| 1. Homer, Odyssey, 1.346-1.347 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 32 |
| 2. Isocrates, Nicocles, 0 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Morrison (2020), Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography, 183 |
| 3. Theopompus of Chios, Fragments, 115 114 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 157 |
| 4. Plato, Phaedo, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 187 |
| 5. Xenophon, On Horsemanship, 1.1, 6.6, 9.8-9.9 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 69 |
| 6. Isaeus, Orations, 5.42 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 33 |
| 7. Lysias, Fragments, 30.25 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas •statues, of antigonus gonatas Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 286 |
| 8. Heraclides of Cyme, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 157 |
9. Aratus Solensis, Phaenomena, 100-130, 132-136, 96-99, 131 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Morrison (2020), Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography, 183| 131. οἳ πρῶτοι κακόεργον ἐχαλκεύσαντο μάχαιραν | |
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10. Lycophron, Alexandra, 1034-1044, 1046, 1093-1098, 384-386, 836-841, 1045 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 100| 1045. Πράκτιν παρʼ αὐτὴν αἰπὺ νάσσεται λέπας, | |
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| 11. Hermippus of Smyrna, Fragments, None (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Brouwer (2013), The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates, 120 |
12. Polybius, Histories, 5.37.10, 18.33.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 141; Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 157| 5.37.10. τοῦ δʼ εἰπόντος ὅτι παραγέγονεν ἵππους ἄγων "ἐβουλόμην ἄν σε" ἔφη "καὶ λίαν ἀντὶ τῶν ἵππων κιναίδους ἄγειν καὶ σαμβύκας· τούτων γὰρ ὁ νῦν βασιλεὺς κατεπείγεται. 18.33.2. εἰς δὲ τὴν Λάρισαν ἔτι τῇ προτεραίᾳ νυκτὶ διεπέμψατό τινα τῶν ὑπασπιστῶν, ἐντειλάμενος ἀφανίσαι καὶ κατακαῦσαι τὰ βασιλικὰ γράμματα, ποιῶν πρᾶγμα βασιλικὸν τὸ μηδʼ ἐν τοῖς δεινοῖς λήθην ποιεῖσθαι τοῦ καθήκοντος· | 5.37.10. When he told him he had brought horses to sell, Cleomenes said, "I very much wish you had brought catamites and sackbut girls instead of the horses, for those are the wares this king is after." 18.33.2. He had sent one of his aides-deâcamp on the previous night to Larisa, with orders to destroy and burn the royal correspondence, acting like a true king in not forgetting his duty even in the hour of disaster: |
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| 13. Philodemus of Gadara, De Ira \ , 8.31-8.32, 19.20-19.25 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 33 |
| 14. Philodemus, De Libertate Dicendi, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 187 |
| 15. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.4.3-2.4.7, 2.4.12-2.4.14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apelles, portrait of antigonus gonatas Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 50 |
16. Cicero, On Duties, 1.107-1.117 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 15| 1.107. Intellegendum etiam cst duabus quasi nos a natura indutos esse personis; quarum una communis est ex eo, quod omnes participes sumus rationis praestantiaeque eius, qua antecellimus bestiis, a qua omne honestum decorumque trahitur, et ex qua ratio inveniendi officii exquiritur, altera autem, quae proprie singulis est tributa. Ut enim in corporibus magnae dissimilitudines sunt (alios videmus velocitate ad cursum, alios viribus ad luctandum valere, itemque in formis aliis dignitatem inesse, aliis venustatem), sic in animis exsistunt maiores etiam varietates. 1.108. Erat in L. Crasso, in L. Philippo multus lepos, maior etiam magisque de industria in C. Caesare L. filio; at isdem temporibus in M. Scauro et in M. Druso adulescente singularis severitas, in C. Laelio multa hilaritas, in eius familiari Scipione ambitio maior, vita tristior. De Graecis autem dulcem et facetum festivique sermonis atque in omni oratione simulatorem, quem ei)/rwna Graeci nominarunt, Socratem accepimus, contra Pythagoram et Periclem summam auctoritatem consecutos sine ulla hilaritate. Callidum Hannibalem ex Poenorum, ex nostris ducibus Q. Maximum accepimus, facile celare, tacere, dissimulare, insidiari, praeripere hostium consilia. In quo genere Graeci Themistoclem et Pheraeum Iasonem ceteris anteponunt; in primisque versutum et callidum factum Solonis, qui, quo et tutior eius vita esset et plus aliquanto rei publicae prodesset, furere se simulavit. 1.109. Sunt his alii multum dispares, simplices et aperti. qui nihil ex occulto, nihil de insidiis agendum putant, veritatis cultores, fraudis inimici, itemque alii, qui quidvis perpetiantur, cuivis deserviant, dum, quod velint, consequantur, ut Sullam et M. Crassum videbamus. Quo in genere versutissimum et patientissimum Lacedaemonium Lysandrum accepimus, contraque Callicratidam, qui praefectus classis proximus post Lysandrum fuit; itemque in sermonibus alium quemque, quamvis praepotens sit, efficere, ut unus de multis esse videatur; quod in Catulo, et in patre et in filio, itemque in Q. Mucio ° Mancia vidimus. Audivi ex maioribus natu hoc idem fuisse in P. Scipione Nasica, contraque patrem eius, illum qui Ti. Gracchi conatus perditos vindicavit, nullam comitatem habuisse sermonis ne Xenocratem quidem, severissimum philosophorum, ob eamque rem ipsam magnum et clarum fuisse. Innumerabiles aliae dissimilitudines sunt naturae morumque, minime tamen vituperandorum. 1.110. Admodum autem tenenda sunt sua cuique non vitiosa, sed tamen propria, quo facilius decorum illud, quod quaerimus, retineatur. Sic enim est faciendum, ut contra universam naturam nihil contendamus, ea tamen conservata propriam nostram sequamur, ut, etiamsi sint alia graviora atque meliora, tamen nos studia nostra nostrae naturae regula metiamur; neque enim attinet naturae repugnare nec quicquam sequi, quod assequi non queas. Ex quo magis emergit, quale sit decorum illud, ideo quia nihil decet invita Minerva, ut aiunt, id est adversante et repugte natura. 1.111. Omnino si quicquam est decorum, nihil est profecto magis quam aequabilitas cum universae vitae, tum singularum actionum, quam conservare non possis, si aliorum naturam imitans omittas tuam. Ut enim sermone eo debemus uti, qui innatus est nobis, ne, ut quidam, Graeca verba inculcantes iure optimo rideamur, sic in actiones omnemque vitam nullam discrepantiam conferre debemus. 