| 1. Ptolemy, Geography, 5.6.17 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antiochos iv of commagene Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 329 |
| 2. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 5.82, 5.85, 5.95, 5.146 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 331, 363; Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 19 |
3. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 2.7.3, 7.1.3, 7.7.1-7.7.3, 7.219-7.243 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antiochos iv of commagene •epiphanes, son of antiochos iv of commagene •iotape, daughter of antiochos iv of commagene •kallinikos, son of antiochos iv of commagene Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 339; Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 19, 20, 21, 22 | 7.219. 1. And now, in the fourth year of the reign of Vespasian, it came to pass that Antiochus, the king of Commagene, with all his family, fell into very great calamities. The occasion was this: 7.220. Cesennius Petus, who was president of Syria at this time, whether it were done out of regard to truth, or whether out of hatred to Antiochus (for which was the real motive was never thoroughly discovered), sent an epistle to Caesar, 7.221. and therein told him that Antiochus, with his son Epiphanes, had resolved to rebel against the Romans, and had made a league with the king of Parthia to that purpose; 7.222. that it was therefore fit to prevent them, lest they prevent us, and begin such a war as may cause a general disturbance in the Roman empire. 7.223. Now Caesar was disposed to take some care about the matter, since this discovery was made; for the neighborhood of the kingdoms made this affair worthy of greater regard; 7.224. for Samosata, the capital of Commagene, lies upon Euphrates, and upon any such design could afford an easy passage over it to the Parthians, and could also afford them a secure reception. 7.225. Petus was accordingly believed, and had authority given him of doing what he should think proper in the case; so he set about it without delay, and fell upon Commagene before Antiochus and his people had the least expectation of his coming: he had with him the tenth legion, as also some cohorts and troops of horsemen. 7.226. These kings also came to his assistance: Aristobulus, king of the country called Chalcidene, and Sohemus, who was called king of Emesa. 7.227. Nor was there any opposition made to his forces when they entered the kingdom; for no one of that country would so much as lift up his hand against them. 7.228. When Antiochus heard this unexpected news, he could not think in the least of making war with the Romans, but determined to leave his whole kingdom in the state wherein it now was, and to retire privately, with his wife and children, as thinking thereby to demonstrate himself to the Romans to be innocent as to the accusation laid against him. 7.229. So he went away from that city as far as a hundred and twenty furlongs, into a plain, and there pitched his tents. 7.230. 2. Petus then sent some of his men to seize upon Samosata, and by their means took possession of that city, while he went himself to attack Antiochus with the rest of his army. 7.231. However, the king was not prevailed upon by the distress he was in to do anything in the way of war against the Romans, but bemoaned his own hard fate, and endured with patience what he was not able to prevent. 7.232. But his sons, who were young, and unexperienced in war, but of strong bodies, were not easily induced to bear this calamity without fighting. Epiphanes, therefore, and Callinicus, betook themselves to military force; 7.233. and as the battle was a sore one, and lasted all the day long, they showed their own valor in a remarkable manner, and nothing but the approach of night put a period thereto, and that without any diminution of their forces; 7.234. yet would not Antiochus, upon this conclusion of the fight, continue there by any means, but took his wife and his daughters, and fled away with them to Cilicia, and by so doing quite discouraged the minds of his own soldiers. 7.235. Accordingly, they revolted, and went over to the Romans, out of the despair they were in of his keeping the kingdom; and his case was looked upon by all as quite desperate. 7.236. It was therefore necessary that Epiphanes and his soldiers should get clear of their enemies before they became entirely destitute of any confederates; nor were there any more than ten horsemen with him, who passed with him over Euphrates, 7.237. whence they went undisturbed to Vologeses, the king of Parthia, where they were not disregarded as fugitives, but had the same respect paid them as if they had retained their ancient prosperity. 