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113 results for "antioch"
1. Hebrew Bible, Judges, 15.14-15.22 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Huttner (2013) 207
15.14. "הוּא־בָא עַד־לֶחִי וּפְלִשִׁתִּים הֵרִיעוּ לִקְרָאתוֹ וַתִּצְלַח עָלָיו רוּחַ יְהוָה וַתִּהְיֶינָה הָעֲבֹתִים אֲשֶׁר עַל־זְרוֹעוֹתָיו כַּפִּשְׁתִּים אֲשֶׁר בָּעֲרוּ בָאֵשׁ וַיִּמַּסּוּ אֱסוּרָיו מֵעַל יָדָיו׃", 15.15. "וַיִּמְצָא לְחִי־חֲמוֹר טְרִיָּה וַיִּשְׁלַח יָדוֹ וַיִּקָּחֶהָ וַיַּךְ־בָּהּ אֶלֶף אִישׁ׃", 15.16. "וַיֹּאמֶר שִׁמְשׁוֹן בִּלְחִי הַחֲמוֹר חֲמוֹר חֲמֹרָתָיִם בִּלְחִי הַחֲמוֹר הִכֵּיתִי אֶלֶף אִישׁ׃", 15.17. "וַיְהִי כְּכַלֹּתוֹ לְדַבֵּר וַיַּשְׁלֵךְ הַלְּחִי מִיָּדוֹ וַיִּקְרָא לַמָּקוֹם הַהוּא רָמַת לֶחִי׃", 15.18. "וַיִּצְמָא מְאֹד וַיִּקְרָא אֶל־יְהוָה וַיֹּאמַר אַתָּה נָתַתָּ בְיַד־עַבְדְּךָ אֶת־הַתְּשׁוּעָה הַגְּדֹלָה הַזֹּאת וְעַתָּה אָמוּת בַּצָּמָא וְנָפַלְתִּי בְּיַד הָעֲרֵלִים׃", 15.19. "וַיִּבְקַע אֱלֹהִים אֶת־הַמַּכְתֵּשׁ אֲשֶׁר־בַּלֶּחִי וַיֵּצְאוּ מִמֶּנּוּ מַיִם וַיֵּשְׁתְּ וַתָּשָׁב רוּחוֹ וַיֶּחִי עַל־כֵּן קָרָא שְׁמָהּ עֵין הַקּוֹרֵא אֲשֶׁר בַּלֶּחִי עַד הַיּוֹם הַזֶּה׃", 15.14. "And when he came to Leĥi, the Pelishtim shouted against him: and the spirit of the Lord came mightily upon him: and the cords that were upon his arms became as flax that was burnt with fire, and his bands melted from off his hands.", 15.15. "And he found a new jawbone of an ass, and put out his hand, and took it, and slew a thousand men with it.", 15.16. "And Shimshon said, With the jawbone of an ass, heaps upon heaps; with the jaw of an ass have I slain a thousand men.", 15.17. "And it came to pass, when he had made an end of speaking, that he cast away the jawbone out of his hand, and called that place Ramat-leĥi.", 15.18. "And he was very thirsty, and called on the Lord, and said, Thou hast given this great deliverance into the hand of Thy servant: and now shall I die of thirst, and fall into the hand of the uncircumcised?", 15.19. "But God split the hollow place that was in Leĥi, and water came out; and when he had drunk, his spirit was restored, and he revived: therefore he called the name of it ῾En-haqqore, which is in Leĥi to this day.", 15.20. "And he judged Yisra᾽el in the days of the Pelishtim for twenty years.",
2. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 32 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (in syria) (antakya) Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 212
32. But when this first and greatest undertaking had been accomplished by Gaius, there being no longer left any one who had any connexion with the supreme authority, to whom any one who bore him ill-will, and who was suspected by him, could possibly turn his eyes; he now, in the second place, proceeded to compass the death of Macro, a man who had co-operated with him in every thing relating to the empire, not only after he had been appointed emperor, for it is a characteristic of flattery to court those who are in a state of prosperity, but who had previously assisted him in his measures for securing that authority.
3. Apollonius of Tyana, Letters, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Demoen and Praet (2009) 254
4. Ignatius, To Polycarp, 2.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 212
5. Ignatius, To The Philadelphians, 10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (in syria) (antakya) Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 212
6. Ignatius, To The Ephesians, 18, 21, 1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 212
7. Ignatius, To The Philadelphians, 10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (in syria) (antakya) Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 212
8. Ignatius, To The Smyrnaeans, 11, 4, 10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 212
9. Ignatius, To The Trallians, 3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (in syria) (antakya) Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 212
10. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 16.165, 18.8.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch, syrian •antioch (in syria) (antakya) Found in books: Ando (2013) 124; Tabbernee (2007) 212
16.165. And I give order that the testimonial which they have given me, on account of my regard to that piety which I exercise toward all mankind, and out of regard to Caius Marcus Censorinus, together with the present decree, be proposed in that most eminent place which hath been consecrated to me by the community of Asia at Ancyra. And if any one transgress any part of what is above decreed, he shall be severely punished.” This was inscribed upon a pillar in the temple of Caesar.
11. New Testament, Acts, 1.12, 1.23, 13.1, 18.23, 19.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Huttner (2013) 83, 207
1.12. Τότε ὑπέστρεψαν εἰς Ἰερουσαλὴμ ἀπὸ ὄρους τοῦ καλουμένου Ἐλαιῶνος, ὅ ἐστιν ἐγγὺς Ἰερουσαλὴμ σαββάτου ἔχον ὁδόν. 1.23. καὶ ἔστησαν δύο, Ἰωσὴφ τὸν καλούμενον Βαρσαββᾶν, ὃς ἐπεκλήθη Ἰοῦστος, καὶ Μαθθίαν. 13.1. Ἦσαν δὲ ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ κατὰ τὴν οὖσαν ἐκκλησίαν προφῆται καὶ διδάσκαλοι ὅ τε Βαρνάβας καὶ Συμεὼν ὁ καλούμενος Νίγερ, καὶ Λούκιος ὁ Κυρηναῖος, Μαναήν τε Ἡρῴδου τοῦ τετραάρχου σύντροφος καὶ Σαῦλος. 18.23. διερχόμενος καθεξῆς τὴν Γαλατικὴν χώοαν καὶ Φρυγίαν, στηρίζων πάντας τοὺς μαθητάς. 19.1. Ἐγένετο δὲ ἐν τῷ τὸν Ἀπολλὼ εἶναι ἐν Κορίνθῳ Παῦλον διελθόντα τὰ ἀνωτερικὰ μέρη ἐλθεῖν εἰς Ἔφεσον καὶ εὑρεῖν τινὰς μαθητάς, 1.12. Then they returned to Jerusalem from the mountain called Olivet, which is near Jerusalem, a Sabbath day's journey away. 1.23. They put forward two, Joseph called Barsabbas, who was surnamed Justus, and Matthias. 13.1. Now in the assembly that was at Antioch there were some prophets and teachers: Barnabas, Simeon who was called Niger, Lucius of Cyrene, Manaen the foster-brother of Herod the tetrarch, and Saul. 18.23. Having spent some time there, he departed, and went through the region of Galatia, and Phrygia, in order, establishing all the disciples. 19.1. It happened that, while Apollos was at Corinth, Paul, having passed through the upper country, came to Ephesus, and found certain disciples.
12. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.61, 1.328, 1.512, 6.98-6.110, 7.11, 7.41-7.61, 7.96, 7.323-7.350 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), •antioch, syrian Found in books: Ando (2013) 124; Bay (2022) 24
1.61. 5. And now Antiochus was so angry at what he had suffered from Simeon, that he made an expedition into Judea, and sat down before Jerusalem and besieged Hyrcanus; but Hyrcanus opened the sepulchre of David, who was the richest of all kings, and took thence about three thousand talents in money, and induced Antiochus, by the promise of three thousand talents, to raise the siege. Moreover, he was the first of the Jews that had money enough, and began to hire foreign auxiliaries also. 1.328. 3. Now when Herod was at Daphne, by Antioch, he had some dreams which clearly foreboded his brother’s death; and as he leaped out of his bed in a disturbed manner, there came messengers that acquainted him with that calamity. So when he had lamented this misfortune for a while, he put off the main part of his mourning, and made haste to march against his enemies; 1.512. In like manner did all the king’s kindred, by his command, make glorious presents to Archelaus; and so he was conducted on his way by Herod and his nobility as far as Antioch. 6.98. At these words of his a great sadness and silence were observed among the people. But the tyrant himself cast many reproaches upon Josephus, with imprecations besides; and at last added this withal, that he did never fear the taking of the city, because it was God’s own city. 6.99. In answer to which, Josephus said thus, with a loud voice:—“To be sure, thou hast kept this city wonderfully pure for God’s sake; the temple also continues entirely unpolluted! Nor hast thou been guilty of any impiety against him, for whose assistance thou hopest! He still receives his accustomed sacrifices! 6.100. Vile wretch that thou art! if anyone should deprive thee of thy daily food, thou wouldst esteem him to be an enemy to thee; but thou hopest to have that God for thy supporter in this war whom thou hast deprived of his everlasting worship; 6.101. and thou imputest those sins to the Romans, who to this very time take care to have our laws observed, and almost compel these sacrifices to be still offered to God, which have by thy means been intermitted! 6.102. Who is there that can avoid groans and lamentations at the amazing change that is made in this city? since very foreigners and enemies do now correct that impiety which thou hast occasioned; while thou, who art a Jew, and wast educated in our laws, art become a greater enemy to them than the others. 6.103. But still, John, it is never dishonorable to repent, and amend what hath been done amiss, even at the last extremity. Thou hast an instance before thee in Jechoniah, the king of the Jews, if thou hast a mind to save the city, 6.104. who, when the king of Babylon made war against him, did of his own accord go out of this city before it was taken, and did undergo a voluntary captivity with his family, that the sanctuary might not be delivered up to the enemy, and that he might not see the house of God set on fire; 6.105. on which account he is celebrated among all the Jews, in their sacred memorials, and his memory is become immortal, and will be conveyed fresh down to our posterity through all ages. 6.106. This, John, is an excellent example in such a time of danger, and I dare venture to promise that the Romans shall still forgive thee. 6.107. And take notice that I, who make this exhortation to thee, am one of thine own nation; I, who am a Jew, do make this promise to thee. And it will become thee to consider who I am that give thee this counsel, and whence I am derived; for while I am alive I shall never be in such slavery, as to forego my own kindred, or forget the laws of our forefathers. 6.108. Thou hast indignation at me again, and makest a clamor at me, and reproachest me; indeed, I cannot deny that I am worthy of worse treatment than all this amounts to, because, in opposition to fate, I make this kind invitation to thee, and endeavor to force deliverance upon those whom God hath condemned. 6.109. And who is there that does not know what the writings of the ancient prophets contain in them,—and particularly that oracle which is just now going to be fulfilled upon this miserable city? For they foretold that this city should be then taken when somebody shall begin the slaughter of his own countrymen. 6.110. And are not both the city and the entire temple now full of the dead bodies of your countrymen? It is God, therefore, it is God himself who is bringing on this fire, to purge that city and temple by means of the Romans, and is going to pluck up this city, which is full of your pollutions.” 7.11. yet, he said, that he would immediately bestow rewards and dignities on those that had fought the most bravely, and with greater force, and had signalized their conduct in the most glorious manner, and had made his army more famous by their noble exploits; and that no one who had been willing to take more pains than another should miss of a just retribution for the same; 7.41. 2. It happened also about this time, that the Jews who remained at Antioch were under accusations, and in danger of perishing, from the disturbances that were raised against them by the Antiochians; and this both on account of the slanders spread abroad at this time against them, and on account of what pranks they had played not long before; 7.42. which I am obliged to describe without fail, though briefly, that I may the better connect my narration of future actions with those that went before. 7.43. 3. For as the Jewish nation is widely dispersed over all the habitable earth among its inhabitants, so it is very much intermingled with Syria by reason of its neighborhood, and had the greatest multitudes in Antioch by reason of the largeness of the city, wherein the kings, after Antiochus, had afforded them a habitation with the most undisturbed tranquillity; 7.44. for though Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, laid Jerusalem waste, and spoiled the temple, yet did those that succeeded him in the kingdom restore all the donations that were made of brass to the Jews of Antioch, and dedicated them to their synagogue, and granted them the enjoyment of equal privileges of citizens with the Greeks themselves; 7.45. and as the succeeding kings treated them after the same manner, they both multiplied to a great number, and adorned their temple gloriously by fine ornaments, and with great magnificence, in the use of what had been given them. They also made proselytes of a great many of the Greeks perpetually, and thereby, after a sort, brought them to be a portion of their own body. 7.46. But about this time when the present war began, and Vespasian was newly sailed to Syria, 7.47. and all men had taken up a great hatred against the Jews, then it was that a certain person, whose name was Antiochus, being one of the Jewish nation, and greatly respected on account of his father, who was governor of the Jews at Antioch came upon the theater at a time when the people of Antioch were assembled together, and became an informer against his father, and accused both him and others that they had resolved to burn the whole city in one night;; he also delivered up to them some Jews that were foreigners, as partners in their resolutions. 7.48. When the people heard this, they could not refrain their passion, but commanded that those who were delivered up to them should have fire brought to burn them, who were accordingly all burnt upon the theater immediately. 7.49. They did also fall violently upon the multitude of the Jews, as supposing that by punishing them suddenly they should save their own city. 7.50. As for Antiochus, he aggravated the rage they were in, and thought to give them a demonstration of his own conversion, and of his hatred of the Jewish customs, by sacrificing after the manner of the Greeks; 7.51. he persuaded the rest also to compel them to do the same, because they would by that means discover who they were that had plotted against them, since they would not do so; and when the people of Antioch tried the experiment, some few complied, but those that would not do so were slain. 