1.112. Atque haec differentia naturarum tantam habet vim, ut non numquam mortem sibi ipse consciscere alius debeat, alius in eadem causa non debeat. Num enim alia in causa M. Cato fuit, alia ceteri, qui se in Africa Caesari tradiderunt? Atqui ceteris forsitan vitio datum esset, si se interemissent, propterea quod lenior eorum vita et mores fuerant faciliores, Catoni cum incredibilem tribuisset natura gravitatem eamque ipse perpetua constantia roboravisset semperque in proposito susceptoque consilio permansisset, moriendum potius quam tyranni vultus aspiciendus fuit. 1.113. Quam multa passus est Ulixes in illo errore diuturno, cum et mulieribus, si Circe et Calypso mulieres appellandae sunt, inserviret et in omni sermone omnibus affabilem et iucundum esse se vellet! domi vero etiam contumelias servorun ancillarumque pertulit, ut ad id aliquando, quod cupiebat, veniret. At Aiax, quo animo traditur, milies oppetere mortem quam illa perpeti maluisset. Quae contemplantes expendere oportebit, quid quisque habeat sui, eaque moderari nee velle experiri, quam se aliena deceant; id enim maxime quemque decet, quod est cuiusque maxime suum. 1.114. Suum quisque igitur noscat ingenium acremque se et bonorum et vitiorum suorum iudicem praebeat, ne scaenici plus quam nos videantur habere prudentiae. Illi enim non optimas, sed sibi accommodatissimas fabulas eligunt; qui voce freti sunt, Epigonos Medumque, qui gestu, Melanippam, Clytemnestram, semper Rupilius, quem ego memini, Antiopam, non saepe Aesopus Aiacem. Ergo histrio hoc videbit in scaena, non videbit sapiens vir in vita? Ad quas igitur res aptissimi erimus, in iis potissimum elaborabimus; sin aliquando necessitas nos ad ea detruserit, quae nostri ingenii non erunt, omnis adhibenda erit cura, meditatio, diligentia, ut ea si non decore, at quam minime indecore facere possimus; nec tam est enitendum, ut bona, quae nobis data non sint, sequamur, quam ut vitia fugiamus. 1.115. Ac duabus iis personis, quas supra dixi, tertia adiungitur, quam casus aliqui aut tempus imponit; quarta etiam, quam nobismet ipsi iudicio nostro accommodamus. Nam regna, imperia, nobilitas, honores, divitiae, opes eaque, quae sunt his contraria, in casu sita temporibus gubertur; ipsi autem gerere quam personam velimus, a nostra voluntate proficiscitur. Itaque se alii ad philosophiam, alii ad ius civile, alii ad eloquentiam applicant, ipsarumque virtutum in alia alius mavult excellere. 1.116. Quorum vero patres aut maiores aliqua gloria praestiterunt, ii student plerumque eodem in genere laudis excellere, ut Q. Mucius P. f. in iure civili, Pauli filius Africanus in re militari. Quidam autem ad eas laudes, quas a patribus acceperunt, addunt aliquam suam, ut hic idem Africanus eloquentia cumulavit bellicam gloriam; quod idem fecit Timotheus Cononis filius, qui cum belli laude non inferior fuisset quam pater, ad eam laudem doctrinae et ingenii gloriam adiecit. Fit autem interdum, ut non nulli omissa imitatione maiorum suum quoddam institutum consequantur, maximeque in eo plerumque elaborant ii, qui magna sibi proponunt obscuris orti maioribus. 1.117. Haec igitur omnia, cum quaerimus, quid deceat, complecti animo et cogitatione debemus; in primis autem constituendum est, quos nos et quales esse velimus et in quo genere vitae, quae deliberatio est omnium difficillima. Ineunte enim adulescentia, cum est maxima imbecillitas consilii, tur id sibi quisque genus aetatis degendae constituit, quod maxime adamavit; itaque ante implicatur aliquo certo genere cursuque vivendi, quam potuit, quod optimum esset, iudicare. | 1.107. We must realize also that we are invested by Nature with two characters, as it were: one of these is universal, arising from the fact of our being all alike endowed with reason and with that superiority which lifts us above the brute. From this all morality and propriety are derived, and upon it depends the rational method of ascertaining our duty. The other character is the one that is assigned to individuals in particular. In the matter of physical endowment there are great differences: some, we see, excel in speed for the race, others in strength for wrestling; so in point of personal appearance, some have stateliness, others comeliness. 1.108. Diversities of character are greater still. Lucius Crassus and Lucius Philippus had a large fund of wit; Gaius Caesar, Lucius's son, had a still richer fund and employed it with more studied purpose. Contemporary with them, Marcus Scaurus and Marcus Drusus, the younger, were examples of unusual seriousness; Gaius Laelius, of unbounded jollity; while his intimate friend, Scipio, cherished more serious ideals and lived a more austere life. Among the Greeks, history tells us, Socrates was fascinating and witty, a genial conversationalist; he was what the Greeks call εἴÏÏν in every conversation, pretending to need information and professing admiration for the wisdom of his companion. Pythagoras and Pericles, on the other hand, reached the heights of influence and power without any seasoning of mirthfulness. We read that Hannibal, among the Carthaginian generals, and Quintus Maximus, among our own, were shrewd and ready at concealing their plans, covering up their tracks, disguising their movements, laying stratagems, forestalling the enemy's designs. In these qualities the Greeks rank Themistocles and Jason of Pherae above all others. Especially crafty and shrewd was the device of Solon, who, to make his own life safer and at the same time to do a considerably larger service for his country, feigned insanity. 1.109. Then there are others, quite different from these, straightforward and open, who think that nothing should be done by underhand means or treachery. They are lovers of truth, haters of fraud. There are others still who will stoop to anything, truckle to anybody, if only they may gain their ends. Such, we saw, were Sulla and Marcus Crassus. The most crafty and most persevering man of this type was Lysander of Sparta, we are told; of the opposite type was Callicratidas, who succeeded Lysander as admiral of the fleet. So we find that another, no matter how eminent he may be, will condescend in social intercourse to make himself appear but a very ordinary person. Such graciousness of manner we have seen in the case of Catulus â both father and son â and also of Quintus Mucius Mancia. I have heard from my elders that Publius Scipio Nasica was another master of this art; but his father, on the other hand â the man who punished Tiberius Gracchus for his nefarious undertakings â had no such gracious manner in social intercourse [. . .], and because of that very fact he rose to greatness and fame. Countless other dissimilarities exist in natures and characters, and they are not in the least to be criticized. 