7.238. 3. Now when Antiochus was come to Tarsus in Cilicia, Petus ordered a centurion to go to him, and send him in bonds to Rome. 7.239. However, Vespasian could not endure to have a king brought to him in that manner, but thought it fit rather to have a regard to the ancient friendship that had been between them, than to preserve an inexorable anger upon pretense of this war. 7.240. Accordingly, he gave orders that they should take off his bonds, while he was still upon the road, and that he should not come to Rome, but should now go and live at Lacedemon; he also gave him large revenues, that he might not only live in plenty, but like a king also. 7.241. When Epiphanes, who before was in great fear for his father, was informed of this, their minds were freed from that great and almost incurable concern they had been under. 7.242. He also hoped that Caesar would be reconciled to them, upon the intercession of Vologeses; for although he lived in plenty, he knew not how to bear living out of the Roman empire. 7.243. So Caesar gave him leave, after an obliging manner, and he came to Rome; and as his father came quickly to him from Lacedemon, he had all sorts of respect paid him there, and there he remained. |
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4. New Testament, Ephesians, 6.20 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antiochos iv of commagene Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 132| 6.20. ἵνα ἐν αὐτῷ παρρησιάσωμαι ὡς δεῖ με λαλῆσαι. | 6.20. for which I am an ambassador in chains; that in it I may speak boldly, as I ought to speak. |
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5. New Testament, 2 Timothy, 1.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antiochos iv of commagene Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 132| 1.16. δῴη ἔλεος ὁ κύριος τῷ Ὀνησιφόρου οἴκῳ, ὅτι πολλάκις με ἀνέψυξεν, καὶ τὴν ἅλυσίν μου οὐκ ἐπαισχύνθη· | 1.16. May the Lord grant mercy to the house of Onesiphorus, for he often refreshed me, and was not ashamed of my chain, |
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| 6. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antiochos iv of commagene Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 22 |
| 7. Suetonius, Tiberius, 37 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antiochos iv of commagene Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 329 |
| 8. Suetonius, Augustus, 21.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antiochos iv of commagene Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 20 |
9. Tacitus, Annals, 2.42, 4.36, 12.12, 13.35 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antiochos iv of commagene Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 329, 333; Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 18, 20, 22, 35| 2.42. Ceterum Tiberius nomine Germanici trecenos plebi sestertios viritim dedit seque collegam consulatui eius destinavit. nec ideo sincerae caritatis fidem adsecutus amoliri iuvenem specie honoris statuit struxitque causas aut forte oblatas arripuit. rex Archelaus quinquagesimum annum Cappadocia potiebatur, invisus Tiberio quod eum Rhodi agentem nullo officio coluisset. nec id Archelaus per superbiam omiserat, sed ab intimis Augusti monitus, quia florente Gaio Caesare missoque ad res Orientis intuta Tiberii amicitia credebatur. ut versa Caesarum subole imperium adeptus est, elicit Archelaum matris litteris, quae non dissimulatis filii offensionibus clementiam offerebat, si ad precandum veniret. ille ignarus doli vel, si intellegere crederetur, vim metuens in urbem properat; exceptusque immiti a principe et mox accusatus in senatu, non ob crimina quae fingebantur sed angore, simul fessus senio et quia regibus aequa, nedum infima insolita sunt, finem vitae sponte an fato implevit. regnum in provinciam redactum est, fructibusque eius levari posse centesimae vectigal professus Caesar ducentesimam in posterum statuit. per idem tempus Antiocho Commagenorum, Philopatore Cilicum regibus defunctis turbabantur nationes, plerisque Romanum, aliis regium imperium cupientibus; et provinciae Syria atque Iudaea, fessae oneribus, deminutionem tributi orabant. 4.36. Ceterum postulandis reis tam continuus annus fuit ut feriarum Latinarum diebus praefectum urbis Drusum, auspicandi gratia tribunal ingressum, adierit Calpurnius Salvianus in Sextum Marium: quod a Caesare palam increpitum causa exilii Salviano fuit. obiecta publice Cyzicenis incuria caerimoniarum divi Augusti, additis violentiae criminibus adversum civis Romanos. et amisere libertatem, quam bello Mithridatis meruerant, circumsessi nec minus sua constantia quam praesidio Luculli pulso rege. at Fonteius Capito, qui pro consule Asiam curaverat, absolvitur, comperto ficta in eum crimina per Vibium Serenum. neque tamen id Sereno noxae fuit, quem odium publicum tutiorem faciebat. nam ut quis destrictior accusator, velut sacrosanctus erat: leves ignobiles poenis adficiebantur. 