7.52. As for Antiochus himself, he obtained soldiers from the Roman commander, and became a severe master over his own citizens, not permitting them to rest on the seventh day, but forcing them to do all that they usually did on other days; 7.53. and to that degree of distress did he reduce them in this matter, that the rest of the seventh day was dissolved not only at Antioch, but the same thing which took thence its rise was done in other cities also, in like manner, for some small time. 7.54. 4. Now, after these misfortunes had happened to the Jews at Antioch, a second calamity befell them, the description of which when we were going about we promised the account foregoing; 7.55. for upon this accident, whereby the foursquare marketplace was burnt down, as well as the archives, and the place where the public records were preserved, and the royal palaces (and it was not without difficulty that the fire was then put a stop to, which was likely, by the fury wherewith it was carried along, to have gone over the whole city), Antiochus accused the Jews as the occasion of all the mischief that was done. 7.56. Now this induced the people of Antioch, who were now under the immediate persuasion, by reason of the disorder they were in, that this calumny was true, and would have been under the same persuasion, even though they had not borne an ill will at the Jews before, to believe this man’s accusation, especially when they considered what had been done before, and this to such a degree, that they all fell violently upon those that were accused, 7.57. and this, like madmen, in a very furious rage also, even as if they had seen the Jews in a manner setting fire themselves to the city; 7.58. nor was it without difficulty that one Cneius Collegas, the legate, could prevail with them to permit the affairs to be laid before Caesar; 7.59. for as to Cesennius Petus, the president of Syria, Vespasian had already sent him away; and so it happened that he was not yet come back thither. 7.60. But when Collegas had made a careful inquiry into the matter, he found out the truth, and that not one of those Jews that were accused by Antiochus had any hand in it, 7.61. but that all was done by some vile persons greatly in debt, who supposed that if they could once set fire to the marketplace, and burn the public records, they should have no further demands made upon them. 7.96. 1. Now Titus Caesar tarried some time at Berytus, as we told you before. He thence removed, and exhibited magnificent shows in all those cities of Syria through which he went, and made use of the captive Jews as public instances of the destruction of that nation. He then saw a river as he went along, of such a nature as deserves to be recorded in history; 7.323. “Since we, long ago, my generous friends, resolved never to be servants to the Romans, nor to any other than to God himself, who alone is the true and just Lord of mankind, the time is now come that obliges us to make that resolution true in practice. 7.324. And let us not at this time bring a reproach upon ourselves for self-contradiction, while we formerly would not undergo slavery, though it were then without danger, but must now, together with slavery, choose such punishments also as are intolerable; I mean this, upon the supposition that the Romans once reduce us under their power while we are alive. We were the very first that revolted from them, and we are the last that fight against them; 7.325. and I cannot but esteem it as a favor that God hath granted us, that it is still in our power to die bravely, and in a state of freedom, which hath not been the case of others, who were conquered unexpectedly. 7.326. It is very plain that we shall be taken within a day’s time; but it is still an eligible thing to die after a glorious manner, together with our dearest friends. This is what our enemies themselves cannot by any means hinder, although they be very desirous to take us alive. Nor can we propose to ourselves any more to fight them, and beat them. 7.327. It had been proper indeed for us to have conjectured at the purpose of God much sooner, and at the very first, when we were so desirous of defending our liberty, and when we received such sore treatment from one another, and worse treatment from our enemies, and to have been sensible that the same God, who had of old taken the Jewish nation into his favor, had now condemned them to destruction; 7.328. for had he either continued favorable, or been but in a lesser degree displeased with us, he had not overlooked the destruction of so many men, or delivered his most holy city to be burnt and demolished by our enemies. 7.329. To be sure we weakly hoped to have preserved ourselves, and ourselves alone, still in a state of freedom, as if we had been guilty of no sins ourselves against God, nor been partners with those of others; we also taught other men to preserve their liberty. 7.330. Wherefore, consider how God hath convinced us that our hopes were in vain, by bringing such distress upon us in the desperate state we are now in, and which is beyond all our expectations; 7.331. for the nature of this fortress which was in itself unconquerable, hath not proved a means of our deliverance; and even while we have still great abundance of food, and a great quantity of arms, and other necessaries more than we want, we are openly deprived by God himself of all hope of deliverance; 7.332. for that fire which was driven upon our enemies did not of its own accord turn back upon the wall which we had built; this was the effect of God’s anger against us for our manifold sins, which we have been guilty of in a most insolent and extravagant manner with regard to our own countrymen; 7.333. the punishments of which let us not receive from the Romans, but from God himself, as executed by our own hands; for these will be more moderate than the other. 7.334. Let our wives die before they are abused, and our children before they have tasted of slavery; and after we have slain them, let us bestow that glorious benefit upon one another mutually, and preserve ourselves in freedom, as an excellent funeral monument for us. 7.335. But first let us destroy our money and the fortress by fire; for I am well assured that this will be a great grief to the Romans, that they shall not be able to seize upon our bodies, and shall fail of our wealth also; 7.336. and let us spare nothing but our provisions; for they will be a testimonial when we are dead that we were not subdued for want of necessaries, but that, according to our original resolution, we have preferred death before slavery.” 7.337. 7. This was Eleazar’s speech to them. Yet did not the opinions of all the auditors acquiesce therein; but although some of them were very zealous to put his advice in practice, and were in a manner filled with pleasure at it, and thought death to be a good thing, 7.338. yet had those that were most effeminate a commiseration for their wives and families; and when these men were especially moved by the prospect of their own certain death, they looked wistfully at one another, and by the tears that were in their eyes declared their dissent from his opinion. 7.339. When Eleazar saw these people in such fear, and that their souls were dejected at so prodigious a proposal, he was afraid lest perhaps these effeminate persons should, by their lamentations and tears, enfeeble those that heard what he had said courageously; 7.340. o he did not leave off exhorting them, but stirred up himself, and recollecting proper arguments for raising their courage, he undertook to speak more briskly and fully to them, and that concerning the immortality of the soul. 7.341. So he made a lamentable groan, and fixing his eyes intently on those that wept, he spake thus:—“Truly, I was greatly mistaken when I thought to be assisting to brave men who struggled hard for their liberty, and to such as were resolved either to live with honor, or else to die; 7.342. but I find that you are such people as are no better than others, either in virtue or in courage, and are afraid of dying, though you be delivered thereby from the greatest miseries, while you ought to make no delay in this matter, nor to await anyone to give you good advice; 7.343. for the laws of our country, and of God himself, have from ancient times, and as soon as ever we could use our reason, continually taught us, and our forefathers have corroborated the same doctrine by their actions, and by their bravery of mind, that it is life that is a calamity to men, and not death; 7.344. for this last affords our souls their liberty, and sends them by a removal into their own place of purity, where they are to be insensible of all sorts of misery; for while souls are tied down to a mortal body, they are partakers of its miseries; and really, to speak the truth, they are themselves dead; for the union of what is divine to what is mortal is disagreeable. 7.345. It is true, the power of the soul is great, even when it is imprisoned in a mortal body; for by moving it after a way that is invisible, it makes the body a sensible instrument, and causes it to advance further in its actions than mortal nature could otherwise do. 7.346. However, when it is freed from that weight which draws it down to the earth and is connected with it, it obtains its own proper place, and does then become a partaker of that blessed power, and those abilities, which are then every way incapable of being hindered in their operations. It continues invisible, indeed, to the eyes of men, as does God himself; 7.347. for certainly it is not itself seen while it is in the body; for it is there after an invisible manner, and when it is freed from it, it is still not seen. It is this soul which hath one nature, and that an incorruptible one also; but yet it is the cause of the change that is made in the body; 7.348. for whatsoever it be which the soul touches, that lives and flourishes; and from whatsoever it is removed, that withers away and dies; such a degree is there in it of immortality. 7.349. Let me produce the state of sleep as a most evident demonstration of the truth of what I say; wherein souls, when the body does not distract them, have the sweetest rest depending on themselves, and conversing with God, by their alliance to him; they then go everywhere, and foretell many futurities beforehand. 7.350. And why are we afraid of death, while we are pleased with the rest that we have in sleep? And how absurd a thing is it to pursue after liberty while we are alive, and yet to envy it to ourselves where it will be eternal!
13. New Testament, Mark, 12.34 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Huttner (2013) 280
12.34. καὶ ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἰδὼν αὐτὸν ὅτι νουνεχῶς ἀπεκρίθη εἶπεν αὐτῷ Οὐ μακρὰν [εἶ] ἀπὸ τῆς βασιλείας τοῦ θεοῦ. Καὶ οὐδεὶς οὐκέτι ἐτόλμα αὐτὸν ἐπερωτῆσαι. 12.34. When Jesus saw that he answered wisely, he said to him, "You are not far from the Kingdom of God."No one dared ask him any question after that.
14. New Testament, Romans, 1.8-1.15, 15.22, 16.3-16.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lampe (2003) 20, 157
1.8. Πρῶτον μὲν εὐχαριστῶ τῷ θεῷ μου διὰ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ περὶ πάντων ὑμῶν, ὅτι ἡ πίστις ὑμῶν καταγγέλλεται ἐν ὅλῳ τῷ κόσμῳ. 1.9. μάρτυς γάρ μού ἐστιν ὁ θεός, ᾧ λατρεύω ἐν τῷ πνεύματί μου ἐν τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ, ὡς ἀδιαλείπτως μνείαν ὑμῶν ποιοῦμαι 1.10. πάντοτε ἐπὶ τῶν προσευχῶν μου, δεόμενος εἴ πως ἤδη ποτὲ εὐοδωθήσομαι ἐν τῷ θελήματι τοῦ θεοῦ ἐλθεῖν πρὸς ὑμᾶς. 1.11. ἐπιποθῶ γὰρ ἰδεῖν ὑμᾶς, ἵνα τι μεταδῶ χάρισμα ὑμῖν πνευματικὸν εἰς τὸ στηριχθῆναι ὑμᾶς, 1.12. τοῦτο δέ ἐστιν συνπαρακληθῆναι ἐν ὑμῖν διὰ τῆς ἐν ἀλλήλοις πίστεως ὑμῶν τε καὶ ἐμοῦ. 1.13. οὐ θέλω δὲ ὑμᾶς ἀγνοεῖν, ἀδελφοί, ὅτι πολλάκις προεθέμην ἐλθεῖν πρὸς ὑμᾶς, καὶ ἐκωλύθην ἄχρι τοῦ δεῦρο, ἵνα τινὰ καρπὸν σχῶ καὶ ἐν ὑμῖν καθὼς καὶ ἐν τοῖς λοιποῖς ἔθνεσιν. 1.14. Ἕλλησίν τε καὶ βαρβάροις, σοφοῖς τε καὶ ἀνοήτοις ὀφειλέτης εἰμί· 1.15. οὕτω τὸ κατʼ ἐμὲ πρόθυμον καὶ ὑμῖν τοῖς ἐν Ῥώμῃ εὐαγγελίσασθαι. 15.22. Διὸ καὶ ἐνεκοπτόμην τὰ πολλὰ τοῦ ἐλθεῖν πρὸς ὑμᾶς· 16.3. Ἀσπάσασθε Πρίσκαν καὶ Ἀκύλαν τοὺς συνεργούς μου ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ, 16.4. οἵτινες ὑπὲρ τῆς ψυχῆς μου τὸν ἑαυτῶν τράχηλον ὑπέθηκαν, οἷς οὐκ ἐγὼ μόνος εὐχαριστῶ ἀλλὰ καὶ πᾶσαι αἱ ἐκκλησίαι τῶν ἐθνῶν, 16.5. καὶ τὴν κατʼ οἶκον αὐτῶν ἐκκλησίαν. ἀσπάσασθε Ἐπαίνετον τὸν ἀγαπητόν μου, ὅς ἐστιν ἀπαρχὴ τῆς Ἀσίας εἰς Χριστόν. 1.8. First, I thank my God through Jesus Christ for all of you, that your faith is proclaimed throughout the whole world. 1.9. For God is my witness, whom I serve in my spirit in the gospel of his Son, how unceasingly I make mention of you always in my prayers, 1.10. requesting, if by any means now at last I may be prospered by the will of God to come to you. 1.11. For I long to see you, that I may impart to you some spiritual gift, to the end that you may be established; 1.12. that is, that I with you may be encouraged in you, each of us by the other's faith, both yours and mine. 1.13. Now I don't desire to have you unaware, brothers, that I often planned to come to you, and was hindered so far, that I might have some fruit among you also, even as among the rest of the Gentiles. 1.14. I am debtor both to Greeks and to foreigners, both to the wise and to the foolish. 1.15. So, as much as is in me, I am eager to preach the gospel to you also who are in Rome. 15.22. Therefore also I was hindered these many times from coming to you, 16.3. Greet Prisca and Aquila, my fellow workers in Christ Jesus, 16.4. who for my life, laid down their own necks; to whom not only I give thanks, but also all the assemblies of the Gentiles. 16.5. Greet the assembly that is in their house. Greet Epaenetus, my beloved, who is the first fruits of Achaia to Christ.
15. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 8.6.14 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch, syrian Found in books: Ando (2013) 124
16. Hermas, Mandates, 3.4-3.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch, syria Found in books: Lampe (2003) 224
17. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 8.6.14 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch, syrian Found in books: Ando (2013) 124
18. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 1.16, 1.20-1.21, 1.23-1.25, 1.33, 1.35, 1.84 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syrian) Found in books: Demoen and Praet (2009) 254, 307
1.16. ̓Επεφοίτησε καὶ ̓Αντιοχείᾳ τῇ μεγάλῃ πεπαυμένος τοῦ σιωπᾶν, καὶ παρῆλθεν ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ Δαφναίου ̓Απόλλωνος, ᾧ περιάπτουσιν ̓Ασσύριοι τὸν μῦθον τὸν ̓Αρκάδα: τὴν γὰρ τοῦ Λάδωνος Δάφνην ἐκεῖ μεταφῦναι λέγουσι καὶ ποταμὸς αὐτοῖς ῥεῖ Λάδων, καὶ φυτὸν τιμᾶται παρ' αὐτοῖς δάφνης, τοῦτο δὴ τὸ ἀντὶ τῆς παρθένου, κυπαρίττων τε ὕψη ἀμήχανα περιέστηκε κύκλῳ τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ πηγὰς ἐκδίδωσιν ὁ χῶρος ἀφθόνους τε καὶ ἠρεμούσας, αἷς τὸν ̓Απόλλω φασὶ ῥαίνεσθαι. ἐνταῦθα κυπαρίττου τι ἔρνος ἡ γῆ ἀναδέδωκεν ἐπὶ Κυπαρίττῳ φασὶν ἐφήβῳ ̓Ασσυρίῳ, καὶ πιστοῦται τὴν μεταβολὴν ἡ ὥρα τοῦ φυτοῦ. καὶ ἴσως νεανικώτερον ἅπτεσθαι δοκῶ τοῦ λόγου διαμυθολογῶν τὰ τοιαῦτα: ἀλλ' οὐχ ὑπὲρ μυθολογίας ταῦτα. τί δέ μοι ὁ λόγος βούλεται;ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος ἰδὼν τὸ ἱερὸν χαρίεν μέν, σπουδὴν δ' ἐν αὐτῷ οὐδεμίαν, ἀλλ' ἀνθρώπους ἡμιβαρβάρους καὶ ἀμούσους “̓́Απολλον,” ἔφη “μετάβαλε τοὺς ἀφώνους ἐς δένδρα, ἵνα κἂν ὡς κυπάριττοι ἠχῶσιν.” τὰς δὲ πηγὰς ἐπισκεψάμενος, ὡς γαλήνην ἄγουσι καὶ κελαρύζει σφῶν οὐδεμία, “ἡ ἀφωνία” εἶπεν “ἡ ἐνταῦθα οὐδὲ ταῖς πηγαῖς ξυγχωρεῖ φθέγγεσθαι.” πρὸς δὲ τὸν Λάδωνα ἰδὼν “οὐχ ἡ θυγάτηρ” ἔφη “σοὶ μόνη μετέβαλεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ σὺ τῷ δόξαι βάρβαρος ἐξ ̔́Ελληνός τε καὶ ̓Αρκάδος.” ̓Επεὶ δὲ ἔγνω διαλέγεσθαι, τὰ μὲν ὁμιλούμενα τῶν χωρίων καὶ ἀτακτοῦντα παρῃτεῖτο φήσας οὐκ ἀνθρώπων ἑαυτῷ δεῖν, ἀλλ' ἀνδρῶν, τὰ δὲ σεμνότερα ἐσεφοίτα καὶ ᾤκει τῶν ἱερῶν τὰ μὴ κληιστά. ἡλίου μὲν δὴ ἀνίσχοντος ἐφ' ἑαυτοῦ τινα ἔπραττεν, ἃ μόνοις ἐποίει δῆλα τοῖς ἐτῶν τεττάρων σιωπᾶν γεγυμνασμένοις, τὸν δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα καιρόν, εἰ μὲν ̔Ελλὰς ἡ πόλις εἴη καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ γνώριμα, ξυγκαλῶν ἂν τοὺς ἱερέας ἐφιλοσόφει περὶ τῶν θεῶν καὶ διωρθοῦτο αὐτούς, εἴ που τῶν νομιζομένων ἐξαλλάττοιεν, εἰ δὲ βάρβαρά τε καὶ ἰδιότροπα εἴη, διεμάνθανε τοὺς ἱδρυσαμένους αὐτὰ καὶ ἐφ' ὅτῳ ἱδρύθη, πυθόμενός τε, ὅπη θεραπεύεται ταῦτα καὶ ὑποθέμενος, εἴ τι σοφώτερον τοῦ δρωμένου ἐνθυμηθείη, μετῄει ἐπὶ τοὺς ὁμιλητὰς καὶ ἐκέλευεν ἐρωτᾶν, ἃ βούλονται. ἔφασκε γὰρ χρῆναι τοὺς οὕτω φιλοσοφοῦντας ἠοῦς μὲν ἀρχομένης ξυνεῖναι θεοῖς, προϊούσης δὲ περὶ θεῶν, τὸν δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα καιρὸν ἀνθρωπείων πέρι τὰς ξυνουσίας ποιεῖσθαι. εἰπὼν δ' ἂν πρὸς τοὺς ἑταίρους, ὁπόσα ἠρώτων, καὶ ἱκανῶς τῆς τοιαύτης ξυνουσίας ἔχων ἐπὶ τὴν διάλεξιν ἀνίστατο λοιπὸν τὴν ἐς πάντας, οὐ πρὸ μεσημβρίας, ἀλλ' ὁπότε μάλιστα ἡ ἡμέρα ἑστήκοι. καὶ διαλεχθεὶς ἂν ὡς ἀπαρκεῖν ᾤετο, ἠλείφετό τε καὶ τριψάμενος ἵει ἑαυτὸν ἐς ὕδωρ ψυχρὸν γῆρας ἀνθρώπων καλῶν τὰ βαλανεῖα: τῆς γοῦν ̓Αντιοχείας ἀποκλεισθείσης ἐς αὐτὰ ἐπὶ μεγάλοις ἁμαρτήμασιν “ἔδωκεν ὑμῖν” ἔφη “ὁ βασιλεὺς κακοῖς οὖσι βιῶναι πλείονα ἔτη.” ̓Εφεσίων δὲ βουλομένων καταλιθῶσαι τὸν ἄρχοντα ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ ἐκπυροῦν τὰ βαλανεῖα “ὑμεῖς μὲν τὸν ἄρχοντα” ἔφη “αἰτιᾶσθε, ἐπειδὴ πονηρῶς λοῦσθε, ἐγὼ δὲ ὑμᾶς, ὅτι λοῦσθε.” 1.20. παριόντας δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐς τὴν μέσην τῶν ποταμῶν ὁ τελώνης ὁ ἐπιβεβλημένος τῷ Ζεύγματι πρὸς τὸ πινάκιον ἦγε καὶ ἠρώτα, ὅ τι ἀπάγοιεν, ὁ δὲ ̓Απολλώνιος “ἀπάγω” ἔφη “σωφροσύνην δικαιοσύνην ἀρετὴν ἐγκράτειαν ἀνδρείαν ἄσκησιν,” πολλὰ καὶ οὕτω θήλεα εἴρας ὀνόματα. ὁ δ' ἤδη βλέπων τὸ ἑαυτοῦ κέρδος “ἀπόγραψαι οὖν” ἔφη “τὰς δούλας”. ὁ δὲ “οὐκ ἔξεστιν,” εἶπεν “οὐ γὰρ δούλας ἀπάγω ταύτας, ἀλλὰ δεσποίνας.” τὴν δὲ τῶν ποταμῶν μέσην ὁ Τίγρις ἀποφαίνει καὶ ὁ Εὐφράτης ῥέοντες μὲν ἐξ ̓Αρμενίας καὶ Ταύρου λήγοντος, περιβάλλοντες δὲ ἤπειρον, ἐν ᾗ καὶ πόλεις μέν, τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον κῶμαι, ἔθνη τε ̓Αρμένια καὶ ̓Αράβια, ἃ ξυγκλέίσαντες οἱ ποταμοὶ ἔχουσιν, ὧν καὶ νομάδες οἱ πολλοὶ στείχουσιν, οὕτω τι νησιώτας ἑαυτοὺς νομίζοντες, ὡς ἐπὶ θάλαττάν τε καταβαίνειν φάσκειν, ὅτ' ἐπὶ τοὺς ποταμοὺς βαδίζοιεν, ὅρον τε ποιεῖσθαι τῆς γῆς τὸν τῶν ποταμῶν κύκλον: ἀποτορνεύσαντες γὰρ τὴν προειρημένην ἤπειρον ἐπὶ τὴν αὐτὴν ἵενται θάλατταν. εἰσὶ δ', οἵ φασιν ἐς ἕλος ἀφανίζεσθαι τὸ πολὺ τοῦ Εὐφράτου καὶ τελευτᾶν τὸν ποταμὸν τοῦτον ἐν τῇ γῇ. λόγου δ' ἔνιοι θρασυτέρου ἐφάπτονται, φάσκοντες αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῇ γῇ ῥέοντα ἐς Αἴγυπτον ἀναφαίνεσθαι καὶ Νείλῳ συγκεράννυσθαι. ἀκριβολογίας μὲν δὴ ἕνεκα καὶ τοῦ μηδὲν παραλελεῖφθαί μοι τῶν γεγραμμένων ὑπὸ τοῦ Δάμιδος ἐβουλόμην ἂν καὶ τὰ διὰ τῶν βαρβάρων τούτων ̔πορευομένοις' σπουδασθέντα εἰπεῖν, ξυνελαύνει δὲ ἡμᾶς ὁ λόγος ἐς τὰ μείζω τε καὶ θαυμασιώτερα, οὐ μὴν ὡς δυοῖν γε ἀμελῆσαι τούτοιν, τῆς τε ἀνδρείας, ᾗ χρώμενος ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος διεπορεύθη βάρβαρα ἔθνη καὶ λῃστρικά, οὐδ' ὑπὸ ̔Ρωμαίοις πω ὄντα, τῆς τε σοφίας, ᾗ τὸν ̓Αράβιον τρόπον ἐς ξύνεσιν τῆς τῶν ζῴων φωνῆς ἦλθεν. ἔμαθε δὲ τοῦτο διὰ τουτωνὶ τῶν ̓Αραβίων πορευόμενος ἄριστα γιγνωσκόντων τε αὐτὸ καὶ πραττόντων. ἔστι γὰρ τῶν ̓Αραβίων ἤδη κοινὸν καὶ τῶν ὀρνίθων ἀκούειν μαντευομένων, ὁπόσα οἱ χρησμοί, ξυμβάλλονται δὲ τῶν ἀλόγων σιτούμενοι τῶν δρακόντων οἱ μὲν καρδίαν φασίν, οἱ δὲ ἧπαρ. 1.21. Κτησιφῶντα δὲ ὑπερβαλὼν καὶ παριὼν ἐς τὰ Βαβυλῶνος ὅρια φρουρὰ μὲν αὐτόθι ἦν ἐκ βασιλέως, ἣν οὐκ ἂν παρῆλθέ τις μὴ οὐκ ἐρωτηθεὶς ἑαυτόν τε καὶ πόλιν καὶ ἐφ' ὅ τι ἥκοι. σατράπης δὲ τῇ φρουρᾷ ταύτῃ ἐπετέτακτο, βασιλέως τις, οἶμαι, ὀφθαλμός, ὁ γὰρ Μῆδος ἄρτι ἐς τὸ ἄρχειν ἥκων οὐ ξυνεχώρει ἑαυτῷ ἀδεῶς ζῆν, ἀλλὰ ὄντα τε καὶ οὐκ ὄντα δεδιὼς ἐς φόβους κατεπεπτώκει καὶ πτοίας. ἄγονται τοίνυν παρὰ τὸν σατράπην ̓Απολλώνιός τε καὶ οἱ ἀμφ' αὐτόν, ὁ δὲ ἔτυχε μὲν σκηνὴν ἐφ' ἁρμαμάξης πεποιημένος καὶ ἐξελαύνων ποι, ἰδὼν δὲ ἄνδρα αὐχμοῦ πλέων ἀνέκραγέ τε ὥσπερ τὰ δειλὰ τῶν γυναίων καὶ ξυνεκαλύψατο, μόγις τε ἀναβλέψας ἐς αὐτόν, “πόθεν ἡμῖν ἐπιπεμφθεὶς ἥκεις;” οἷον δαίμονα ἠρώτα. ὁ δὲ “ὑπ' ἐμαυτοῦ,” ἔφη “εἴ πη καὶ ἄκοντες ἄνδρες γένοισθε.” πάλιν ἤρετο, ὅστις ὢν ἐσφοιτᾷ τὴν βασιλέως χώραν, ὁ δὲ “ἐμὴ” ἔφη “πᾶσα ἡ γῆ καὶ ἀνεῖταί μοι δι' αὐτῆς πορεύεσθαι.” τοῦ δὲ “βασανιῶ σε,” εἰπόντος “εἰ μὴ λέγοις”, “εἰ γὰρ ταῖς σαυτοῦ χερσίν,” εἶπεν “ὡς αὐτὸς βασανισθείης, θιγὼν ἀνδρός.” ἐκπλαγεὶς δὲ αὐτὸν ὁ εὐνοῦχος, ἐπεὶ μηδὲ ἑρμηνέως ἑώρα δεόμενον, ἀλλ' ὑπολαμβάνοντα τὴν φωνὴν ἀλύπως τε καὶ εὐκόλως “πρὸς θεῶν” εἶπε “τίς εἶ;” λιπαρῶν ἤδη καὶ μεταβαλὼν τοῦ τόνου. ὑπολαβὼν δὲ ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος “ἐπειδὴ μετρίως” ἔφη “ταῦτα καὶ οὐκ ἀπανθρώπως ἤρου, ἄκουε, ὅς εἰμι: εἰμὶ μὲν ὁ Τυανεὺς ̓Απολλώνιος, ἡ δὲ ὁδὸς παρὰ τὸν ̓Ινδῶν βασιλέα καθ' ἱστορίαν τῶν ἐκεῖ, βουλοίμην δ' ἂν καὶ τῷ σῷ βασιλεῖ ἐντυχεῖν: φασὶ γὰρ αὐτὸν οἱ ξυγγεγονότες οὐ τῶν φαύλων εἶναι, εἰ δὴ Οὐαρδάνης οὗτος, ὁ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπολωλυῖάν ποτ' αὐτῷ νῦν ἀνακεκτημένος.” “ἐκεῖνος,” ἔφη “θεῖε ̓Απολλώνιε: πάλαι γάρ σε ἠκούομεν. σοφῷ δὲ ἀνδρὶ κἂν αὐτοῦ παραχωρήσειε τοῦ χρυσοῦ θρόνου καὶ πέμποι δ' ἂν ὑμᾶς ἐς ̓Ινδοὺς ἐπὶ καμήλου ἕκαστον. ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ ξένον ἐμαυτοῦ ποιοῦμαί σε καὶ δίδωμί σοι τούτων τῶν χρημάτων,” ἅμα θησαυρὸν χρυσοῦ δείξας “ὁπόσα βούλει δράττεσθαι, καὶ μὴ ἐς ἅπαξ, ἀλλὰ δεκάκις.” παραιτησαμένου δὲ αὐτοῦ τὰ χρήματα “σὺ δ' ἀλλὰ οἴνου” ἔφη “Βαβυλωνίου, προπίνει δὲ αὐτοῦ βασιλεὺς δέκα ἡμῖν σατράπαις, ἀμφορέα ἔχε, συῶν τε καὶ δορκάδων τεμάχη ὀπτὰ ἄλευρά τε καὶ ἄρτους καὶ ὅ τι ἐθέλεις. ἡ γὰρ μετὰ ταῦτα ὁδὸς ἐπὶ πολλὰ στάδια κῶμαί εἰσιν οὐ πάνυ εὔσιτοι.” καὶ λαβόμενος ἑαυτοῦ ὁ εὐνοῦχος, “οἷον,” ἔφη “ὦ θεοί, ἔπαθον: ἀκούων γὰρ τὸν ἄνδρα μήτ' ἀπὸ ζῴων σιτεῖσθαι μήτε οἴνου πίνειν, παχέως αὐτὸν καὶ ἀμαθῶς ἑστιῶ.” “ἀλλ' ἔστι σοι” ἔφη “καὶ λεπτῶς με ἑστιᾶν, ἢν ἄρτους τε δῷς καὶ τραγήματα.” “δώσω” ἔφη “ζυμίτας τε ἄρτους καὶ φοίνικος βαλάνους ἠλεκτρώδεις τε καὶ μεγάλας. δώσω καὶ λάχανα, ὁπόσα ὁ Τίγρις κηπεύει.” “ἀλλ' ἡδίω” εἶπεν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος “τὰ ἄγρια καὶ αὐτόματα λάχανα τῶν ἠναγκασμένων καὶ τεχνητῶν.” “ἡδίω μέν,” ἔφη ὁ σατράπης “ἡ χώρα δὲ ἡμῖν ἡ ἐπὶ Βαβυλῶνος ἀψινθίου πλήρης οὖσα ἀηδῆ αὐτὰ φύει καὶ πικρά.” πλὴν ἀλλὰ τοῦ σατράπου γε ἀπεδέξατο, καὶ ἀπιὼν ἤδη “ὦ λῷστε,” ἔφη “μὴ λῆγε μόνον καλῶς, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἄρχου” νουθετῶν που αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῷ “βασανιῶ σε,” καὶ οἷς ἐν ἀρχῇ βαρβαρίζοντος ἤκουσε. 1.23. προελθόντι δὲ αὐτῷ ἐς τὴν Κισσίαν χώραν καὶ πρὸς Βαβυλῶνι ἤδη ὄντι δόξα ἐνυπνίου ἐφοίτησεν ὧδε τῷ φήναντι θεῷ ξυντεθεῖσα: ἰχθῦς ἐκπεπτωκότες τῆς θαλάττης ἐν τῇ γῇ ἤσπαιρον θρῆνον ἀνθρώπων ἱέντες καὶ ὀλοφυρόμενοι τὸ ἐκβεβηκέναι τοῦ ἤθους, δελφῖνά τε τῇ γῇ παρανέοντα ἱκέτευον ἀμῦναί σφισιν ἐλεεινοὶ ὄντες, ὥσπερ τῶν ἀνθρώπων οἱ ἐν τῇ ξένῃ κλαίοντες. ἐκπλαγεὶς δὲ οὐδὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ ἐνυπνίου ξυμβάλλεται μὲν αὐτοῦ ὅπως καὶ ὅπη εἶχε, διαταράττειν δὲ βουλόμενος τὸν Δάμιν, καὶ γὰρ τῶν εὐλαβεστέρων αὐτὸν ἐγίγνωσκεν, ἀπαγγέλλει πρὸς αὐτὸν τὴν ὄψιν δέος πλασάμενος ὡς ἐπὶ πονηροῖς, οἷς εἶδεν, ὁ δὲ ἀνεβόησέ τε ὡς αὐτὸς ἰδὼν ταῦτα καὶ ἀπῆγε τὸν ̓Απολλώνιον τοῦ πρόσω “μή πη” ἔφη “καὶ ἡμεῖς ὥσπερ ἰχθύες ἐκπεσόντες τῶν ἠθῶν ἀπολώμεθα καὶ πολλὰ ἐλεεινὰ ἐν τῇ ἀλλοδαπῇ εἴπωμεν, καί που καὶ ἐς ἀμήχανον ἐμπεσόντες ἱκετεύσωμεν δυνάστην τινὰ ἢ βασιλέα, ὁ δὲ ἡμᾶς ἀτιμάσῃ, καθάπερ τοὺς ἰχθῦς οἱ δελφῖνες.” γελάσας δὲ ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος “σὺ μὲν οὔπω φιλοσοφεῖς,” εἶπεν “εἰ δέδιας ταῦτα, ἐγὼ δὲ οἷ τὸ ἐνύπνιον τείνει δηλώσω: ̓Ερετριεῖς γὰρ τὴν Κισσίαν ταύτην χώραν οἰκοῦσιν οἱ ἐξ Εὐβοίας ποτὲ Δαρείῳ ἀναχθέντες ἔτη ταῦτα πεντακόσια, καὶ λέγονται, ὥσπερ ἡ ὄψις ἐφάνη, ἰχθύων πάθει περὶ τὴν ἅλωσιν χρήσασθαι: σαγηνευθῆναι γὰρ δὴ καὶ ἁλῶναι πάντας. ἐοίκασιν οὖν οἱ θεοὶ κελεύειν με ἐς αὐτοὺς παρελθόντα ἐπιμεληθῆναι σφῶν, εἴ τι δυναίμην. ἴσως δὲ καὶ αἱ ψυχαὶ τῶν ̔Ελλήνων, οἵπερ ἔλαχον τὴν ἐνταῦθα μοῖραν, ἐπάγονταί με ἐπ' ὠφελείᾳ τῆς γῆς: ἴωμεν οὖν ἐξαλλάξαντες τῆς ὁδοῦ περὶ μόνου ἐρωτῶντες τοῦ φρέατος, πρὸς ᾧ οἰκοῦσι.” λέγεται δὲ τοῦτο κεκρᾶσθαι μὲν ἀσφάλτου καὶ ἐλαίου καὶ ὕδατος, ἐκχέαντος δὲ τοῦ ἀνιμήσαντος ἀποχωρεῖν ταῦτα καὶ ἀπ' ἀλλήλων κρίνεσθαι. παρελθεῖν μὲν δὴ ἐς τὴν Κισσίαν καὶ αὐτὸς ὡμολόγηκεν ἐν οἷς πρὸς τὸν Κλαζομένιον σοφιστὴν γράφει, χρηστὸς γὰρ οὕτω τι καὶ φιλότιμος ἦν, ὡς ἐπειδὴ ̓Ερετριέας εἶδε, σοφιστοῦ τε ἀναμνησθῆναι καὶ γράψαι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἅ τε εἶδεν ἅ τε ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἔπραξεν: καὶ παρακελεύεταί οἱ παρὰ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν πᾶσαν ἐλεεῖν τοὺς ̓Ερετριέας, καὶ ὁπότε μελετῴη τὸν περὶ αὐτῶν λόγον, μηδὲ τὸ κλάειν ἐπ' αὐτοῖς παραιτεῖσθαι. 