1.110. Everybody, however, must resolutely hold fast to his own peculiar gifts, in so far as they are peculiar only and not vicious, in order that propriety, which is the object of our inquiry, may the more easily be secured. For we must so act as not to oppose the universal laws of human nature, but, while safeguarding those, to follow the bent of our own particular nature; and even if other careers should be better and nobler, we may still regulate our own pursuits by the standard of our own nature. For it is of no avail to fight against one's nature or to aim at what is impossible of attainment. From this fact the nature of that propriety defined above comes into still clearer light, inasmuch as nothing is proper that "goes against the grain," as the saying is â that is, if it is in direct opposition to one's natural genius. 1.111. If there is any such thing as propriety at all, it can be nothing more than uniform consistency in the course of our life as a whole and all its individual actions. And this uniform consistency one could not maintain by copying the personal traits of others and eliminating one's own. For as we ought to employ our mother-tongue, lest, like certain people who are continually dragging in Greek words, we draw well-deserved ridicule upon ourselves, so we ought not to introduce anything foreign into our actions or our life in general. 1.112. Indeed, such diversity of character carries with it so great significance that suicide may be for one man a duty, for another [under the same circumstances] a crime. Did Marcus Cato find himself in one predicament, and were the others, who surrendered to Caesar in Africa, in another? And yet, perhaps, they would have been condemned, if they had taken their lives; for their mode of life had been less austere and their characters more pliable. But Cato had been endowed by nature with an austerity beyond belief, and he himself had strengthened it by unswerving consistency and had remained ever true to his purpose and fixed resolve; and it was for him to die rather than to look upon the face of a tyrant. 1.113. How much Ulysses endured on those long wanderings, when he submitted to the service even of women (if Circe and Calypso may be called women) and strove in every word to be courteous and complaisant to all! And, arrived at home, he brooked even the insults of his men-servants and maidservants, in order to attain in the end the object of his desire. But Ajax, with the temper he is represented as having, would have chosen to meet death a thousand times rather than suffer such indignities! If we take this into consideration, we shall see that it is each man's duty to weigh well what are his own peculiar traits of character, to regulate these properly, and not to wish to try how another man's would suit him. For the more peculiarly his own a man's character is, the better it fits him. 1.114. Everyone, therefore, should make a proper estimate of his own natural ability and show himself a critical judge of his own merits and defects; in this respect we should not let actors display more practical wisdom than we have. They select, not the best plays, but the ones best suited to their talents. Those who rely most upon the quality of their voice take the Epigoni and the Medus; those who place more stress upon the action choose the Melanippa and the Clytaemnestra; Rupilius, whom I remember, always played in the Antiope, Aesopus rarely in the Ajax. Shall a player have regard to this in choosing his rôle upon the stage, and a wise man fail to do so in selecting his part in life? We shall, therefore, work to the best advantage in that rôle to which we are best adapted. But if at some time stress of circumstances shall thrust us aside into some uncongenial part, we must devote to it all possible thought, practice, and pains, that we may be able to perform it, if not with propriety, at least with as little impropriety as possible; and we need not strive so hard to attain to points of excellence that have not been vouchsafed to us as to correct the faults we have. 1.115. To the two above-mentioned characters is added a third, which some chance or some circumstance imposes, and a fourth also, which we assume by our own deliberate choice. Regal powers and military commands, nobility of birth and political office, wealth and influence, and their opposites depend upon chance and are, therefore, controlled by circumstances. But what rôle we ourselves may choose to sustain is decided by our own free choice. And so some turn to philosophy, others to the civil law, and still others to oratory, while in case of the virtues themselves one man prefers to excel in one, another in another. 1.116. They, whose fathers or forefathers have achieved distinction in some particular field, often strive to attain eminence in the same department of service: for example, Quintus, the son of Publius Mucius, in the law; Africanus, the son of Paulus, in the army. And to that distinction which they have severally inherited from their fathers some have added lustre of their own; for example, that same Africanus, who crowned his inherited military glory with his own eloquence. Timotheus, Conon's son, did the same: he proved himself not inferior to his father in military renown and added to that distinction the glory of culture and intellectual power. It happens sometimes, too, that a man declines to follow in the footsteps of his fathers and pursues a vocation of his own. And in such callings those very frequently achieve signal success who, though sprung from humble parentage, have set their aims high. 1.117. All these questions, therefore, we ought to bear thoughtfully in mind, when we inquire into the nature of propriety; but above all we must decide who and what manner of men we wish to be and what calling in life we would follow; and this is the most difficult problem in the world. For it is in the years of early youth, when our judgement is most immature, that each of us decides that his calling in life shall be that to which he has taken a special liking. And thus he becomes engaged in some particular calling and career in life, before he is fit to decide intelligently what is best for him. |