12.12. Ea tempestate Cassius ceteros praeminebat peritia legum: nam militares artes per otium ignotae, industriosque aut ignavos pax in aequo tenet. ac tamen quantum sine bello dabatur, revocare priscum morem, exercitare legiones, cura provisu perinde agere ac si hostis ingrueret: ita dignum maioribus suis et familia Cassia per illas quoque gentis celebrata. igitur excitis quorum de sententia petitus rex, positisque castris apud Zeugma, unde maxime pervius amnis, postquam inlustres Parthi rexque Arabum Acbarus advenerat, monet Meherdaten barbarorum impetus acris cunctatione languescere aut in perfidiam mutari: ita urgeret coepta. quod spretum fraude Acbari, qui iuvenem ignarum et summam fortunam in luxu ratum multos per dies attinuit apud oppidum Edessam. et vocante Carene promptasque res ostentante, si citi advenissent, non comminus Mesopotamiam, sed flexu Armeniam petivit, id temporis importunam, quia hiems occipiebat. 13.35. Sed Corbuloni plus molis adversus ignaviam militum quam contra perfidiam hostium erat: quippe Syria transmotae legiones, pace longa segnes, munia castrorum aegerrime tolerabant. satis constitit fuisse in eo exercitu veteranos qui non stationem, non vigilias inissent, vallum fossamque quasi nova et mira viserent, sine galeis, sine loricis, nitidi et quaestuosi, militia per oppida expleta. igitur dimissis quibus senectus aut valetudo adversa erat supplementum petivit. et habiti per Galatiam Cappadociamque dilectus, adiectaque ex Germania legio cum equitibus alariis et peditatu cohortium. retentusque omnis exercitus sub pellibus, quamvis hieme saeva adeo ut obducta glacie nisi effossa humus tentoriis locum non praeberet. ambusti multorum artus vi frigoris et quidam inter excubias exanimati sunt. adnotatusque miles qui fascem lignorum gestabat ita praeriguisse manus, ut oneri adhaerentes truncis brachiis deciderent. ipse cultu levi, capite intecto, in agmine, in laboribus frequens adesse, laudem strenuis, solacium invalidis, exemplum omnibus ostendere. dehinc quia duritia caeli militiaeque multi abnuebant deserebantque, remedium severitate quaesitum est. nec enim, ut in aliis exercitibus, primum alterumque delictum venia prosequebatur, sed qui signa reliquerat, statim capite poenas luebat. idque usu salubre et misericordia melius adparuit: quippe pauciores illa castra deseruere quam ea in quibus ignoscebatur. | 2.42. For the rest, Tiberius, in the name of Germanicus, made a distribution to the populace of three hundred sesterces a man: as his colleague in the consulship he nominated himself. All this, however, won him no credit for genuine affection, and he decided to remove the youth under a show of honour; some of the pretexts he fabricated, others he accepted as chance offered. For fifty years King Archelaus had been in possession of Cappadocia; to Tiberius a hated man, since he had offered him none of the usual attentions during his stay in Rhodes. The omission was due not to insolence, but to advice from the intimates of Augustus; for, as Gaius Caesar was then in his heyday and had been despatched to settle affairs in the East, the friendship of Tiberius was believed unsafe. When, through the extinction of the Caesarian line, Tiberius attained the empire, he lured Archelaus from Cappadocia by a letter of his mother; who, without dissembling the resentment of her son, offered clemency, if he came to make his petition. Unsuspicious of treachery, or apprehending force, should he be supposed alive to it, he hurried to the capital, was received by an unrelenting sovereign, and shortly afterwards was impeached in the senate. Broken, not by the charges, which were fictitious, but by torturing anxiety, combined with the weariness of age and the fact that to princes even equality â to say nothing of humiliation â is an unfamiliar thing, he ended his days whether deliberately or in the course of nature. His kingdom was converted into a province; and the emperor, announcing that its revenues made feasible a reduction of the one per cent sale-tax, fixed it for the future at one half of this amount. â About the same time, the death of the two kings, Antiochus of Commagene and Philopator of Cilicia, disturbed the peace of their countries, where the majority of men desired a Roman governor, and the minority a monarch. The provinces, too, of Syria and Judaea, exhausted by their burdens, were pressing for a diminution of the tribute. 