1.24. ξυνῳδὰ δὲ τούτοις καὶ ὁ Δάμις περὶ τῶν ̓Ερετριέων ἀναγέγραφεν: οἰκοῦσι γὰρ ἐν τῇ Μηδικῇ, Βαβυλῶνος οὐ πολὺ ἀπέχοντες, ἡμέρας ̔ὁδὸν' δρομικῷ ἀνδρί, ἡ χώρα δὲ ἄπολις, ἡ γὰρ Κισσία κῶμαι πᾶσα καί τι καὶ νομάδων ἐν αὐτῇ γένος μικρὰ τῶν ἵππων ἀποβαίνοντες. ἡ δὲ τῶν ̓Ερετριέων οἰκεῖται μὲν τῶν ἄλλων μέση, περιβέβληται δὲ ποταμοῦ τάφρον, ἣν αὐτοὶ βαλέσθαι περὶ τῇ κώμῃ λέγονται τεῖχος αὐτὴν ποιούμενοι πρὸς τοὺς ἐν τῇ Κισσίᾳ βαρβάρους. ὕπομβρος δὲ ἀσφάλτῳ ἡ χώρα καὶ πικρὰ ἐμφυτεῦσαι, βραχυβιώτατοί τε οἱ ἐκείνῃ ἄνθρωποι, τὸ γὰρ ἀσφαλτῶδες ποτὸν ἐς πολλὰ τῶν σπλάγχνων ἱζάνει. τρέφει δ' αὐτοὺς λόφος ἐν ὁρίοις τῆς κώμης, ὃν ὑπεραίροντα τοῦ παρεφθορότος χωρίου σπείρουσι τε καὶ ἡγοῦνται γῆν. φασὶ δὲ ἀκοῦσαι τῶν ἐγχωρίων, ὡς ἑπτακόσιοι μὲν τῶν ̓Ερετριέων πρὸς τοῖς ὀγδοήκοντα ἥλωσαν, οὔτι που μάχιμοι πάντες, ἦν γάρ τι καὶ θῆλυ ἐν αὐτοῖς γένος καὶ γεγηρακός, ἦν δ', οἶμαί, τι καὶ παιδία, τὸ γὰρ πολὺ τῆς ̓Ερετρίας τὸν Καφηρέα ἀνέφυγε καὶ ὅ τι ἀκρότατον τῆς Εὐβοίας. ἀνήχθησαν δὲ ἄνδρες μὲν ἀμφὶ τοὺς τετρακοσίους, γύναια δὲ ἴσως δέκα, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ ἀπ' ̓Ιωνίας τε καὶ Λυδίας ἀρξάμενοι διεφθάρησαν ἐλαυνόμενοι ἄνω. λιθοτομίαν δὲ αὐτοῖς παρεχομένου τοῦ λόφου καί τινες καὶ λιθουργοὺς εἰδότες τέχνας ἱερά τε ἐδείμαντο ̔Ελληνικὰ καὶ ἀγοράν, ὁπόσην εἰκὸς ἦν, βωμούς τε ἱδρύσαντο Δαρείῳ μὲν δύο, Ξέρξῃ δὲ ἕνα, Δαριδαίῳ δὲ πλείους. διετέλεσαν δὲ ἐς Δαριδαῖον ἔτη μετὰ τὴν ἅλωσιν ὀκτὼ καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα γράφοντες τὸν ̔Ελλήνων τρόπον, καὶ οἱ τάφοι δὲ οἱ ἀρχαῖοι σφῶν “ὁ δεῖνα τοῦ δεῖνος” γεγράφαται, καὶ τὰ γράμματα ̔Ελλήνων μέν, ἀλλ' οὔπω ταῦτα ἰδεῖν φασι. καὶ ναῦς ἐγκεχαραγμένας τοῖς τάφοις, ὡς ἕκαστος ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ ἔζη πορθμεύων ἢ πορφυρεύων ἢ θαλάττιον ἢ καὶ ἁλουργὸν πράττων, καί τι καὶ ἐλεγεῖον ἀναγνῶναι γεγραμμένον ἐπὶ ναυτῶν τε καὶ ναυκλήρων σήματι: οἵδε ποτ' Αἰγαίοιο βαθύρροον οἶδμα πλέοντες ̓Εκβατάνων πεδίῳ κείμεθ' ἐνὶ μεσάτῳ. χαῖρε κλυτή ποτε πατρὶς ̓Ερέτρια, χαίρετ' ̓Αθῆναι, γείτονες Εὐβοίης, χαῖρε θάλασσα φίλη. τοὺς μὲν δὴ τάφους διεφθορότας ἀναλαβεῖν τε αὐτὸν ὁ Δάμις φησὶ καὶ ξυγκλεῖσαι χέασθαί τε καὶ ἐπενεγκεῖν σφισιν, ὁπόσα νόμιμα, πλὴν τοῦ τεμεῖν τι ἢ καθαγίσαι, δακρύσαντά τε καὶ ὑποπλησθέντα ὁρμῆς τάδε ἐν μέσοις ἀναφθέγξασθαι: “̓Ερετριεῖς οἱ κλήρῳ τύχης δεῦρ' ἀπενεχθέντες, ὑμεῖς μέν, εἰ καὶ πόρρω τῆς αὑτῶν, τέθαφθε γοῦν, οἱ δ' ὑμᾶς ἐνταῦθα ῥίψαντες ἀπώλοντο περὶ τὴν ὑμετέραν νῆσον ἄταφοι δεκάτῳ μεθ' ὑμᾶς ἔτει: τὸ γὰρ ἐν κοίλῃ Εὐβοίᾳ πάθος θεοὶ φαίνουσιν.” ̓Απολλώνιος δὲ πρὸς τὸν σοφιστὴν ἐπὶ τέλει τῆς ἐπιστολῆς “καὶ ἐπεμελήθην,” φησὶν “ὦ Σκοπελιανέ, τῶν σῶν ̓Ερετριέων νέος ὢν ἔτι καὶ ὠφέλησα ὅ τι ἐδυνάμην καὶ τοὺς τεθνεῶτας αὐτῶν καὶ τοὺς ζῶντας.” τί δῆτα ἐπεμελήθη τῶν ζώντων; οἱ πρόσοικοι τῷ λόφῳ βάρβαροι σπειρόντων τῶν ̓Ερετριέων αὐτὸν ἐληίζοντο τὰ φυόμενα περὶ τὸ θέρος ἥκοντες καὶ πεινῆν ἔδει γεωργοῦντας ἑτέροις. ὁπότ' οὖν παρὰ βασιλέα ἀφίκετο, εὕρετο αὐτοῖς τὸ χρῆσθαι μόνους τῷ λόφῳ. 1.25. τὰ δὲ ἐν Βαβυλῶνι τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τούτου καὶ ὁπόσα Βαβυλῶνος πέρι προσήκει γιγνώσκειν, τοιάδε εὗρον: ἡ Βαβυλὼν τετείχισται μὲν ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ τετρακόσια στάδια, τοσαύτη κύκλῳ, τεῖχος δὲ αὐτῆς τρία μὲν τὸ ὕψος ἡμίπλεθρα, πλέθρου δὲ μεῖον τὸ εὖρος, ποταμῷ δὲ Εὐφράτῃ τέμνεται ξὺν ὁμοιότητι τοῦ εἴδους, ὃν ἀπόρρητος ὑποστείχει γέφυρα τὰ βασίλεια τὰ ἐπὶ ταῖς ὄχθαις ἀφανῶς ξυνάπτουσα. γυνὴ γὰρ λέγεται Μήδεια τῶν ἐκείνῃ ποτὲ ἄρχουσα τὸν ποταμὸν ὑποζεῦξαι τρόπον, ὃν μήπω τις ποταμὸς ἐζεύχθη: λίθους γὰρ δὴ καὶ χαλκὸν καὶ ἄσφαλτον καὶ ὁπόσα ἐς ἔφυδρον ξύνδεσιν ἀνθρώποις εὕρηται, παρὰ τὰς ὄχθας τοῦ ποταμοῦ νήσασα τὸ ῥεῦμα ἐς λίμνας ἔτρεψε, ξηρόν τε ἤδη τὸν ποταμὸν ὤρυγεν ὀργυιὰς ἐς δύο σήραγγα ἐργαζομένη κοίλην, ἵν' ἐς τὰ βασίλεια τὰ παρὰ ταῖς ὄχθαις ὥσπερ ἐκ γῆς ἀναφαίνοιτο, καὶ ἤρεψεν αὐτὴν ἴσως τῷ τοῦ ῥεύματος δαπέδῳ. οἱ μὲν δὴ θεμέλιοι ἐβεβήκεσαν καὶ οἱ τοῖχοι τῆς σήραγγος, ἅτε δὲ τῆς ἀσφάλτου δεομένης τοῦ ὕδατος ἐς τὸ λιθοῦσθαί τε καὶ πήγνυσθαι ὁ Εὐφράτης ἐπαφείθη ὑγρῷ τῷ ὀρόφῳ καὶ ὧδε ἔστη τὸ ζεῦγμα. τὰ δὲ βασίλεια χαλκῷ μὲν ἤρεπται καὶ ἀπ' αὐτῶν ἀστράπτει, θάλαμοι δὲ καὶ ἀνδρῶνες καὶ στοαί, τὰ μὲν ἀργύρῳ, τὰ δὲ χρυσοῖς ὑφάσμασι, τὰ δὲ χρυσῷ αὐτῷ καθάπερ γραφαῖς ἠγλάισται, τὰ δὲ ποικίλματα τῶν πέπλων ἐκ τῶν ̔Ελληνικῶν σφίσιν ἥκει λόγων, ̓Ανδρομέδαι καὶ ̓Αμυμῶναι καὶ ̓Ορφεὺς πολλαχοῦ. χαίρουσι δὲ τῷ ̓Ορφεῖ, τιάραν ἴσως καὶ ἀναξυρίδα τιμῶντες, οὐ γὰρ μουσικήν γε, οὐδὲ ᾠδάς, αἷς ἔθελγεν. ἐνύφανταί που καὶ ὁ Δᾶτις τὴν Νάξον ἐκ τῆς θαλάττης ἀνασπῶν καὶ ̓Αρταφέρνης περιεστηκὼς τὴν ̓Ερέτριαν καὶ τῶν ἀμφὶ Ξέρξην, ἃ νικᾶν ἔφασκεν: ̓Αθῆναι γὰρ δὴ ἐχόμεναί εἰσι καὶ Θερμοπύλαι καὶ τὰ Μηδικώτερα ἔτι, ποταμοὶ ἐξαιρούμενοι τῆς γῆς καὶ θαλάττης ζεῦγμα καὶ ὁ ̓́Αθως ὡς ἐτμήθη. φασὶ δὲ καὶ ἀνδρῶνι ἐντυχεῖν, οὗ τὸν ὄροφον ἐς θόλου ἀνῆχθαι σχῆμα οὐρανῷ τινι εἰκασμένον, σαπφειρίνῃ δὲ αὐτὸν κατηρέφθαι λίθῳ — κυανωτάτη δὲ ἡ λίθος καὶ οὐρανία ἰδεῖν — καὶ θεῶν ἀγάλματα, οὓς νομίζουσιν, ἵδρυται ἄνω καὶ χρυσᾶ φαίνεται, καθάπερ ἐξ αἰθέρος. δικάζει μὲν δὴ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐνταῦθα, χρυσαῖ δὲ ἴυγγες ἀποκρέμανται τοῦ ὀρόφου τέτταρες τὴν ̓Αδράστειαν αὐτῷ παρεγγυῶσαι καὶ τὸ μὴ ὑπὲρ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους αἴρεσθαι. ταύτας οἱ μάγοι αὐτοί φασιν ἁρμόττεσθαι φοιτῶντες ἐς τὰ βασίλεια, καλοῦσι δὲ αὐτὰς θεῶν γλώττας. 1.33. ἐπεὶ δὲ χαίρειν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἔφη καὶ ἀγάλλεσθαι ἥκοντι μᾶλλον, ἢ εἰ τὰ Περσῶν καὶ ̓Ινδῶν πρὸς τοῖς οὖσιν αὐτῷ ἐκτήσατο, ξένον τε ποιεῖσθαι καὶ κοινωνὸν τῆς βασιλείου στέγης, “εἰ ἐγώ σε, ὦ βασιλεῦ,” εἶπεν “ἐς πατρίδα τὴν ἐμὴν Τύανα ἥκοντα ἠξίουν οἰκεῖν οὗ ἐγώ, οἰκῆσαι ἂν ἤρας;” “μὰ Δί'” εἶπεν “εἰ μὴ τοσαύτην γε οἰκίαν οἰκήσειν ἔμελλον, ὁπόσην δορυφόρους τε καὶ σωματοφύλακας ἐμοὺς αὐτόν τε ἐμὲ λαμπρῶς δέξασθαι.” “ὁ αὐτὸς οὖν” ἔφη “καὶ παρ' ἐμοῦ λόγος: εἰ γὰρ ὑπὲρ ἐμαυτὸν οἰκήσω, πονήρως διαιτήσομαι, τὸ γὰρ ὑπερβάλλον λυπεῖ τοὺς σοφοὺς μᾶλλον ἢ ὑμᾶς τὸ ἐλλεῖπον: ξενιζέτω με οὖν ἰδιώτης ἔχων ὁπόσα ἐγώ, σοὶ δὲ ἐγὼ ξυνέσομαι ὁπόσα βούλει.” ξυνεχώρει ὁ βασιλεύς, ὡς μὴ ἀηδές τι αὐτῷ λάθοι πράξας, καὶ ᾤκησε παρ' ἀνδρὶ Βαβυλωνίῳ χρηστῷ τε καὶ ἄλλως γενναίῳ. δειπνοῦντι δὲ ἤδη εὐνοῦχος ἐφίσταται τῶν τὰς ἀγγελίας διαφερόντων καὶ προσειπὼν τὸν ἄνδρα “βασιλεὺς” ἔφη “δωρεῖταί σε δέκα δωρεαῖς καὶ ποιεῖται κύριον τοῦ ἐπαγγεῖλαι αὐτάς, δεῖται δέ σου μὴ μικρὰ αἰτῆσαι, μεγαλοφροσύνην γὰρ ἐνδείξασθαι σοί τε καὶ ἡμῖν βούλεται.” ἐπαινέσας δὲ τὴν ἐπαγγελίαν “πότε οὖν χρὴ αἰτεῖν;” ἤρετο, ὁ δὲ “αὔριον” ἔφη, καὶ ἅμα ἐφοίτησε παρὰ πάντας τοὺς βασιλέως φίλους τε καὶ ξυγγενεῖς, παρεῖναι κελεύων αἰτοῦντι καὶ τιμωμένῳ τῷ ἀνδρί. φησὶ δὲ ὁ Δάμις ξυνιέναι μέν, ὅτι μηδὲν αἰτήσοι, τόν τε τρόπον αὐτοῦ καθεωρακὼς καὶ εἰδὼς εὐχόμενον τοῖς θεοῖς εὐχὴν τοιαύτην. “ὦ θεοί, δοίητε μοι μικρὰ ἔχειν καὶ δεῖσθαι μηδενός.” ἐφεστηκότα μέντοι ὁρῶν καὶ ἐνθυμουμένῳ ὅμοιον οἴεσθαι ὡς αἰτήσοι μέν, βασανίζοι δέ, ὅ τι μέλλει αἰτήσειν. ὁ δὲ ἑσπέρας ἤδη “ὦ Δάμι,” ἔφη “θεωρῶ πρὸς ἐμαυτόν, ἐξ ὅτου ποτὲ οἱ βάρβαροι τοὺς εὐνούχους σώφρονας ἡγοῦνται καὶ ἐς τὰς γυναικωνίτιδας ἐσάγονται.” “ἀλλὰ τοῦτο,” ἔφη “ὦ ̓Απολλώνιε, καὶ παιδὶ δῆλον: ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἡ τομὴ τὸ ἀφροδισιάζειν ἀφαιρεῖται σφᾶς, ἀνεῖνταί σφισιν αἱ γυναικωνίτιδες, κἂν ξυγκαθεύδειν ταῖς γυναιξὶ βούλωνται.” “τὸ δὲ ἐρᾶν” εἶπεν “ἢ τὸ ξυγγίγνεσθαι γυναιξὶν ἐκτετμῆσθαι αὐτοὺς οἴει;” “ἄμφω,” ἔφη “εἰ γὰρ σβεσθείη τὸ μόριον ὑφ' οὗ διοιστρεῖται τὸ σῶμα, οὐδ' ἂν τὸ ἐρᾶν ἐπέλθοι οὐδενί.” ὁ δὲ βραχὺ ἐπισχὼν “αὔριον,” ἔφη “ὦ Δάμι, μάθοις ἄν, ὅτι καὶ εὐνοῦχοι ἐρῶσι καὶ τὸ ἐπιθυμητικόν, ὅπερ ἐσάγονται διὰ τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν, οὐκ ἀπομαραίνεται σφῶν, ἀλλ' ἐμμένει θερμόν τε καὶ ζώπυρον, δεῖ γάρ τι περιπεσεῖν, ὃ τὸν σὸν ἐλέγξει λόγον. εἰ δὲ καὶ τέχνη τις ἦν ἀνθρωπεία τύραννός τε καὶ δυνατὴ τὰ τοιαῦτα ἐξωθεῖν τῆς γνώμης, οὐκ ἄν μοι δοκῶ τοὺς εὐνούχους ποτὲ ἐς τὰ τῶν σωφρονούντων ἤθη προσγράψαι κατηναγκασμένους τὴν σωφροσύνην καὶ βιαίῳ τέχνῃ ἐς τὸ μὴ ἐρᾶν ἠγμένους. σωφροσύνη γὰρ τὸ ὀρεγόμενόν τε καὶ ὁρμῶντα μὴ ἡττᾶσθαι ἀφροδισίων, ἀλλ' ἀπέχεσθαι καὶ κρείττω φαίνεσθαι τῆς λύττης ταύτης.” 1.35. μὴ ἀπαξιῶσαι λαβεῖν, ὅ τι διδοίη, ὁ δὲ ̓Απολλώνιος ὥσπερ ξυλλαμβάνων αὐτῷ τοῦ λόγου “παραδειγμάτων δὲ,” εἶπεν “ὦ Δάμι, ἀμελήσεις; ἐν οἷς ἐστιν, ὡς Αἰσχίνης μὲν ὁ τοῦ Λυσανίου παρὰ Διονύσιον ἐς Σικελίαν ὑπὲρ χρημάτων ᾤχετο, Πλάτων δὲ τρὶς ἀναμετρῆσαι λέγεται τὴν Χάρυβδιν ὑπὲρ πλούτου Σικελικοῦ, ̓Αρίστιππος δὲ ὁ Κυρηναῖος καὶ ̔Ελίκων ὁ ἐκ Κυζίκου καὶ Φύτων, ὅτ' ἔφευγεν, ὁ ̔Ρηγῖνος, οὕτω τι ἐς τοὺς Διονυσίου κατέδυσαν θησαυρούς, ὡς μόγις ἀνασχεῖν ἐκεῖθεν. καὶ μὴν καὶ τὸν Κνίδιόν φασιν Εὔδοξον, ἐς Αἴγυπτόν ποτε ἀφικόμενον ὑπὲρ χρημάτων τε ὁμολογεῖν ἥκειν καὶ διαλέγεσθαι τῷ βασιλεῖ ὑπὲρ τούτου, καὶ ἵνα μὴ πλείους διαβάλλω, Σπεύσιππον τὸν ̓Αθηναῖον οὕτω τι ἐρασιχρήματον γενέσθαι φασίν, ὡς ἐπὶ τὸν Κασάνδρου γάμον ἐς Μακεδονίαν κωμάσαι ποιήματα ψυχρὰ ξυνθέντα, καὶ δημοσίᾳ ταῦθ' ὑπὲρ χρημάτων ᾆσαι. ἐγὼ δὲ ἡγοῦμαι, ὦ Δάμι, τὸν ἄνδρα τὸν σοφὸν πλείω κινδυνεύειν ἢ οἱ πλέοντές τε καὶ ξὺν ὅπλοις μαχόμενοι, φθόνος γὰρ ἐπ' αὐτὸν στείχει καὶ σιωπῶντα καὶ φθεγγόμενον καὶ ξυντείνοντα καὶ ἀνιέντα κἂν παρέλθῃ τι κἂν προσέλθῃ τῳ κἂν προσείπῃ κἂν μὴ προσείπῃ. δεῖ δὲ πεφράχθαι τὸν ἄνδρα γιγνώσκειν τε ὡς ἀργίας μὲν ἡττηθεὶς ὁ σοφὸς ἢ χολῆς ἢ ἔρωτος ἢ φιλοποσίας ἢ ἑτοιμότερόν τε τοῦ καιροῦ πράξας ἴσως ἂν καὶ ξυγγνώμην φέροντο, χρήμασι δὲ ὑποθεὶς ἑαυτὸν οὔτ' ἂν ξυγγινώσκοιτο καὶ μισοῖτ' ἄν, ὡς ὁμοῦ πάσας κακίας συνειληφώς: μὴ γὰρ ἂν ἡττηθῆναι χρημάτων αὐτόν, εἰ μὴ γαστρὸς ἥττητο καὶ ἀμπεχόνης καὶ οἴνου καὶ τοῦ ἐς ἑταίρας φέρεσθαι. σὺ δ' ἴσως ἡγῇ τὸ ἐν Βαβυλῶνι ἁμαρτεῖν ἧττον εἶναι τοῦ ̓Αθήνησιν ἢ ̓Ολυμπίασιν ἢ Πυθοῖ, καὶ οὐκ ἐνθυμῇ ὅτι σοφῷ ἀνδρὶ ̔Ελλὰς πάντα καὶ οὐδὲν ἔρημον ἢ βάρβαρον χωρίον οὔτε ἡγήσεται ὁ σοφὸς οὔτε νομιεῖ ζῶν γε ὑπὸ τοῖς τῆς ἀρετῆς ὀφθαλμοῖς, καὶ βλέπει μὲν ὀλίγους τῶν ἀνθρώπων, μυρίοις δ' ὄμμασιν αὐτὸς ὁρᾶται. εἰ δὲ καὶ ἀθλητῇ ξυνῆσθα τούτων τινί, ὦ Δάμι, οἳ παλαίειν τε καὶ παγκρατιάζειν ἀσκοῦσιν, ἆρα ἂν ἠξίους αὐτόν, εἰ μὲν ̓Ολύμπια ἀγωνίζοιτο καὶ ἐς ̓Αρκαδίαν ἴοι, γενναῖόν τε καὶ ἀγαθὸν εἶναι, καὶ νὴ Δί', εἰ Πύθια ἄγοιτο ἢ Νέμεα, ἐπιμελεῖσθαι τοῦ σώματος, ἐπειδὴ φανεροὶ οἱ ἀγῶνες καὶ τὰ στάδια ἐν σπουδαίῳ τῆς ̔Ελλάδος, εἰ δὲ θύοι Φίλιππος ̓Ολύμπια πόλεις ᾑρηκὼς ἢ ὁ τούτου παῖς ̓Αλέξανδρος ἐπὶ ταῖς ἑαυτοῦ νίκαις ἀγῶνα ἄγοι, χεῖρον ἤδη παρασκευάζειν τὸ σῶμα καὶ μὴ φιλονίκως ἔχειν, ἐπειδὴ ἐν ̓Ολύνθῳ ἀγωνιεῖται ἢ Μακεδονίᾳ ἢ Αἰγύπτῳ, ἀλλὰ μὴ ἐν ̔́Ελλησι καὶ σταδίοις τοῖς ἐκεῖ;” ὑπὸ μὲν δὴ τῶν λόγων τούτων ὁ Δάμις οὕτω διατεθῆναί φησιν, ὡς ξυγκαλύψασθαί τε ἐφ' οἷς αὐτὸς εἰρηκὼς ἔτυχε παραιτεῖσθαί τε τὸν ̓Απολλώνιον ξυγγνώμην αὐτῷ ἔχειν, εἰ μήπω κατανενοηκὼς αὐτὸν ἐς ξυμβουλίαν τε καὶ πειθὼ τοιαύτην ὥρμησεν. ὁ δὲ ἀναλαμβάνων αὐτὸν “θάρρει,” ἔφη “οὐ γὰρ ἐπίπληξιν ποιούμενος, ἀλλὰ τοὐμὸν ὑπογράφων σοι ταῦτα εἶπον.” 1.16. After the term of his silence was over he also visited the great Antioch, and passed into the sanctuary of Apollo Daphnaios, to which the Assyrians attach the legend of Arcadia. For they say that Daphne, the daughter of Ladon, there underwent her metamorphosis, and they have a river flowing there, the Ladon, and a laurel tree is worshipped by them which they say is the one substituted for the maiden; and cypress trees of enormous height surround the sanctuary, and the ground sends up springs both ample and placid, in which they say Apollo purifies himself by ablution. And there it is that the earth sends up a shoot of cypress, they say in honor of Cyparissus, an Assyrian youth; and the beauty of the shrub lends credence to the story of his metamorphosis. Well, perhaps I may seem to have fallen into a somewhat juvenile vein to approach my story by such legendary particulars as these, but my interest is not really mythology. What then is the purport of my narrative? Apollonius, when he beheld a sanctuary so charming and yet the home of no serious studies, but only of men half-barbarous and uncultivated, remarked: O Apollo, change these voiceless ones into trees, so that at least as cypresses they may become vocal. And when he saw the Ladon, he said: It is not your daughter alone that underwent a change, but you too, so far as one can see, have become a barbarian after being a Hellene and an Arcadian. And when he was minded to converse, he avoided the frequented regions and the disorderly, and said, that it was not people he wanted but real men; and he resorted to the more solemn places, and lived in such sanctuaries as were not shut up. At sunrise, indeed, he performed certain rites by himself, rites which he only communicated to those who had disciplined themselves by a four years' spell of silence; but during the rest of the day, in case the city was a Greek one, and the sacred rituals familiar to a Greek, he would call the priests together and talk wisely about the gods, and