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17. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 2.31-2.32, 3.273-3.274 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 273| 2.31. Inde loco medius rerum novitate paventem 2.32. Sol oculis iuvenem, quibus adspicit omnia, vidit 3.273. Surgit ab his solio fulvaque recondita nube 3.274. limen adit Semeles. Nec nubes ante removit, | |
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18. Livy, History, 39.5.13-39.5.16, 43.4.7, 45.35.3 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apelles, portrait of antigonus gonatas •antigonus ii gonatas Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 50, 131| 43.4.7. id opus centum triginta milibus aeris locasse dicitur; tabulis quoque pictis ex praeda fanum Aesculapi exornavit. 45.35.3. Paulus ipso post dies paucos regia nave ingentis magnitudinis, quam sedecim versus remorum agebant, ornata Macedonicis spoliis non insignium tantum armorum, sed etiam regiorum textilium, adverso Tiberi ad urbem est subvectus, conpletis ripis obviam effusa multitudine. | |
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| 19. Horace, Sermones, 1.4.105, 1.4.120, 1.6.55, 1.6.60, 1.6.65-1.6.71, 1.10.54, 2.2.65 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 33, 172 |
| 20. Horace, Odes, 1.14 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus ii gonatas Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 131 |
| 21. Nepos, Eumenes, 1.4-1.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 141 |
| 22. Propertius, Elegies, 4.4.89 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 263 |
23. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 18.18.1, 18.23.2, 18.48.2, 18.56.1-18.56.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 141 | 18.56.1. "Inasmuch as it has fallen to the lot of our ancestors to perform many acts of kindness to the Greeks, we wish to maintain their policy and to make evident to all the goodwill which we continue to have for that people. |
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| 24. Plutarch, On Stoic Self-Contradictions, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 10 |
| 25. Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 3.6, 7.3, 8.2, 8.6-8.7, 9.3-9.6, 12.2-12.8, 13.1-13.3, 22.1-22.3, 26.1-26.2, 26.14, 30.1-30.3, 34.8-34.11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022), Plutarch’s Unexpected Silences: Suppression and Selection in the Lives and Moralia, 76; Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 123, 125, 126 |
26. Plutarch, Nicias, 28.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apelles, portrait of antigonus gonatas Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 50| 28.5. πυνθάνομαι δὲ μέχρι νῦν ἐν Συρακούσαις ἀσπίδα κειμένην πρὸς ἱερῷ δείκνυσθαι, Νικίου μὲν λεγομένην, χρυσοῦ δὲ καὶ πορφύρας εὖ πως πρὸς ἄλληλα μεμιγμένων διʼ ὑφῆς συγκεκροτημένην. | 28.5. |
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27. Plutarch, Marius, 2.4, 28.1-28.2, 31.3, 34.6, 45.4-45.9, 46.7-46.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 123, 125, 126| 28.1. πέμπτην μὲν οὖν ὑπατείαν διεῖπε· τῆς δὲ ἕκτης ὡς οὐδὲ εἷς πρώτης ὠρέγετο, θεραπείαις τὸν δῆμον ἀναλαμβάνων καὶ πρὸς χάριν ἐνδιδοὺς τοῖς πολλοῖς, οὐ μόνον παρὰ τὸν ὄγκον καὶ τὸ κοινὸν ἀξίωμα τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ φύσιν ὑγρός τις εἶναι βουλόμενος καὶ δημοτικός, ἥκιστα τοιοῦτος πεφυκώς. 28.2. ἀλλʼ ἦν, ὡς λέγουσι, πρὸς πολιτείαν καὶ τοὺς ἐν ὄχλοις θορύβους ὑπὸ φιλοδοξίας ἀτολμότατος, καὶ τὸ παρὰ τὰς μάχας ἀνέκπληκτον καὶ στάσιμον ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις ἀπέλειπεν αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῶν τυχόντων ἐπαίνων καὶ ψόγων ἐξιστάμενον. καίτοι λέγεται Καμερίνων ἄνδρας ὁμοῦ χιλίους διαπρεπῶς ἀγωνισαμένους ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ δωρησάμενος πολιτείᾳ, δοκοῦντος εἶναι τούτου παρανόμου καί τινων ἐγκαλούντων, εἰπεῖν ὅτι τοῦ νόμου διὰ τὸν τῶν ὅπλων ψόφον οὐ κατακούσειεν. 31.3. διὸ καὶ Μιθριδάτου πάσῃ χρησαμένου θεραπείᾳ καὶ τιμῇ πρὸς αὐτόν οὐ καμφθεὶς οὐδὲ ὑπείξας, ἀλλʼ εἰπών, ἢ μεῖζον, ὦ βασιλεῦ, πειρῶ δύνασθαι Ῥωμαίων, ἢ ποίει σιωπῇ τὸ προστασσόμενον, ἐξέπληξεν αὐτόν, ὡς φωνῆς μὲν πολλάκις, παρρησίας δὲ τότε πρῶτον ἀκούσαντα Ῥωμαϊκῆς. 45.4. τέλος δὲ ὡς ἧκέ τις ἀπαγγέλλων ἀπὸ θαλάσσης, νέοι προσπίπτοντες αὐτῷ φόβοι, τὰ μὲν δέει τοῦ μέλλοντος, τὰ δὲ ὥσπερ ἄχθει καὶ κόρῳ τῶν παρόντων, ῥοπῆς βραχείας ἐπιγενομένης εἰς νόσον κατηνέχθη πλευρῖτιν, ὡς ἱστορεῖ Ποσειδώνιος ὁ φιλόσοφος, αὐτὸς εἰσελθεῖν καὶ διαλεχθῆναι περὶ ὧν ἐπρέσβευεν ἤδη νοσοῦντι φάσκων αὐτῷ. 45.5. Γάϊος δέ τις Πείσων, ἀνήρ ἱστορικὸς, ἱστορεῖ τὸν Μάριον ἀπὸ δείπνου περιπατοῦντα μετὰ τῶν φίλων ἐν λόγοις γενέσθαι περὶ τῶν καθʼ ἑαυτὸν πραγμάτων, ἄνωθεν ἀρξάμενον· καὶ τὰς ἐπʼ ἀμφότερα πολλάκις μεταβολὰς ἀφηγησάμενον εἰπεῖν ὡς οὐκ ἔστι νοῦν ἔχοντος ἀνδρὸς ἔτι τῇ τύχῃ πιστεύειν ἑαυτόν· ἐκ δὲ τούτου τοὺς παρόντας ἀσπασάμενον καὶ κατακλιθέντα συνεχῶς ἡμέρας ἑπτὰ τελευτῆσαι. 45.6. τινὲς δὲ τὴν φιλοτιμίαν αὐτοῦ φασιν ἐν τῇ νόσῳ παντάπασιν ἀποκαλυφθεῖσαν εἰς ἄτοπον ἐξοκεῖλαι παρακοπήν, οἰομένου τὸν Μιθριδατικὸν στρατηγεῖν πόλεμον, εἶτα, ὥσπερ ἐπʼ αὐτῶν εἰώθει τῶν ἀγώνων, σχήματα παντοδαπὰ καὶ κινήματα σώματος μετὰ συντόνου κραυγῆς καὶ πυκνῶν ἀλαλαγμάτων ἀποδιδόντος. 45.7. οὕτως δεινὸς αὐτῷ καὶ Βνσπαραμνθητος ἐκ φιλαρχίας καὶ ζηλοτυπίας ἔρως ἐντετήκει τῶν πράξεων ἐκείνων. διὸ ἔτη μὲν ἑβδομήκοντα βεβιωκώς, ὕπατος δὲ πρῶτος ἀνθρώπων ἑπτάκις ἀνηγορευμένος, οἶκόν τε καὶ πλοῦτον ἀρκοῦντα βασιλείαις ὁμοῦ πολλαῖς κεκτημένος, ὠδύρετο τὴν ἑαυτοῦ τύχην ὡς ἐνδεὴς καὶ ἀτελὴς ὧν ἐπόθει προαποθνῄσκων. | 28.1. 28.2. 31.3. 45.4. 45.5. 45.6. 45.7. |
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| 28. Plutarch, Eumenes, 1.4-1.5, 2.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 141 |