4.36. For the rest, the year was so continuous a chain of impeachments that in the days of the Latin Festival, when Drusus, as urban prefect, mounted the tribunal to inaugurate his office, he was approached by Calpurnius Salvianus with a suit against Sextus Marius: an action which drew a public reprimand from the Caesar and occasioned the banishment of Salvianus. The community of Cyzicus were charged with neglecting the cult of the deified Augustus; allegations were added of violence to Roman citizens; and they forfeited the freedom earned during the Mithridatic War, when the town was invested and they beat off the king as much by their own firmness as by the protection of Lucullus. On the other hand, Fonteius Capito, who had administered Asia as proconsul, was acquitted upon proof that the accusations against him were the invention of Vibius Serenus. The reverse, however, did no harm to Serenus, who was rendered doubly secure by the public hatred. For the informer whose weapon never rested became quasi-sacrosanct: it was on the insignificant and unknown that punishments descended. 12.12. In that period, Cassius stood unrivalled as a jurist: for the arts of war are lost in a quiet world, and peace maintains on a single level the man of action and the sluggard. Still, so far as was possible, he reintroduced the old code of discipline, constantly exercised his legions, and acted with the same care and forethought as if an enemy had been at hand: in his view, the only conduct worthy of his ancestry and of the Cassian family, which had gained celebrity even in those regions. Accordingly, he called up the persons who had suggested the application for a king; pitched his camp at Zeugma, the most convenient point for crossing the river; and, after the arrival of the Parthian magnates and the Arab prince Acbarus, cautioned Meherdates that the enthusiasm of barbarians, though lively, grows chill with delay or changes into treachery: let him therefore press on with his adventure. The advice was ignored through the dishonesty of Acbarus, by whom the inexperienced youth â who identified kingship with dissipation â was detained day after day in the town of Edessa. Even when invited by Carenes, who pointed out that all was easy if they arrived quickly, he took, not the short road into Mesopotamia, but a circuitous route to Armenia, at that time an impracticable district, as winter was setting in. |
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10. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 17.13.2-17.13.3, 18.2.5, 18.139-18.140, 19.5.1, 20.145 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antiochos iv of commagene •epiphanes, son of antiochos iv of commagene •iotape, daughter of antiochos iv of commagene •kallinikos, son of antiochos iv of commagene Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 330, 334, 339; Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 20, 22 | 18.139. As to Alexander, the son of Herod the king, who was slain by his father, he had two sons, Alexander and Tigranes, by the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. Tigranes, who was king of Armenia, was accused at Rome, and died childless; 18.140. Alexander had a son of the same name with his brother Tigranes, and was sent to take possession of the kingdom of Armenia by Nero; he had a son, Alexander, who married Jotape, the daughter of Antiochus, the king of Commagena; Vespasian made him king of an island in Cilicia. 20.145. 3. But as for Bernice, she lived a widow a long while after the death of Herod [king of Chalcis], who was both her husband and her uncle; but when the report went that she had criminal conversation with her brother, [Agrippa, junior,] she persuaded Poleme, who was king of Cilicia, to be circumcised, and to marry her, as supposing that by this means she should prove those calumnies upon her to be false; |
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| 11. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 1, 12 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 18 |
12. Cassius Dio, Roman History, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 18 | 57.17.3. And the emperor did this man no harm for his remark, in spite of its extreme frankness. His anger was aroused, however, against Archelaus, the king of Cappadocia, because this prince, after having once grovelled before him in order to gain his assistance as advocate when accused by his subjects in the time of Augustus, |
