three thousand five hundred stadia distant from the Hieron, two thousand from Heracleia, and seven hundred from Carambis. It has produced excellent men: among the philosophers, Diogenes the Cynic and Timotheus Patrion; among the poets, Diphilus the comic poet; and, among the historians, Baton, who wrote the work entitled The Persica. 17.3.25. The division into provinces has varied at different periods, but at present it is that established by Augustus Caesar; for after the sovereign power had been conferred upon him by his country for life, and he had become the arbiter of peace and war, he divided the whole empire into two parts, one of which he reserved to himself, the other he assigned to the (Roman) people. The former consisted of such parts as required military defence, and were barbarian, or bordered upon nations not as yet subdued, or were barren and uncultivated, which though ill provided with everything else, were yet well furnished with strongholds. and might thus dispose the inhabitants to throw off the yoke and rebel. All the rest, which were peaceable countries, and easily governed without the assistance of arms, were given over to the (Roman) people. Each of these parts was subdivided into several provinces, which received respectively the titles of 'provinces of Caesar' and 'provinces of the People.'To the former provinces Caesar appoints governors and administrators, and divides the (various) countries sometimes in one way, sometimes in another, directing his political conduct according to circumstances.But the people appoint commanders and consuls to their own provinces, which are also subject to divers divisions when expediency requires it.(Augustus Caesar) in his first organization of (the Empire) created two consular governments, namely, the whole of Africa in possession of the Romans, excepting that part which was under the authority, first of Juba, but now of his son Ptolemy; and Asia within the Halys and Taurus, except the Galatians and the nations under Amyntas, Bithynia, and the Propontis. He appointed also ten consular governments in Europe and in the adjacent islands. Iberia Ulterior (Further Spain) about the river Baetis and Celtica Narbonensis (composed the two first). The third was Sardinia, with Corsica; the fourth Sicily; the fifth and sixth Illyria, districts near Epirus, and Macedonia; the seventh Achaia, extending to Thessaly, the Aetolians, Acarians, and the Epirotic nations who border upon Macedonia; the eighth Crete, with Cyrenaea; the ninth Cyprus; the tenth Bithynia, with the Propontis and some parts of Pontus.Caesar possesses other provinces, to the government of which he appoints men of consular rank, commanders of armies, or knights; and in his (peculiar) portion (of the empire) there are and ever have been kings, princes, and (municipal) magistrates. |
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| 264. Severus, Chronica, 2.31.6 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius, spurious letter concerning christians Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 820 |
| 267. Epigraphy, Ilafr, 273 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 382 |
| 268. Papyri, W. Chr., 19 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 26 |
| 269. Epigraphy, Ilalg, 2.1645, 2.1646 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 382 |
| 270. Epigraphy, Iltun, 1675 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 382 |
| 271. Epigraphy, Igrr, 1.135, 3.801, 3.802, 17 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 382 |
| 273. Xenophon of Ephesus, Memorabilia, 1.1, 1.5 Tagged with subjects: •antoninus pius Found in books: Geljon and Vos (2020) 71 |