29. Plutarch, Demetrius, 2.1, 9.9-9.10, 12.9, 24.10, 27.10-27.11, 29.2, 29.7-29.8, 35.4, 36.12, 38.6-38.8, 40.3-40.5, 42.3, 53.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022), Plutarch’s Unexpected Silences: Suppression and Selection in the Lives and Moralia, 74, 76; Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 123| 2.1. Ἀντιγόνῳ τοίνυν δυεῖν υἱῶν ἐκ Στρατονίκης τῆς Κορράγου γενομένων, τὸν μὲν ἐπὶ τἀδελφῷ Δημήτριον, τὸν δʼ ἐπὶ τῷ πατρὶ Φίλιππον ὠνόμασεν. οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ τῶν πλείστων λόγος. ἔνιοι δὲ τὸν Δημήτριον οὐχ υἱόν, ἀλλʼ ἀδελφιδοῦν γενέσθαι τοῦ Ἀντιγόνου λέγουσιν· ἐπὶ νηπίῳ γὰρ αὐτῷ παντάπασι τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτήσαντος, εἶτα τῆς μητρὸς εὐθὺς τῷ Ἀντιγόνῳ γαμηθείσης, υἱὸν ἐκείνου νομισθῆναι. 29.2. Ἀντίγονος δὲ παραταττομένης ἤδη τῆς φάλαγγος ἐξιὼν προσέπταισεν, ὥστε πεσεῖν ὅλως ἐπὶ στόμα καὶ διατεθῆναι χαλεπῶς· ἀναστὰς δὲ καὶ τὰς χεῖρας ἀνατείνας πρὸς τὸν οὐρανὸν ᾐτήσατο νίκην παρὰ τῶν θεῶν ἢ θάνατον ἀναίσθητον πρὸ τῆς ἥττης. 35.4. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡ τύχη, καθάπερ ἡ παρʼ Ἀρχιλόχῳ γυνὴ τῇ μὲν ὕδωρ ἐφόρει δολοφρονέουσα χειρί, τῇ δʼ ἑτέρῃ πῦρ, δεινοῖς αὐτὸν οὕτω καὶ φοβεροῖς ἀγγέλμασιν ἀποστήσασα τῆς Λακεδαίμονος, εὐθὺς ἑτέρας πραγμάτων καινῶν καὶ μεγάλων ἐπήνεγκεν ἐλπίδας ἐκ τοιαύτης αἰτίας. 38.6. ἐκπλαγέντος δὲ ἐκείνου καὶ πυθομένου πῶς ἀνίατος, ὅτι νὴ Δία, φάναι τὸν Ἐρασίστρατον, ἐρᾷ τῆς ἐμῆς γυναικός. εἶτα οὐκ ἄν, εἰπεῖν τὸν Σέλευκον, ἐπιδοίης, Ἐρασίστρατε, τῷ ἐμῷ παιδὶ φίλος ὢν τὸν γάμον, καὶ ταῦτα ὁρῶν ἡμᾶς ἐπὶ τούτῳ μόνῳ σαλεύοντας; οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν σύ, φάναι, τοῦτο πατὴρ ὢν ἐποίησας, εἰ Στρατονίκης Ἀντίοχος ἐπεθύμησε. 38.7. καὶ τὸν Σέλευκον εἴθε γάρ, ἑταῖρε, εἰπεῖν, ταχὺ μεταστρέψαι τις ἐπὶ ταῦτα καὶ μεταβάλοι θεῶν ἢ ἀνθρώπων τὸ πάθος· ὡς ἐμοὶ καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀφεῖναι καλὸν Ἀντιόχου περιεχομένῳ. ταῦτα ἐμπαθῶς σφόδρα τοῦ Σελεύκου μετὰ πολλῶν δακρύων λέγοντος, ἐμβαλόντα τὴν δεξιὰν αὐτῷ τὸν Ἐρασίστρατον εἰπεῖν ὡς οὐδὲν Ἐρασιστράτου δέοιτο· καὶ γὰρ πατὴρ καὶ ἀνὴρ ὢν καὶ βασιλεὺς αὐτὸς ἅμα καὶ ἰατρὸς εἴη τῆς οἰκίας ἄριστος. 38.8. ἐκ τούτου τὸν Σέλευκον ἐκκλησίαν ἀθροίσαντα πάνδημον εἰπεῖν ὅτι βούλεται καὶ διέγνωκε τῶν ἄνω πάντων τόπων Ἀντίοχον ἀποδεῖξαι βασιλέα καὶ Στρατονίκην βασιλίδα, ἀλλήλοις συνοικοῦντας· οἴεσθαι δὲ τὸν μὲν υἱὸν εἰθισμένον ἅπαντα πείθεσθαι καὶ κατήκοον ὄντα μηθὲν ἀντερεῖν αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸν γάμον· 40.3. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ βουλόμενός γε μὴ δοκεῖν ἑτέρων ἀφειδεῖν μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ συγκινδυνεύειν τοῖς μαχομένοις, διελαύνεται τὸν τράχηλον ὀξυβελεῖ. καὶ δεινῶς μὲν ἔσχεν, οὐ μὴν ἀνῆκεν, ἀλλὰ εἷλε τὰς Θήβας πάλιν. καὶ παρελθὼν ἀνάτασιν μὲν καὶ φόβον ὡς τὰ δεινότατα πεισομένοις παρέσχεν, ἀνελὼν δὲ τρισκαίδεκα καὶ μεταστήσας τινας ἀφῆκε τοὺς ἄλλους. 40.4. ταῖς μὲν οὖν Θήβαις οὔπω δέκατον οἰκουμέναις ἔτος ἁλῶναι δὶς ἐν τῷ χρόνῳ τούτῳ συνέπεσε. τῶν δὲ Πυθίων καθηκόντων πρᾶγμα καινότατον ἐπέτρεψεν αὑτῷ ποιεῖν ὁ Δημήτριος. ἐπεὶ γὰρ Αἰτωλοὶ τὰ περὶ Δελφοὺς στενὰ κατεῖχον, ἐν Ἀθήναις αὐτὸς ἦγε τὸν ἀγῶνα καὶ τὴν πανήγυριν, ὡς δὴ προσῆκον αὐτόθι μάλιστα τιμᾶσθαι τὸν θεόν, ὃς καὶ πατρῷός ἐστι καὶ λέγεται τοῦ γένους ἀρχηγός. 42.3. καὶ τοῦτο δὴ δεινῶς ἠνίασε τοὺς Μακεδόνας ὑβρίζεσθαι δοκοῦντας, οὐ βασιλεύεσθαι, καὶ Φιλίππου μνημονεύοντας, ἢ τῶν μνημονευόντων ἀκούοντας, ὡς μέτριος ἦν περὶ ταῦτα καὶ κοινός. καί ποτε πρεσβυτέρου γυναίου κόπτοντος αὐτὸν ἐν παρόδῳ τινὶ καὶ δεομένου πολλάκις ἀκουσθῆναι, φήσας μὴ σχολάζειν, ἐγκραγόντος ἐκείνου καὶ μὴ βασίλευε εἰπόντος, | 2.1. 29.2. 35.4. 38.6. 38.7. 38.8. 40.3. 40.4. 42.3. |
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30. Plutarch, Aemilius Paulus, 30.2-30.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus ii gonatas Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 131| 30.2. κἀκεῖθεν εἰς Ἰταλίαν μετὰ τῶν δυνάμεων περαιωθείς ἀνέπλει τὸν Θύβριν ποταμὸν ἐπὶ τῆς βασιλικῆς ἑκκαιδεκήρους κατεσκευασμένης εἰς κόσμον ὅπλοις αἰχμαλώτοις καὶ φοινικίσι καὶ πορφύραις, 30.3. ὡς καὶ πανηγυρίζειν ἔξωθεν καθάπερ εἰς τινὰ θριαμβικῆς θέαν πομπῆς καὶ προαπολαύειν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, τῷ ῥοθίῳ σχέδην ὑπάγοντι τὴν ναῦν ἀντιπαρεξάγοντας. | 30.2. From there he crossed into Italy with his forces, and sailed up the river Tiber on the royal galley, which had sixteen banks of oars and was richly adorned with captured arms and cloths of scarlet and purple, 30.3. o that the Romans actually came in throngs from out the city, as it were to some spectacle of triumphant progress whose pleasures they were enjoying in advance, and followed along the banks as the splashing oars sent the ship slowly up the stream. |
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| 31. Plutarch, On The Delays of Divine Vengeance, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022), Plutarch’s Unexpected Silences: Suppression and Selection in the Lives and Moralia, 173 |
32. Plutarch, Comparison of Demetrius And Antony, 1.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022), Plutarch’s Unexpected Silences: Suppression and Selection in the Lives and Moralia, 74| 1.1. ἐπεὶ τοίνυν μεγάλαι περὶ ἀμφοτέρους γεγόνασι μεταβολαί, πρῶτον τὰ τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ τῆς ἐπιφανείας σκοπῶμεν, ὅτι τῷ μὲν ἦν πατρῷα καὶ προκατειργασμένα, μέγιστον ἰσχύσαντος Ἀντιγόνου τῶν διαδόχων καὶ πρὸ τοῦ Δημήτριον ἐν ἡλικίᾳ γενέσθαι τὰ πλεῖστα τῆς Ἀσίας ἐπελθόντος καὶ κρατήσαντος· | 1.1. |
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33. Plutarch, Aratus, 18.1, 23.5-23.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Brouwer (2013), The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates, 119| 18.1. ἀλλὰ γὰρ Ἀντίγονος μὲν, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, κτησάμενος τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον ἐφύλαττε, μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων οἷς ἐπίστευε μάλιστα καὶ Περσαῖον ἐπιστήσας ἄρχοντα τὸν φιλόσοφον. ὁ δὲ Ἄρατος ἔτι μὲν καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου ζῶντος ἐπεχείρησε τῇ πράξει, γενομένης δὲ συμμαχίας τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς πρὸς τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἐπαύσατο. 23.5. Περσαῖος δὲ τῆς ἄκρας ἁλισκομένης εἰς Κεγχρεὰς διεξέπεσεν. ὕστερον δὲ λέγεται σχολάζων πρὸς τὸν εἰπόντα μόνον αὐτῷ δοκεῖν στρατηγὸν εἶναι τὸν σοφόν, ἀλλὰ νὴ θεούς, φάναι, τοῦτο μάλιστα κἀμοί ποτε τῶν Ζήνωνος ἤρεσκε δογμάτων νῦν δὲ μεταβάλλομαι νουθετηθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ Σικυωνίου νεανίου. ταῦτα μὲν περὶ Περσαίου πλείονες ἱστοροῦσιν. | 18.1. 23.5. |
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| 34. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 87.8-87.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 123 |
35. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 5.24.6, 7.4.6 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 141| 5.24.6. θάψας δὲ ὡς νόμος αὐτῷ τοὺς τελευτήσαντας Εὐμενῆ τὸν γραμματέα ἐκπέμπει ἐς τὰς δύο πόλεις τὰς ξυναφεστώσας τοῖς Σαγγάλοις δοὺς αὐτῷ τῶν ἱππέων ἐς τριακοσίους, φράσοντα[ς] τοῖς ἔχουσι τὰς πόλεις τῶν τε Σαγγάλων τὴν ἅλωσιν καὶ ὅτι αὐτοῖς οὐδὲν ἔσται χαλεπὸν ἐξ Ἀλεξάνδρου ὑπομένουσί τε καὶ δεχομένοις φιλίως Ἀλέξανδρον· οὐδὲ γὰρ οὐδὲ ἄλλοις τισὶ γενέσθαι τῶν αὐτονόμων Ἰνδῶν ὅσοι ἑκόντες σφᾶς ἐνέδοσαν. 7.4.6. Πτολεμαίῳ δὲ τῷ σωματοφύλακι καὶ Εὐμενεῖ τῷ γραμματεῖ τῷ βασιλικῷ τὰς Ἀρταβάζου παῖδας τῷ μὲν Ἀρτακάμαν, τῷ δὲ Ἄρτωνιν· Νεάρχῳ δὲ τὴν Βαρσίνης τε καὶ Μέντορος παῖδα· Σελεύκῳ δὲ τὴν Σπιταμένους τοῦ Βακτρίου παῖδα· ὡσαύτως δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἑταίροις τὰς δοκιμωτάτας Περσῶν τε καὶ Μήδων παῖδας ἐς ὀγδοήκοντα. οἱ γάμοι δὲ ἐποιήθησαν νόμῳ τῷ Περσικῷ· | |