would correct them, supposing they had departed from the traditional forms. If, however, the rites were barbarous and peculiar, then he would find out who had founded them and on what occasion they were established, and having learnt the sort of cult it was, he would make suggestions, in case he could think of any improvement upon them, and then he would go in quest of his followers and bid them ask any questions they liked. For he said that it was the duty of philosophers of his school to hold converse at the earliest dawn with the gods, but as the day advanced, about the gods, and during the rest of the day to discuss human affairs in friendly intercourse. And having answered all the questions which his companions addressed to him, and when he had enough of their society, he would rise and give himself up for the rest to haranguing the general public, not however before midday, but as far as possible just when the day stood still. And when he thought he had enough of such discussion, he would be anointed and rubbed, and then fling himself into cold water, for he called hot baths the old age of men. At any rate when the people of Antioch were shut out of them because of the enormities committed there, he said: The emperor, for your sins, has granted you a new lease of life. And when the Ephesians wanted to stone their governor because he did not fire up the baths, he said to them: You are blaming your governor because you get such a sorry bath; but I blame you because you take a bath at all. 1.20. SUCH was the companion and admirer that he had met with, and in common with him most of his travels and life were passed. And as they fared on into Mesopotamia, the tax-gatherer who presided over the Bridge (Zeugma) led them into the registry and asked them what they were taking out of the country with them. And Apollonius replied: I am taking with me temperance, justice, virtue, continence, valor, discipline. And in this way he strung together a number of feminine nouns or names. The other, already scenting his own perquisites, said: You must then write down in the register these female slaves. Apollonius answered: Impossible, for they are not female slaves that I am taking out with me, but ladies of quality.Now Mesopotamia is bordered on one side by the Tigris, and on the other by the Euphrates, rivers which flow from Armenia and from the lowest slopes of Taurus; but they contain a tract like a continent, in which there are some cities, though for the most part only villages, and the races that inhabit them are the Armenian and the Arab. These races are so shut in by the rivers that most of them, who lead the life of nomads, are so convinced that they are islanders, as to say that they are going down to the sea, when they are merely on their way to the rivers, and think that these rivers border the earth and encircle it. For they curve around the continental tract in question, and discharge their waters into the same sea. But there are people who say that the greater part of the Euphrates is lost in a marsh, and that this river ends in the earth. But some have a bolder theory to which they adhere, and declare that it runs under the earth to turn up in Egypt and mingle itself with the Nile. Well, for the sake of accuracy and truth, and in order to leave out nothing of the things that Damis wrote, I should have liked to relate all the incidents that occurred on their journey through these barbarous regions; but my subject hurries me on to greater and more remarkable episodes. Nevertheless, I must perforce dwell upon two topics: on the courage which Apollonius showed, in making a journey through races of barbarians and robbers, which were not at that time even subject to the Romans, and at the cleverness with which after the matter of the Arabs he managed to understand the language of the animals. For he learnt this on his way through these Arab tribes, who best understand and practice it. For it is quite common for the Arabs to listen to the birds prophesying like any oracles, but they acquire this faculty of understanding them by feeding themselves, so they say, either on the heart or liver of serpents. 1.21. HE left Ctesiphon behind, and passed on to the borders of Babylon; and here was a frontier garrison belonging to the king, which one could not pass by without being questioned who one was, and as to one's city, and one's reason for coming there. And there was a satrap in command of this post, a sort of Eye of the King, I imagine; for the Mede had just acceded to the throne, and instead of being content to live in security, he worried himself about things real and imaginary and fell into fits of fear and panic. Apollonius then and his party were brought before this satrap, who had just set up the awning on his wagon and was driving out to go somewhere else. When he saw a man so dried up and parched, he began to bawl out like a cowardly woman and hid his face, and could hardly be induced to look up at him. Whence do you come to us, he said, and who sent you? as if he was asking questions of a spirit. And Apollonius replied: I have sent myself, to see whether I can make men of you, whether you like it or not. He asked a second time who he was to come trespassing like that into the king's country, and Apollonius said: All the earth is mine, and I have a right to go all over it and through it. Whereupon the other said: I will torture you, if you don't answer my questions. And I hope, said the other, that you will do it with your own hands, so that you may be tested by the touchstone of a true man. Now the eunuch was astonished to find that Apollonius needed no interpreter, but understood what he said without the least trouble or difficulty.By the gods, he said, who are you? this time altering his tone to a whine of entreaty. And Apollonius replied: Since you have asked me civilly this time and not so rudely as before, listen, I will tell you who I am: I am Apollonius of Tyana, and my road leads me to the king of India, because I want to acquaint myself with the country there; and I shall be glad to meet your king, for those who have associated with him say that he is no bad fellow, and certainly he is not, if he is this Vardanes who has lately recovered the empire which he had lost. He is the same, replied the other, O divine Apollonius; for we have heard of you a long time ago, and in favor of so wise a man as you he would, I am sure, step down off his golden throne and send your party to India, each of you mounted on a camel. And I myself now invite you to be my guest, and I beg to present you with these treasures. And at the moment he pointed out a store of gold to him saying: Take as may handfuls as you like, fill your hands, not once, but ten times. And when Apollonius refused the money he said: Well, at any rate you will take some of the Babylonian wine, which the king bestows on us, his ten satraps. Take a jar of it, with some roast steaks of bacon and venison and some meal and bread and anything else you like. For the road after this, for many stades, leads through villages which are ill-stocked with provision. And here the eunuch caught himself up and said: Oh! ye gods, what have I done? For I have heard that this man never eats the flesh of animals, nor drinks wine, and here I am inviting him to dine in a gross and ignorant manner. Well, said Apollonius, you can offer me a lighter repast and give me bread and dried fruits. I will give you, said the other, leavened bread and palm dates, like amber and of good size. And I will also supply you with vegetables, the best which the gardens of the Tigris afford. Well, said Apollonius, the wild herbs which grow free are nicer than those which are forced and artificial. They are nicer, said the satrap, I admit, but our land in the direction of Babylon is full of wormwood so that the herbs which grow in it are disagreeably bitter. In the end Apollonius accepted the satrap's offer, and as he was on the point of going away, he said: My excellent fellow, don't keep your good manners to the end another time, but begin with them. This by way of rebuking him for saying that he would torture him, and for the barbaric language which he had heard to begin with. 1.23. And as he advanced into the Cissian country and was already close to Babylon, he was visited by a dream, and the god who revealed it to him fashioned its imagery as follows: there were fishes which had been cast up from the sea on to the land, and they were gasping, and uttering a lament almost human, and bewailing that they had quitted their element; and they were begging a dolphin that was swimming past the shore to help them in their misery, just like human beings who are weeping in a foreign land. Apollonius was not in the least frightened by his dream, and proceeded to conjecture its meaning and drift; but he was determined to give Damis a shock, for he found that he was the most nervous of men. So he related his vision to him, and feigned as if it foreboded evil. But Damis began to bellow as if he had seen the dream himself, and tried to dissuade Apollonius from going any further, Lest, he said, we also like fishes get thrown out of our element and perish, and have to weep and wail in a foreign land. Nay, we may even be reduced to straits, and have to go down on our knees to some potentate or king, who will flout us as the dolphins did the fishes. Then Apollonius laughed and said: You've not become a philosopher yet, if you are afraid of this sort of thing. But I will explain to you the real drift of the dream. For this land of Cissia is habited by the Eretrians, who were brought up here from Euboea by Darius five hundred years ago, and they are said to have been treated at their capture like the fishes that we saw in the dream; for they were netted in, so they say, and captured one and all. It would seem then that the gods are instructing me to visit them and tend their needs, supposing I can do anything for them. And perhaps also the souls of the Greeks whose lot was cast in this part of the world are enlisting my aid for their land. Let us then go and diverge from the highroad and ask only about the well, hard by where the settlement is. Now this well is said to consist of a mixture of pitch and oil and water, and if you draw up a bucket and pour it out, these three elements divide and part themselves from one another. That he really did visit Cissia, he himself acknowledges in a letter which he wrote to the sophist of Clazomenae; for he was so kind an loyal, that when he saw the Eretrians, he remembered the sophist and wrote to him an account of what he had seen, and of what he had done for them; and all through this letter he urges the sophist to take pity on the Eretrians, and prays him, every time that he is declaiming a discourse about them, not to deprecate even the shedding of tears over their fate. 1.24. And the record which Damis left about the Eretrians is in harmony with this. For they live in the country of the Medes, not far distant from Babylon, a day's journey for a fleet traveler; but their country is without cities; for the whole of Cissia consists of villages, except for a race of nomads that also inhabits it, men who seldom dismount from their horses. And the settlement of the Eretrians is in the center of the rest, and the river is carried round it in a trench, for they say that they themselves diverted it round the village in order to form a rampart of defense against the barbarians of the country. But the soil is drenched with pitch, and is bitter to plant in; and the inhabitants are very short lived, because the pitch in the water forms a sediment in most of their bowels. And they get their sustece off a bit of rising ground on the confines of their village, where the ground rises above the tainted