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| 13. Lucian, The Syrian Goddess, 1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antiochos iv of commagene Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 28 |
| 14. Lucian, Salaried Posts In Great Houses, 14, 25-32, 34, 33 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 28 |
| 15. Lucian, The Double Indictment, 14, 25-34 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 28 |
| 16. Athanasius, Against The Pagans, 9.43 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antiochos iv of commagene Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 347 |
| 17. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, 2.6.9 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antiochos iv of commagene Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 347 |
| 18. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 13.8, 21.11 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antiochos iv of commagene Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 333, 347 |
| 19. Gregory of Nazianzus, Epigrams, 176-254, 256, 255 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 58 |
| 20. Justinian, Digest, (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antiochos iv of commagene Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 20 |
| 21. Augustus, Syll.3, 798 Tagged with subjects: •antiochos iv of commagene Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 329, 330 |
22. Strabo, Geography, 12.5.4, 12.6.1 Tagged with subjects: •antiochos iv of commagene Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 363 | 12.5.4. After Galatia towards the south are situated Lake Tatta, which lies alongside Greater Cappadocia near Morimene but is a part of Greater Phrygia, and the country continuous with this lake and extending as far as the Taurus, most of which was held by Amyntas. Now lake Tatta is a natural salt-pan; and the water so easily congeals round everything that is immersed in it, that when people let down into it rings made of rope they draw up wreaths of salt, and that, on account of the congealing of the salt, the birds which touch the water with their wings fall on the spot and are thus caught. 12.6.1. LycaoniaSuch, then, is Tatta. And the regions round Orcaorci and Pitnissus, as also the plateaus of the Lycaonians, are cold, bare of trees, and grazed by wild asses, though there is a great scarcity of water; and even where it is possible to find water, then wells are the deepest in the world, just as in Soatra, where the water is actually sold (this is a village-city near Garsaura). But still, although the country is unwatered, it is remarkably productive of sheep; but the wool is coarse, and yet some persons have acquired very great wealth from this alone. Amyntas had over three hundred flocks in this region. There are also two lakes in this region, the larger being Lake Coralis and the smaller Lake Trogitis. In this neighborhood is also Iconium, a town that is well settled and has a more prosperous territory than the above-mentioned ass-grazing country. This place was held by Polemon. Here the region in question is near the Taurus, which separates Cappadocia and Lycaonia from Cilicia Tracheia, which last lies above that region. The boundary between the Lycaonians and the Cappadocians lies between Coropassus, a village of the Lycaonians, and Garsaura, a town of the Cappadocians. The distance between these strongholds is about one hundred and twenty stadia. |
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| 23. Ptolemaeus, Geographia, 5.14.8 Tagged with subjects: •antiochos iv of commagene Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 19 |
| 24. Epigraphy, Seg Xxxviii, 1544 Tagged with subjects: •antiochos iv of commagene Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 28, 54 |
| 25. Mara Bar Sarapion, Letter, 26, 9, 27 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 18, 20, 132 |
| 26. Procopius, Belum Persicum, 2, 12 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 35 |
| 27. Isidor of Charax, Mansiones Parthicae, 1 Tagged with subjects: •antiochos iv of commagene Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 35 |
| 28. Epigraphy, Ils, 9200 Tagged with subjects: •antiochos iv of commagene Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 22 |
| 29. Anon., Ahiqar, 151 Tagged with subjects: •antiochos iv of commagene Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 58 |
| 30. Various, Anthologia Latina, 8.176-8.256 Tagged with subjects: •antiochos iv of commagene Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 58 |
| 32. Ephiphanius, Panarion, 56 Tagged with subjects: •antiochos iv of commagene Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 47, 54, 58, 80 |