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| 36. Plutarch, How To Tell A Flatterer From A Friend, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 187 |
| 37. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 33.147, 36.58 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus ii gonatas Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 131 |
| 38. Epictetus, Discourses, 1.2, 2.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 15 |
| 39. Plutarch, Against Colotes, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 33 |
40. Plutarch, Romulus, 17.3-17.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 261, 262, 263| 17.3. συνθεμένου δὲ τοῦ Τατίου, νύκτωρ ἀνοίξασα πύλην μίαν, ἐδέξατο τοὺς Σαβίνους. οὐ μόνος οὖν ὡς ἔοικεν Ἀντίγονος ἔφη προδιδόντας μὲν φιλεῖν, προδεδωκότας δὲ μισεῖν, οὐδὲ Καῖσαρ, εἰπὼν ἐπὶ τοῦ Θρᾳκὸς Ῥοιμητάλκου, φιλεῖν μὲν προδοσίαν, προδότην δὲ μισεῖν, ἀλλὰ κοινόν τι τοῦτο πάθος ἐστὶ πρὸς τοὺς πονηροὺς τοῖς δεομένοις αὐτῶν, ὥσπερ ἰοῦ καὶ χολῆς ἐνίων θηρίων δέονται· τὴν γὰρ χρείαν ὅτε λαμβάνουσιν ἀγαπῶντες, ἐχθαίρουσι τὴν κακίαν ὅταν τύχωσι. 17.4. τοῦτο καὶ πρὸς τὴν Ταρπηίαν τότε παθὼν ὁ Τάτιος, ἐκέλευσε μεμνημένους τῶν ὁμολογιῶν τοὺς Σαβίνους μηδενὸς αὐτῇ φθονεῖν ὧν ἐν ταῖς ἀριστεραῖς ἔχουσι, καὶ πρῶτος ἅμα τὸν βραχιονιστῆρα τῆς χειρὸς περιελὼν καὶ τὸν θυρεὸν ἐπέρριψε. πάντων δὲ τὸ αὐτὸ ποιούντων, βαλλομένη τε τῷ χρυσῷ καὶ καταχωσθεῖσα τοῖς θυρεοῖς, ὑπὸ πλήθους καὶ βάρους ἀπέθανεν. 17.5. ἑάλω δὲ καὶ Ταρπήιος προδοσίας ὑπὸ Ῥωμύλου διωχθείς, ὡς Ἰόβας φησὶ Γάλβαν Σουλπίκιον ἱστορεῖν. τῶν δʼ ἄλλα περὶ Ταρπηίας λεγόντων ἀπίθανοι μέν εἰσιν οἱ Τατίου θυγατέρα τοῦ ἡγεμόνος τῶν Σαβίνων οὖσαν αὐτήν, Ῥωμύλῳ δὲ βίᾳ συνοικοῦσαν, ἱστοροῦντες ταῦτα ποιῆσαι καὶ παθεῖν ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρός· ὧν καὶ Ἀντίγονός ἐστι. Σιμύλος δʼ ὁ ποιητὴς καὶ παντάπασι ληρεῖ, μὴ Σαβίνοις οἰόμενος, ἀλλὰ Κελτοῖς τὴν Ταρπηίαν προδοῦναι τὸ Καπιτώλιον, ἐρασθεῖσαν αὐτῶν τοῦ βασιλέως. λέγει δὲ ταῦτα· ἡ δʼ ἀγχοῦ Τάρπεια παραὶ Καπιτώλιον αἶπος ναίουσα Ῥώμης ἔπλετο τειχολέτις, Κελτῶν ἣ στέρξασα γαμήλια λέκτρα γενέσθαι σκηπτούχῳ, πατέρων οὐκ ἐφύλαξε δόμους. καὶ μετʼ ὀλίγα περὶ τῆς τελευτῆς· τὴν δʼ οὔτʼ ἄρʼ Βόιοί τε καὶ ἔθνεα μυρία Κελτῶν χηράμενοι ῥείθρων ἐντὸς ἔθεντο Πάδου, ὅπλα δʼ ἐπιπροβαλόντες ἀρειμανέων ἀπὸ χειρῶν κούρῃ ἐπὶ στυγερῇ κόσμον ἔθεντο φόνον. | 17.3. Tatius agreed to this, whereupon she opened one of the gates by night and let the Sabines in. Antigonus was not alone, then, in saying that he loved men who offered to betray, but hated those who had betrayed; nor yet Caesar, in saying of the Thracian Rhoemetalces, that he loved treachery but hated a traitor; but this is a very general feeling towards the base on the part of those who need their services, just as they need certain wild creatures for their venom and gall; for while they feel the need of them, they put up with them, but abhor their vileness when they have obtained from them what they want. 17.4. This, too, was the feeling which Tatius then had towards Tarpeia, when he ordered his Sabines, mindful of their agreement, not to begrudge the girl anything they wore on their left arms. And he was first to take from his arm not only his armlet, but at the same time his shield, and cast them upon her. All his men followed his example, and the girl was smitten by the gold and buried under the shields, and died from the number and weight of them. 17.5. And Tarpeius also was convicted of treason when prosecuted by Romulus, as, according to Juba, Sulpicius Galba relates. of those who write differently about Tarpeia, they are worthy of no belief at all who say that she was a daughter of Tatius, the leader of the Sabines, and was living with Romulus under compulsion, and acted and suffered as she did, at her father’s behest; of these, Antigonus is one. And Simylus the poet is altogether absurd in supposing that Tarpeia betrayed the Capitol, not to the Sabines, but to the Gauls, because she had fallen in love with their king. These are his words:— And Tarpeia, who dwelt hard by the Capitolian steep, Became the destroyer of the walls of Rome; She longed to be the wedded wife of the Gallic chieftain, And betrayed the homes of her fathers. And a little after, speaking of her death:— Her the Boni and the myriad tribes of Gauls Did not, exulting, cast amid the currents of the Po; But hurled the shields from their belligerent arms Upon the hateful maid, and made their ornament her doom. |
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| 41. Suetonius, Augustus, 41.1, 70.1, 71.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apelles, portrait of antigonus gonatas Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 50 |
| 42. Herodotus Medicus, Fragments, 3.154, 9.109 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 273 |
| 43. Aelian, Varia Historia, 9.26 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 273 |
44. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 55.9.6 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apelles, portrait of antigonus gonatas Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 50 | 55.9.6. He made the journey as a private citizen, though he exercised his authority by compelling the Parians to sell him the statue of Vesta, in order that it might be placed in the temple of Concord; and when he reached Rhodes, he refrained from haughty conduct in both word and deed. |
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| 45. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 131 |
46. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.6.8, 2.8.4, 7.8.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 161; Brouwer (2013), The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates, 120| 1.6.8. ἀποθανόντος δὲ Ἀντιγόνου Πτολεμαῖος Σύρους τε αὖθις καὶ Κύπρον εἷλε, κατήγαγε δὲ καὶ Πύρρον ἐς τὴν Θεσπρωτίδα ἤπειρον· Κυρήνης δὲ ἀποστάσης Μάγας Βερενίκης υἱὸς Πτολεμαίῳ τότε συνοικούσης ἔτει πέμπτῳ μετὰ τὴν ἀπόστασιν εἷλε Κυρήνην. —εἰ δὲ ὁ Πτολεμαῖος οὗτος ἀληθεῖ λόγῳ Φιλίππου τοῦ Ἀμύντου παῖς ἦν, ἴστω τὸ ἐπιμανὲς ἐς τὰς γυναῖκας κατὰ τὸν πατέρα κεκτημένος, ὃς Εὐρυδίκῃ τῇ Ἀντιπάτρου συνοικῶν ὄντων οἱ παίδων Βερενίκης ἐς ἔρωτα ἦλθεν, ἣν Ἀντίπατρος Εὐρυδίκῃ συνέπεμψεν ἐς Αἴγυπτον. ταύτης τῆς γυναικὸς ἐρασθεὶς παῖδας ἐξ αὐτῆς ἐποιήσατο, καὶ ὡς ἦν οἱ πλησίον ἡ τελευτή, Πτολεμαῖον ἀπέλιπεν Αἰγύπτου βασιλεύειν, ἀφʼ οὗ καὶ Ἀθηναίοις ἐστὶν ἡ φυλή, γεγονότα ἐκ Βερενίκης ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἐκ τῆς Ἀντιπάτρου θυγατρός. 2.8.4. καὶ—ἦν γὰρ δέος τοῖς πᾶσιν Ἕλλησι Μακεδόνων καὶ Ἀντιγόνου Φίλιππον ἐπιτροπεύοντος τὸν Δημητρίου—, τοῦδε ἕνεκα τοὺς Σικυωνίους ἐς τὸ Ἀχαιῶν συνέδριον ἐσήγαγε Δωριεῖς ὄντας. αὐτίκα δὲ στρατηγὸς ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ᾕρητο, καὶ σφᾶς ἐπὶ Λοκροὺς τοὺς Ἀμφισσέας ἀγαγὼν καὶ ἐς τὴν Αἰτωλῶν πολεμίων ὄντων τὴν γῆν ἐπόρθησε· Κόρινθον δὲ ἔχοντος Ἀντιγόνου καὶ φρουρᾶς Μακεδόνων ἐνούσης τοὺς Μακεδόνας τῷ αἰφνιδίῳ τῆς ἐπιθέσεως κατέπληξε καὶ ἄλλους τε κρατήσας μάχῃ διέφθειρε καὶ Περσαῖον ἐπὶ τῇ φρουρᾷ τεταγμένον, ὃς παρὰ Ζήνωνα τὸν Μνασέου κατὰ μάθησιν σοφίας ἐφοίτησεν. 7.8.3. Κορίνθιοι δὲ ἀπὸ Μακεδόνων ἐλευθερωθέντες μετέσχον αὐτίκα συνεδρίου τοῦ Ἀχαιῶν, μετασχόντες καὶ πρότερον, ὅτε Ἄρατος καὶ Σικυώνιοι φρουρὰν ἐκ τοῦ Ἀκροκορίνθου τὴν πᾶσαν ἐξήλασαν καὶ ἀπέκτειναν Περσαῖον ὑπὸ Ἀντιγόνου ταχθέντα ἐπὶ τῇ φρουρᾷ. Ἀχαιοὶ δὲ τὸ ἀπὸ τούτου σύμμαχοί τε ὠνομάζοντο Ῥωμαίων καὶ ἐς τὰ πάντα ἦσαν πρόθυμοι· καί σφισιν εἵποντο μὲν ἐς Μακεδονίαν καὶ ἐπὶ Φίλιππον, μετέσχον δὲ καὶ στρατείας ἐς Αἰτωλούς, τρίτα δὲ ὁμοῦ Ῥωμαίοις ἐμαχέσαντο ἐναντία Ἀντιόχου καὶ Σύρων. | 1.6.8. After the death of Antigonus, Ptolemy again reduced the Syrians and Cyprus , and also restored Pyrrhus to Thesprotia on the mainland. Cyrene rebelled; but Magas, the son of Berenice (who was at this time married to Ptolemy) captured Cyrene in the fifth year of the rebellion. If this Ptolemy really was the son of Philip, son of Amyntas, he must have inherited from his father his passion for women, for, while wedded to Eurydice, the daughter of Antipater, although he had children he took a fancy to Berenice, whom Antipater had sent to Egypt with Eurydice. He fell in love with this woman and had children by her, and when his end drew near he left the kingdom of Egypt to Ptolemy (from whom the Athenians name their tribe) being the son of Berenice and not of the daughter of Antipater. 2.8.4. Moreover, as all the Greeks were afraid of the Macedonians and of Antigonus, the guardian of Philip, the son of Demetrius, he induced the Sicyonians, who were Dorians, to join the Achaean League. He was immediately elected general by the Achaeans, and leading them against the Locrians of Amphissa and into the land of the Aetolians, their enemies, he ravaged their territory. Corinth was held by Antigonus, and there was a Macedonian garrison in the city, but he threw them into a panic by the suddenness of his assault, winning a battle and killing among others Persaeus, the commander of the garrison, who had studied philosophy under Zeno, The Stoic philosopher (c. 360-270 B.C. ). the son of Mnaseas. 7.8.3. On being delivered from the Macedonians the Corinthians at once joined the Achaean League; they had joined it on a previous occasion, when the Sicyonians under Aratus drove all the garrison out of Acrocorinth, killing Persaeus, who had been placed in command of the garrison by Antigonus. Hereafter the Achaeans were called allies of the Romans, and in all respects right zealous allies they proved themselves to be. They followed the Romans to Macedonia against Philip; they took part in the campaign against the Aetolians; thirdly they fought side by side with the Romans against the Syrians under Antiochus. |
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| 47. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 131 |
48. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 2.29, 2.115, 2.117, 2.125, 2.127, 2.131-2.132, 2.134, 2.136, 4.4, 4.17, 4.22, 4.36-4.39, 4.41, 4.47, 6.85, 7.6-7.9, 7.15, 7.27, 7.36, 9.18, 10.3-10.5, 10.28 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Brouwer (2013), The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates, 120; Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 10, 15, 16, 98; Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 32, 33 | 2.29. He showed equal ability in both directions, in persuading and dissuading men; thus, after conversing with Theaetetus about knowledge, he sent him away, as Plato says, fired with a divine impulse; but when Euthyphro had indicted his father for manslaughter, Socrates, after some conversation with him upon piety, diverted him from his purpose. Lysis, again, he turned, by exhortation, into a most virtuous character. For he had the skill to draw his arguments from facts. And when his son Lamprocles was violently angry with his mother, Socrates made him feel ashamed of himself, as I believe Xenophon has told us. When Plato's brother Glaucon was desirous of entering upon politics, Socrates dissuaded him, as Xenophon relates, because of his want of experience; but on the contrary he encouraged Charmides to take up politics because he had a gift that way. 2.115. Ptolemy Soter, they say, made much of him, and when he had got possession of Megara, offered him a sum of money and invited him to return with him to Egypt. But Stilpo would only accept a very moderate sum, and he declined the proposed journey, and removed to Aegina until Ptolemy set sail. Again, when Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, had taken Megara, he took measures that Stilpo's house should be preserved and all his plundered property restored to him. But when he requested that a schedule of the lost property should be drawn up, Stilpo denied that he had lost anything which really belonged to him, for no one had taken away his learning, while he still had his eloquence and knowledge. 2.117. When Crates asked him whether the gods take delight in prayers and adorations, he is said to have replied, Don't put such a question in the street, simpleton, but when we are alone! It is said that Bion, when he was asked the same question whether there are gods, replied:Will you not scatter the crowd from me, O much-enduring elder?In character Stilpo was simple and unaffected, and he could readily adapt himself to the plain man. For instance, when Crates the Cynic did not answer the question put to him and only insulted the questioner, I knew, said Stilpo, that you would utter anything rather than what you ought. 