country; on this they sow their crops and regard it as their land. And they say that they have heard from the natives that 780 of the Eretrians were captured, not of course all of them fighting men; for there was a certain number of women and old men among them; and there was, I imagine, a certain number of children too, for the greater portion of the population of Eretria had fled to Caphereus and to the loftiest peaks of Euboea. But anyhow the men who were brought up numbered about 400, and there were ten women perhaps; but the rest, who had started from Ionia and Lydia, perished as they were marching up. And they managed to open a quarry on the hill; and as some of them understood the art of cutting stone, they built sanctuaries in the Greek style and a market-place large enough for their purpose; and they dedicated various altars, two to Darius, and one to Xerxes, and several to Daridaeus. But up to the time of Daridaeus, 88 years after their capture, they continued to write in the manner of the Greeks, and what is more, their ancient graves are inscribed with the legend: So and so, the son of so and so. And though the letters are Greek, they said that they never yet had seen the like. And there were ships engraved on the tombstones, to show that the various individuals had lived in Euboea, and engaged either in seafaring trade, or in that of purple, as sailors or as dyers; and they say that they read an Elegiac inscription written over the sepulcher of some sailors and seafarers, which ran thus:Here, we who once sailed over the deep-flowing billows of the Aegean seaAre lying in the midst of the plain of Ecbatana.Farewell, once-famed fatherland of Eretria, farewell Athens,Ye neighbor of Euboea, farewell thou darling sea.Well, Damis says that Apollonius restored the tombs that had gone to ruin and closed them up, and that he poured out libations and made offering to their inmates, all that religion demands, except that he did not slay or sacrifice any victim; then after weeping and in an access of emotion, he delivered himself of the following apostrophe in their midst:Ye Eretrians, who by the lot of fortune have been brought hither, ye, even if ye are far from your own land, have at least received burial; but those who cast you hither perished unburied round the shores of your island ten years after yourself; for the gods brought about this calamity in the Hollows of Euboea.And Apollonius at the end of his letter to the sophist writes as follows: I also attended, O Scopelianus, to your Eretrians, while I was still a young man; and I gave what help I could both to their dead and their living. What attention then did he show to their living? This — the barbarians in the neighborhood of the hill, when the Eretrians sowed their seed upon it, would come in summertime and plunder their crops, so that they had to starve and see the fruits of their husbandry go to others. When therefore he reached the king, he took pains to secure for them the sole use of the hill. 1.25. I FOUND the following to be an account of the sage's stay in Babylon, and of all we need to know about Babylon. The fortifications of Babylon extend 480 stadia and form a complete circle, and its wall is three half plethrons high, but less than a plethron [ 1] in breadth. And it is cut asunder by the river Euphrates, into halves of similar shape; and there passes underneath the river an extraordinary bridge which joins together by an unseen passage the palaces on either bank. For it is said that a woman, Medea, was formerly queen of those parts, who spanned the river underneath in a manner in which no river was ever bridged before; for she got stones, it is said, and copper and pitch and all that men have discovered for use in masonry under water, and she piled these up along the banks of the river. Then she diverted the stream into lakes; and as soon as the river was dry, she dug down two fathoms, and made a hollow tunnel, which she caused to debouch into the palaces on either bank like a subterranean grotto; and she roofed it on a level with the bed of the stream. The foundations were thus made stable, and also the walls of the tunnel; but as the pitch required water in order to set as hard as stone, the Euphrates was let in again on the roof while still soft, and so the junction stood solid. And the palaces are roofed with bronze, and a glitter goes off from them; but the chambers of the women and of the men and the porticos are adorned partly with silver, and partly with golden tapestries or curtains, and partly with solid gold in the form of pictures; but the subjects embroidered on the stuffs are taken by them from Hellenic story, Andromedas being represented, and Amymonae, and you see Perseus frequently. And they delight in Orpheus, perhaps out of regard for his peaked cap and breeches, for it cannot be for his music or the songs with which he charmed and soothed others. And woven into the pattern you perceive Datis tearing up Naxos out of the sea, and Artaphernes beleaguering Eretria, and such battles of Xerxes as he said he won. For there is, of course, the occupation of Athens and Thermopylae, and other pictures still more to the Median taste, such as rivers drained from off the land and a bridge over the sea and the piercing of Athos. But they say that they also visited a man's apartment of which the roof had been carried up in the form of a dome, to resemble in a manner the heavens, and that it was roofed with lapis lazuli, a stone that is very blue and like heaven to the eye; and there were images of the gods, which they worship, fixed aloft, and looking like golden figures shining out of the ether. And it is here that the king gives judgment, and golden wrynecks are hung from the ceiling, to remind him of Adrastea, the goddess of justice, and to engage him not to exalt himself above humanity. These figures the Magi themselves say they arranged; for they have access to the palace, and they call them the tongues of the gods. 1.33. SINCE the king said that he was more pleased and delighted with his arrival than if he had added to his own possessions the wealth of Persia and India, and added that Apollonius must be his guest and share with him the royal roof, Apollonius remarked: Supposing, O king, that you came to my country of Tyana and I invited you to live where I live, would you care to do so? Why no, answered the king, unless I had a house to live in that was big enough to accommodate not only my escort and bodyguard, but myself as well, in a handsome manner. Then, said the other, I may use the same argument to you; for if I am housed above my rank, I shall be ill at ease, for superfluity distresses wise men more than deficiency distresses you. Let me therefore be entertained by some private person who has the same means as myself, and I will visit with you as often as you like. The king conceded this point, lest he should be betrayed into doing anything that might annoy him, and Apollonius took up his quarters with a gentleman of Babylon of good character and besides high-minded. But before he had finished dinner one of the eunuchs presented himself and addressed him thus: The king, he said, bestows upon you ten presents, and leaves you free to name them; but he is anxious that you should not ask for small trifles, for he wishes to exhibit to you and to us his generosity. Apollonius commended the message, and asked: Then when am I to ask for them? And the messenger replied: To-morrow, and at once went off to all the king's friends and kinsmen and bade them be present when the sage should prefer his demand and receive the honor. But Damis says that he expected him to ask for nothing, because he had studied his character and knew that he offered to the gods the following prayer: O ye gods, grant unto me to have little and to want nothing. However, as he saw him much preoccupied and, as it were, brooding, he determined that he was going to ask and anxiously turning over in his mind, what he should ask. But at eventide: Damis, said Apollonius, I am thinking over with myself the question of why the barbarians have regarded eunuchs as men sufficiently chaste to be allowed the free entry of the women's apartments. But, answered the other, O Apollonius, a child could tell you. For inasmuch as the operation has deprived them of the faculty, they are freely admitted into those apartments, no matter how far their wishes may go. But do you suppose the operation has removed their desires or the further aptitude? Both, replied Damis, for if you extinguish in a man the unruly member that lashes the body to madness, the fit of passion will come on him no more. After a brief pause, Apollonius said: To-morrow, Damis, you shall learn that even eunuchs are liable to fall in love, and that the desire which is contracted through the eyes is not extinguished in them, but abides alive and ready to burst into a flame; for that will occur which will refute your opinion. And even if there were really any human art of such tyrannical force that it could expel such feelings from the heart, I do not see how we could ever attribute to them any chastity of character, seeing that they would have no choice, having been by sheer force and artificially deprived of the faculty of falling in love. For chastity consists in not yielding to passion when the longing and impulse is felt, and in the abstinence which rises superior to this form of madness. Accordingly Damis answered and said: Here is a thing that we will examine another time, O Apollonius; but we had better consider now that answer you can make to-morrow to the king's magnificent offer. For you will perhaps ask for nothing at all, but you should be careful and be on your guard lest you should seem to decline any gift the king may offer, as they say, out of mere empty pride, for you see the land that you are in and that we are wholly in his power. And you must be on your guard against the accusation of treating him with contempt, and understand, that although we have sufficient means to carry us to India, yet what we have will not be sufficient to bring us back thence, and we have no other supply to fall back upon. 1.35. Now when the eunuch arrived and summoned him before the king, he said: I will come as soon as I have duly discharged my religious duties. Accordingly he sacrificed and offered his prayer, and then departed, and everyone looked at him and wondered at his bearing. And when he had come within, the king said: I present you with ten gifts, because I consider you such a man as never before has come hither from Hellas. And he answered and said: I will not, O king, decline all your gifts; but there is one which I prefer to may tens of gifts, and for that I will most eagerly solicit. And he at one told the story of the Eretrians, beginning it from the time of Datis. I ask then, he said, that these poor people should not be driven away from their borders and from the hill, but should be left to cultivate the span of earth, which Darius allowed them; for it is very hard if they are not to be allowed to retain the land which was substituted for their own when they were driven out of the latter. The king then consented and said: The Eretrians were, until yesterday, the enemies of myself and of my fathers; for they once took up arms against us, and they have been neglected in order that their race might perish; but henceforth they shall be written among my friends, and they shall have, as a satrap, a good man who will judge their country justly. But why, he said, will you not accept the other nine gifts? Because, he answered, I have not yet, O king, made any friends here. And do you yourself require nothing? said the king. Yes, he said, I need dried fruits and bread, for that is a repast which delights me and which I find magnificent.
19. Tertullian, Prescription Against Heretics, 36.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (in syria) (antakya), montanism at? Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 61
20. Tertullian, Against Praxeas, 1.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (in syria) (antakya), montanism at? Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 61
21. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 11.7-11.17 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria) Found in books: Belayche and Massa (2021) 151
11.7. When the divine image had spoken these words, she vanished away! By and by, when I awoke, I arose with the members of my body mixed with fear, joy and sweat. I marveled at the clear presence of the powerful goddess and, being sprinkled with the water of the sea, I recounted in order her admonitions and divine commands. Soon after, when the darkness was chased away and the clear and golden sun rose, behold, I saw the streets filled with people going in a religious sort and in great triumph. All things seemed that day to be joyful. Every beast and house, and indeed the very day itself seemed to rejoice. For after a frosty morning a hot and temperate rose and the little birds, thinking that the spring time had come, chirped and sang melodiously to the mother of stars, the parent of times, and mistress of all the world! The fruitful trees rejoiced at their fertility. The barren and sterile were contented to provide shadows. All rendering sweet and pleasant sounds with their branches. The seas were quiet from winds and tempests. In heaven the clouds had been chased away, and the sky appeared fair and clear with its proper light. 11.8. Behold, then more and more there appeared the parades and processions. The people were attired in regal manner and singing joyfully. One was girded about the middle like a man of arms. Another was bare and spare, and had a cloak and high shoes like a hunter! Another was attired in a robe of silk and socks of gold, having his hair laid out and dressed like a woman! There was another who wore leg harnesses and bore a shield, a helmet, and a spear like a martial soldier. After him marched one attired in purple, with vergers before him like a magistrate! After him followed one with a cloak, a staff, a pair of sandals, and a gray beard, signifying that he was a philosopher. After him came one with a line, betokening a fowler. Another came with hooks, declaring him a fisherman. I saw there a meek and tame bear which, dressed like a matron, was carried on a stool. An ape, with a bonnet on his head and covered with a Phrygian garment, resembled a shepherd, and bore a cup of gold in his hand. There was an ass, which had wings glued to his back and followed an old man: you would judge the one to be Pegasus, and the other Bellerophon. 11.9. Amongst the pleasures and popular delights which wandered hither and thither, you might see the procession of the goddess triumphantly marching forward. The women, attired in white vestments and rejoicing because they wore garlands and flowers upon their heads, bedspread the road with herbs which they bare in their aprons. This marked the path this regal and devout procession would pass. Others carried mirrors on their backs to testify obeisance to the goddess who came after. Other bore combs of ivory and declared by the gesture and motions of their arms that they were ordained and ready to dress the goddess. Others dropped balm and other precious ointments as they went. Then came a great number of men as well as women with candles, torches, and other lights, doing honor to the celestial goddess. After that sounded the musical harmony of instruments. Then came a fair company of youths, appareled in white vestments, singing both meter and verse a comely song which some studious poet had made in honor of the Muses. In the meantime there arrived the blowers of trumpets, who were dedicated to the god Serapis. Before them were officers who prepared room for the goddess to pass. 11.10. Then came the great company of men and women who had taken divine orders and whose garments glistened all the streets over. The women had their hair anointed and their heads covered with linen. But the men had their crowns shaven, which were like earthly stars of the goddess. They held in their hands instruments of brass, silver and gold, which rendered a pleasant sound. The principal priests, who were appareled with white surpluses hanging down to the ground, bore the relics of the powerful goddess. One carried in his hand a light, not unlike to those which we used in our houses, except that in the middle of it there was a bole which rendered a brighter flame. The second, attired like the other, bore in his hand an altar which the goddess herself named the succor of nations. The third held a tree of palm, with leaves of gold, and the verge of Mercury. The fourth showed a token of equity in his left hand, which was deformed in every place, signifying more equity then by the right hand. The same priest carried a round vessel of gold in the form of a cap. The fifth bore a van, wrought with springs of gold, and another carried a vessel for wine. 11.11. By and by, after the goddess, there followed gods on foot. There was Anubis, the messenger of the gods infernal and celestial, with his face sometimes black, sometimes faire, lifting up the head of a dog and bearing in his left hand his verge, and in his right hand the branches of a palm tree. After whom followed a cow with an upright gait, representing the figure of the great goddess. He who guided her marched on with much gravity. Another carried the secrets of their religion closed in a coffer. There was one who bore on his stomach a figure of his god, not formed like any beast, bird, savage thing or humane shape, but made by a new invention. This signified that such a religion could not be discovered or revealed to any person. There was a vessel wrought with a round bottom, having on the one side pictures figured in the manner of the Egyptians, and on the other side was an ear on which stood the serpent Aspis, holding out his scaly neck. 11.12. Finally came he who was appointed to my good fortune, according to the promise of the goddess. For the great priest, who bore the restoration of my human shape by the command of the goddess, approached ever closer bearing in his left hand the rattle, and in the other a garland of roses to give me. This was to deliver me from cruel fortune, which was always my enemy after I had suffered so much calamity and pain and had endured so many perils. I did not approach hastily, though I was seized by sudden joy, lest I disturb the quiet procession by my eagerness. But going softly through the press of the people (which gave way to me on every side) I went up to the priest. 11.13. The priest, having been advised the night before, stood still and holding out his hand, and thrust out the garland of roses into my mouth. I (trembling) devoured it with a great eagerness. And as soon as I had eaten them, I found that the promise made to me had not been in vain. For my deformed face changed, and first the rugged hair of my body fell off, my thick skin grew soft and tender, the hooves of my feet changed into toes, my hands returned again, my neck grew short, my head and mouth became round, my long ears were made little, my great and stony teeth grew more like the teeth of men, and my tail, which had burdened me most, disappeared. Then the people began to marvel. The religious honored the goddess for so evident a miracle. They wondered at the visions which they saw in the night, and the ease of my restoration, whereby they rendered testimony of so great a benefit that I had received from the goddess. 11.14. When I saw myself in such a state, I stood still a while and said nothing. I could not tell what to say, nor what word I should speak first, nor what thanks I should render to the goddess. But the great priest, understanding all my fortune and misery through divine warning, commanded that someone should give me garments to cover myself with. However, as soon as I was transformed from an ass to my humane shape, I hid my private parts with my hands as shame and necessity compelled me. Then one of the company took off his upper robe and put it on my back. This done, the priest looked upon me and with a sweet and benign voice said: 11.15. “O my friend Lucius, after the enduring so many labors and escaping so many tempests of fortune, you have at length come to the port and haven of rest and mercy. Your noble linage, your dignity, your education, or any thing else did not avail you. But you have endured so many servile pleasures due to the folly of youth. Thusly you have had an unpleasant reward for your excessive curiosity. But however the blindness of Fortune has tormented you in various dangers, so it is now that, unbeknownst to her, you have come to this present felicity. Let Fortune go and fume with fury in another place. Let her find some other matter on which to execute her cruelty. Fortune has no power against those who serve and honor our goddess. What good did it do her that you endured thieves, savage beasts, great servitude, dangerous waits, long journeys, and fear of death every day? Know that now you are safe and under the protection of her who, by her clear light, brightens the other gods. Wherefore rejoice and take a countece appropriate to your white garment. Follow the parade of this devout and honorable procession so that those who do not worship the goddess may see and acknowledge their error. Behold Lucius, you are delivered from so great miseries by the providence of the goddess Isis. Rejoice therefore and triumph in the victory over fortune. And so that you may live more safe and sure, make yourself one of this holy order. Dedicate your mind to our religion and take upon yourself the voluntary yoke of ministry. And when you begin to serve and honor the goddess, then you shall feel the fruit of your liberty.” 11.16. After the great priest had prophesied in this manner, he, regaining his breath, made a conclusion of his words. Then I went amongst the rest of the company and followed the procession. Everyone of the people knew me and, pointing at me with their fingers, spoke in this way, “Behold him who was this day transformed into a man by the power of the sovereign goddess. Verily he is blessed and most blessed, who has merited such great grace from heaven both because of the innocence of his former life. He has been reborn in the service of the goddess. In the meantime, little by little we approached near to the sea cost, near that place where I lay the night before, still an ass. Thereafter the images and relics were disposed in order. The great priest was surrounded by various pictures according to the fashion of the Aegyptians. He dedicated and consecrated with certain prayers a fair ship made very cunningly, and purified it with a torch, an egg, and sulfur. The sail was of white linen cloth on which was written certain letters which testified that the navigation would be prosperous. The mast was of a great length, made of a pine tree, round and very excellent with a shining top. The cabin was covered over with coverings of gold, and the whole ship was made of citron tree, very fair. Then all the people, religious as well as profane, took a great number of baskets filled with odors and pleasant smells and threw them into the sea, mingled with milk, until the ship was filled with many gifts and prosperous devotions. Then, with a pleasant wind, the ship was launched out into the deep. But when they had lost the sight of the ship, every man carried again that he brought, and went toward the temple in like procession and order as they had come to the sea side. 11.17. When we had come to the temple, the great priest and those who were assigned to carry the divine images (but especially those who had long been worshippers of the religion) went into the secret chamber of the goddess where they placed the images in order. This done, one of the company, who was a scribe or interpreter of letters, in the manner of a preacher stood up on a chair before the holy college and began to read out of a book. He began pronounce benedictions upon the great emperor, the senate, the knights, and generally to all the Roman people, and to all who are under the jurisdiction of Rome. These words following signified the end of their divine service and that it was lawful for every man to depart. Whereupon all the people gave a great shout and, filled with much joy, bore all kind of herbs and garlands of flowers home to their houses, kissing and embracing the steps where the goddess had passed. However, I could not do as the rest did, for my mind would not allow me to depart one foot away. This was how eager I was to behold the beauty of the goddess, remembering the great misery I had endured.
22. Irenaeus, Refutation of All Heresies, 3.3.4, 5.33.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Huttner (2013) 213
23. Aelius Aristides, Orations, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •zeus soter, in antioch in syria Found in books: Jim (2022) 71
24. Anon., Acts of Paul, 108, 13 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huttner (2013) 207
25. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 8.43.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •zeus soter, in antioch in syria Found in books: Jim (2022) 71
8.43.3. ὁ δὲ Ἀντωνῖνος, ὅτῳ καὶ ἐς Παλλαντιεῖς ἐστιν εὐεργετήματα, πόλεμον μὲν Ῥωμαίοις ἐθελοντὴς ἐπηγάγετο οὐδένα, πολέμου δὲ ἄρξαντας Μαύρους, Λιβύων τῶν αὐτονόμων τὴν μεγίστην μοῖραν, νομάδας τε ὄντας καὶ τοσῷδε ἔτι δυσμαχωτέρους τοῦ Σκυθικοῦ γένους ὅσῳ μὴ ἐπὶ ἁμαξῶν, ἐπὶ ἵππων δὲ αὐτοί τε καὶ αἱ γυναῖκες ἠλῶντο, τούτους μὲν ἐξ ἁπάσης ἐλαύνων τῆς χώρας ἐς τὰ ἔσχατα ἠνάγκασεν ἀναφυγεῖν Λιβύης, ἐπί τε Ἄτλαντα τὸ ὄρος καὶ ἐς τοὺς πρὸς τῷ Ἄτλαντι ἀνθρώπους· 8.43.3. Antoninus, the benefactor of PalIantium, never willingly involved the Romans in war; but when the Moors (who form the greatest part of the independent Libyans, being nomads, and more formidable enemies than even the Scythians in that they wandered, not on wagons, but on horseback with their womenfolk), when these, I say, began an unprovoked war, he drove them from all their country, forcing them to flee to the extreme parts of Libya , right up to Mount Atlas and to the people living on it.
26. Eusebius of Caesarea, Martyrs of Palestine, 3.3, 4.8-4.9, 9.4-9.5 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (in syria) (antakya) Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 212
27. Eusebius of Caesarea, Life of Constantine, 3.16, 3.19.1, 3.64-3.66, 4.24 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), •antioch (in syria) (antakya) Found in books: Huttner (2013) 287; Tabbernee (2007) 286, 302
3.16. After the celebration of this brilliant festival, the emperor courteously received all his guests, and generously added to the favors he had already bestowed by personally presenting gifts to each individual according to his rank. He also gave information of the proceedings of the synod to those who had not been present, by a letter in his own hand-writing. And this letter also I will inscribe as it were on some monument by inserting it in this my narrative of his life. It was as follows: 3.64. Victor Constantinus, Maximus Augustus, to the heretics. Understand now, by this present statute, you Novatians, Valentinians, Marcionites, Paulians, you who are called Cataphrygians, and all you who devise and support heresies by means of your private assemblies, with what a tissue of falsehood and vanity, with what destructive and venomous errors, your doctrines are inseparably interwoven; so that through you the healthy soul is stricken with disease, and the living becomes the prey of everlasting death. You haters and enemies of truth and life, in league with destruction! All your counsels are opposed to the truth, but familiar with deeds of baseness; full of absurdities and fictions: and by these ye frame falsehoods, oppress the innocent, and withhold the light from them that believe. Ever trespassing under the mask of godliness, you fill all things with defilement: ye pierce the pure and guileless conscience with deadly wounds, while you withdraw, one may almost say, the very light of day from the eyes of men. But why should I particularize, when to speak of your criminality as it deserves demands more time and leisure than I can give? For so long and unmeasured is the catalogue of your offenses, so hateful and altogether atrocious are they, that a single day would not suffice to recount them all. And, indeed, it is well to turn one's ears and eyes from such a subject, lest by a description of each particular evil, the pure sincerity and freshness of one's own faith be impaired. Why then do I still bear with such abounding evil; especially since this protracted clemency is the cause that some who were sound have become tainted with this pestilent disease? Why not at once strike, as it were, at the root of so great a mischief by a public manifestation of displeasure? 3.65. Forasmuch, then, as it is no longer possible to bear with your pernicious errors, we give warning by this present statute that none of you henceforth presume to assemble yourselves together. We have directed, accordingly, that you be deprived of all the houses in which you are accustomed to hold your assemblies: and our care in this respect extends so far as to forbid the holding of your superstitious and senseless meetings, not in public merely, but in any private house or place whatsoever. Let those of you, therefore, who are desirous of embracing the true and pure religion, take the far better course of entering the catholic Church, and uniting with it in holy fellowship, whereby you will be enabled to arrive at the knowledge of the truth. In any case, the delusions of your perverted understandings must entirely cease to mingle with and mar the felicity of our present times: I mean the impious and wretched double-mindedness of heretics and schismatics. For it is an object worthy of that prosperity which we enjoy through the favor of God, to endeavor to bring back those who in time past were living in the hope of future blessing, from all irregularity and error to the right path, from darkness to light, from vanity to truth, from death to salvation. And in order that this remedy may be applied with effectual power, we have commanded, as before said, that you be positively deprived of every gathering point for your superstitious meetings, I mean all the houses of prayer, if such be worthy of the name, which belong to heretics, and that these be made over without delay to the catholic Church; that any other places be confiscated to the public service, and no facility whatever be left for any future gathering; in order that from this day forward none of your unlawful assemblies may presume to appear in any public or private place. Let this edict be made public. 3.66. Thus were the lurking-places of the heretics broken up by the emperor's command, and the savage beasts they harbored (I mean the chief authors of their impious doctrines) driven to flight. of those whom they had deceived, some, intimidated by the emperor's threats, disguising their real sentiments, crept secretly into the Church. For since the law directed that search should be made for their books, those of them who practiced evil and forbidden arts were detected, and these were ready to secure their own safety by dissimulation of every kind. Others, however, there were, who voluntarily and with real sincerity embraced a better hope. Meantime the prelates of the several churches continued to make strict inquiry, utterly rejecting those who attempted an entrance under the specious disguise of false pretenses, while those who came with sincerity of purpose were proved for a time, and after sufficient trial numbered with the congregation. Such was the treatment of those who stood charged with rank heresy: those, however, who maintained no impious doctrine, but had been separated from the one body through the influence of schismatic advisers, were received without difficulty or delay. Accordingly, numbers thus revisited, as it were, their own country after an absence in a foreign land, and acknowledged the Church as a mother from whom they had wandered long, and to whom they now returned with joy and gladness. Thus the members of the entire body became united, and compacted in one harmonious whole; and the one catholic Church, at unity with itself, shone with full luster, while no heretical or schismatic body anywhere continued to exist. And the credit of having achieved this mighty work our Heaven-protected emperor alone, of all who had gone before him, was able to attribute to himself. 4.24. Hence it was not without reason that once, on the occasion of his entertaining a company of bishops, he let fall the expression, that he himself too was a bishop, addressing them in my hearing in the following words: You are bishops whose jurisdiction is within the Church: I also am a bishop, ordained by God to overlook whatever is external to the Church. And truly his measures corresponded with his words: for he watched over his subjects with an episcopal care, and exhorted them as far as in him lay to follow a godly life.
28. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 3.34, 3.36.1, 3.39.1, 4.26.2, 4.27, 5.16.3-5.16.5, 5.16.17, 5.17.1, 5.18.13, 5.19.1-5.19.4, 5.24.2-5.24.5, 6.3.1, 6.6, 6.12, 6.12.1, 6.12.3-6.12.4, 6.27, 6.41.7, 16.13.1 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 212
6.41.7. But I, God knows, thought at first that they were robbers who had come for spoil and plunder. So I remained upon the bed on which I was, clothed only in a linen garment, and offered them the rest of my clothing which was lying beside me. But they directed me to rise and come away quickly. 6.41.7. Then they seized also that most admirable virgin, Apollonia, an old woman, and, smiting her on the jaws, broke out all her teeth. And they made a fire outside the city and threatened to burn her alive if she would not join with them in their impious cries. And she, supplicating a little, was released, when she leaped eagerly into the fire and was consumed.
29. Cyprian, Letters, 75.7 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (in syria) (antakya) Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 286
30. Pseudo-Justinus, Letters, 1.5 (3rd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (in syria) (antakya), montanism at? Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 61
31. Cyprian, Letters, 75.7 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (in syria) (antakya) Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 286
32. Cyprian, Letters, 75.7 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (in syria) (antakya) Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 286
33. Cyprian, Letters To Jovian, 75.7 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (in syria) (antakya) Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 286
34. Cyprian, Letters, 75.7 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (in syria) (antakya) Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 286
35. Julian (Emperor), Letters, 49 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Bay (2022) 24
36. Julian (Emperor), Letters, 49 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Bay (2022) 24
37. Julian (Emperor), Letters, 49 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Bay (2022) 24
38. John Chrysostom, Homilies On Matthew, 66.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Bay (2022) 24
39. John Chrysostom, Against The Jews, 6.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), chrysostom’s preaching in Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 136
40. Libanius, Orations, 30 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), chrysostom’s preaching in Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 135
41. Basil of Caesarea, Letters, 188.1 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (in syria) (antakya) Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 286
42. Epiphanius, Panarion, 75.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Bay (2022) 24
43. Basil of Caesarea, Letters, 188.1 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (in syria) (antakya) Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 286
44. Libanius, Letters, 1084, 1251, 914, 917, 973-974 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 136
45. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 23.5.3 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Bay (2022) 24
23.5.3. For once upon a time at Antioch, amid deep silence, Or perhaps, in a time of profound peace. an actor of mimes, who with his wife had been presented in stage-plays, was presenting some scenes from everyday life. And while all the people were amazed at the charm of the performance, the wife suddenly cried: Is it a dream, or are the Persians here? Whereupon all the people turned their heads about and then fled in all directions, to avoid the arrows that were showered upon them from the citadel. Thus the city was set on fire, and many people who were carelessly wandering about, as in time of peace, were butchered; neighbouring places were burned and devastated, and the enemy, laden with plunder, returned home without the loss of a single man. Mareades, who had inconsiderately brought the Persians there to the destruction of his own people, was burned alive. This took place in the time of Gallienus. 260-268; according to others, it was in the time of his father Valerian.
46. Synesius of Cyrene, Letters, 5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Bay (2022) 180
47. Synesius of Cyrene, Letters, 5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Bay (2022) 180
48. Theodoret of Cyrus, Compendium Against Heresies, 3.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Huttner (2013) 256
49. Orosius Paulus, Historiae Adversum Paganos, 7.7.4-7.7.12 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Huttner (2013) 101
50. Jerome, Letters, 41.4, 77.10 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bay (2022) 24; Tabbernee (2007) 296
51. Jerome, Letters, 41.4, 77.10 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bay (2022) 24; Tabbernee (2007) 296
52. Jerome, Letters, 41.4, 77.10 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (in syria) (antakya) •antioch (syria), Found in books: Bay (2022) 24; Tabbernee (2007) 296
53. Theodosius Ii Emperor of Rome, Theodosian Code, 16.7.3, 16.8.25 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), chrysostom’s preaching in •antioch (syria), simeon the stylite and Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 120, 245
54. Gelasius of Cyzicus, Historia Ecclesiastica, 2.28.9 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Huttner (2013) 290
55. Evagrius Scholasticus, Ecclesiastical History, 1.13 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), simeon the stylite and Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 205, 245
56. Epigraphy, Ritti / Baysal / Miranda / Guizzi 2008, 203, 191  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huttner (2013) 274
57. Synkellos, Ecloga Chronographica, 407, 410  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huttner (2013) 101
58. Council of Nicaea (325), Canons, 6  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Huttner (2013) 290
59. Epigraphy, Ala 2004, 91  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Huttner (2013) 280
60. Councils, Turner 1907, 32  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Huttner (2013) 280
61. Epigraphy, Ameling 2004, 212  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Huttner (2013) 231
62. Epigraphy, Ritti 2006, 29  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Huttner (2013) 275, 311
63. Epigraphy, Tam, 652  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria) Found in books: Dignas (2002) 131
64. Augustine, Tractate On The Gospel of John, 97.4  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Bay (2022) 24
65. Epigraphy, Balland, Xanthos (Vii), 11  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria) Found in books: Dignas (2002) 131
66. Council of Arel., Canons, 1  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Huttner (2013) 287
67. Eusebius, Chronographia, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huttner (2013) 101
68. Hilarius, Fragmenta Historica, 4.3.59  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Huttner (2013) 290
69. Severus of Minorca, Epistles, 8.4  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Bay (2022) 180
70. Anon., Mart. Just., 1.1-1.2  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (in syria) (antakya) Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 212
71. Epigraphy, Judeich 1898, 22, 81  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huttner (2013) 280
72. John of Nicou, Pg, 89.23  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), john malalas on jews in •antioch (syria), desecration of jewish cemetary in Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 280
73. Council of Ant. (341), Canons, 9  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Huttner (2013) 290
74. Hieronymus, Chronographia, 193, 23-194, 2  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huttner (2013) 213
75. Various, Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huttner (2013) 320
76. Epigraphy, Ritti 2004, 1  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Huttner (2013) 274
77. Epigraphy, Tabbernee 1997, 82, 92  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huttner (2013) 275
78. Epigraphy, BeˇSevliev 1964, 220  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Huttner (2013) 275
79. John Malalas, History, 10.27, 10.235.6-10.235.7, 10.262.3, 10.263.16, 11.8, 15.15, 16.6  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), •antioch (syria) •zeus soter, in antioch in syria •antioch (syria), john malalas on jews in •antioch (syria), desecration of jewish cemetary in Found in books: Dignas (2002) 131; Huttner (2013) 101; Jim (2022) 71; Kraemer (2020) 279, 280
80. Anon., Martyrologium Hieronymianum, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huttner (2013) 341
81. Epigraphy, I. Mont, 2, 1  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 279
82. Epigraphy, Ijo 2, 39, 16  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 281
83. Epigraphy, Lscg, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006) 262
84. Epigraphy, Cig, 4.8953  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (in syria) (antakya) Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 302
85. Epigraphy, Cil, 3.1312  Tagged with subjects: •antioch, syria Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 281
87. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,4, 542-544, 541  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022) 71
88. Epigraphy, Ik Anazarbos, 49  Tagged with subjects: •zeus soter, in antioch in syria Found in books: Jim (2022) 71
89. Epigraphy, Fd, 26, 16  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013) 124
90. Epigraphy, Ils, 1593, 6870  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013) 124
91. Jerome, Ep. Ad Avit., 10.51  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syrian) Found in books: Demoen and Praet (2009) 221
92. Epigraphy, Iscr. Di Cos, None  Tagged with subjects: •zeus soter, in antioch in syria Found in books: Jim (2022) 71
93. Meleager, Ap, 3.3, 4.8-4.9, 9.4-9.5  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (in syria) (antakya) Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 212
94. Papyri, Pgurob, 4.8  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (in syria) (antakya) Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 286
96. Epigraphy, Ogis, 762  Tagged with subjects: •antioch, syrian Found in books: Ando (2013) 124
97. Epigraphy, Seg, 42.785, 54.1298  Tagged with subjects: •antioch, syria •antioch (syria), Found in books: Huttner (2013) 274; Stavrianopoulou (2006) 262
98. Epigraphy, Tam Ii, 404, 403  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022) 71
99. Anon., Life of Simon Stylites, 121-123  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 205, 245
100. Pseudo-Hegesippus, Historiae, 1.1.8, 1.30.13, 1.41.1, 3.2, 3.5.2, 5.22, 5.31.2  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), Found in books: Bay (2022) 24, 180
102. Kaibel, Epigrammata Graeca (1878), 646, 151  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006) 262
103. Epigraphy, Ricis, a b c d\n0 2.*512/0101 2.*512/0101 2 *512/0101  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria) Found in books: Belayche and Massa (2021) 152
104. Council of Laodicea [Between Ca.343-381], Can., 7-8, 11  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huttner (2013) 311; Tabbernee (2007) 302
105. Michael The Syrian, Chron., 9.3  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (in syria) (antakya) Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 279
106. Anon., Life of Barsauma, 190-197, 199-201, 198  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 264
107. Anon., Miracula St. Demetrii, 8.19.1  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (in syria) (antakya) Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 53
109. Anon., Letter of Aristeas, 36.2  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (in syria) (antakya), montanism at? Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 61
110. John of Ephesus, Hist. Eccl., 3.2, 3.13, 3.32, 3.36-3.37  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (in syria) (antakya) Found in books: Tabbernee (2007) 279
111. Socrates of Constantinople, Ecclesiastical History, 7.38  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), eudokia received by jews in Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 264
112. Epigraphy, Ijo 3, None  Tagged with subjects: •antioch (syria), john malalas on jews in Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 281
113. Epigraphy, I 04/19/03, None  Tagged with subjects: •antioch, syria Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006) 262