2.127. He was a man of such dignity that, when Eurylochus of Casandreia was invited by Antigonus to court along with Cleippides, a youth of Cyzicus, he declined the invitation, being afraid that Menedemus would hear of it, so caustic and outspoken was he. When a young gallant would have taken liberties with him, he said not a word but picked up a twig and drew an insulting picture on the ground, until all eyes were attracted and the young man, perceiving the insult, made off. When Hierocles, who was in command of the Piraeus, walked up and down along with him in the shrine of Amphiaraus, and talked much of the capture of Eretria, he made no other reply beyond asking him what Antigonus's object was in treating him as he did. 2.131. In other respects he is said to have been nervous and careful of his reputation; so much so that, when Menedemus himself and Asclepiades were helping a man who had formerly been a builder to build a house, whereas Asclepiades appeared stripped on the roof passing the mortar, Menedemus would try to hide himself as often as he saw anyone coming. After he took part in public affairs, he was so nervous that, when offering the frankincense, he would actually miss the censer. And once, when Crates stood about him and attacked him for meddling in politics, he ordered certain men to have Crates locked up. But Crates none the less watched him as he went by and, standing on tiptoe, called him a pocket Agamemnon and Hegesipolis. 2.132. He was also in a way rather superstitious. At all events once, when he was at an inn with Asclepiades and had inadvertently eaten some meat which had been thrown away, he turned sick and pale when he learnt the fact, until Asclepiades rebuked him, saying that it was not the meat which disturbed him but merely his suspicion of it. In all other respects he was magimous and liberal. In his habit of body, even in old age, he was as firm and sunburnt in appearance as any athlete, being stout and always in the pink of condition; in stature he was well-proportioned, as may be seen from the statuette in the ancient Stadium at Eretria. For it represents him, intentionally no doubt, almost naked, and displays the greater part of his body. 2.134. which are from the Omphale, a satiric drama of Achaeus. Therefore it is a mistake to say that he had read nothing except the Medea of Euripides, which some have asserted to be the work of Neophron of Sicyon.He despised the teachers of the school of Plato and Xenocrates as well as the Cyrenaic philosopher Paraebates. He had a great admiration for Stilpo; and on one occasion, when he was questioned about him, he made no other answer than that he was a gentleman. Menedemus was difficult to see through, and in making a bargain it was difficult to get the better of him. He would twist and turn in every direction, and he excelled in inventing objections. He was a great controversialist, according to Antisthenes in his Successions of Philosophers. In particular he was fond of using the following argument: Is the one of two things different from the other? Yes. And is conferring benefits different from the good? Yes. Then to confer benefits is not good. 2.136. On hearing some one say that the greatest good was to get all you want, he rejoined, To want the right things is a far greater good. Antigonus of Carystus asserts that he never wrote or composed anything, and so never held firmly by any doctrine. He adds that in discussing questions he was so pugnacious that he would only retire after he had been badly mauled. And yet, though he was so violent in debate, he was as mild as possible in his conduct. For instance, though he made sport of Alexinus and bantered him cruelly, he was nevertheless very kind to him, for, when his wife was afraid that on her journey she might be set upon and robbed, he gave her an escort from Delphi to Chalcis. 4.4. Plutarch in the Lives of Lysander and Sulla makes his malady to have been morbus pedicularis. That his body wasted away is affirmed by Timotheus in his book On Lives. Speusippus, he says, meeting a rich man who was in love with one who was no beauty, said to him, Why, pray, are you in such sore need of him? For ten talents I will find you a more handsome bride.He has left behind a vast store of memoirs and numerous dialogues, among them:Aristippus the Cyrenaic.On Wealth, one book.On Pleasure, one book.On Justice,On Philosophy,On Friendship,On the Gods,The Philosopher,A Reply to Cephalus,Cephalus,Clinomachus or Lysias,The Citizen,of the Soul,A Reply to Gryllus, 4.17. Antigonus of Carystus in his Biographies says that his father was foremost among the citizens and kept horses to compete in the chariot-race; that Polemo himself had been defendant in an action brought by his wife, who charged him with cruelty owing to the irregularities of his life; but that, from the time when he began to study philosophy, he acquired such strength of character as always to maintain the same unruffled calm of demeanour. Nay more, he never lost control of his voice. This in fact accounts for the fascination which he exercised over Crantor. Certain it is that, when a mad dog bit him in the back of his thigh, he did not even turn pale, but remained undisturbed by all the clamour which arose in the city at the news of what had happened. In the theatre too he was singularly unmoved. 4.22. Hence Arcesilaus, who had quitted Theophrastus and gone over to their school, said of them that they were gods or a remt of the Golden Age. They did not side with the popular party, but were such as Dionysodorus the flute-player is said to have claimed to be, when he boasted that no one ever heard his melodies, as those of Ismenias were heard, either on shipboard or at the fountain. According to Antigonus, their common table was in the house of Crantor; and these two and Arcesilaus lived in harmony together. Arcesilaus and Crantor shared the same house, while Polemo and Crates lived with Lysicles, one of the citizens. Crates, as already stated, was the favourite of Polemo and Arcesilaus of Crantor. 4.36. A certain dialectic, a follower of Alexinus, was unable to repeat properly some argument of his teacher, whereupon Arcesilaus reminded him of the story of Philoxenus and the brickmakers. He found them singing some of his melodies out of tune; so he retaliated by trampling on the bricks they were making, saying, If you spoil my work, I'll spoil yours. He was, moreover, genuinely annoyed with any who took up their studies too late. By some natural impulse he was betrayed into using such phrases as I assert, and So-and-so (mentioning the name) will not assent to this. And this trait many of his pupils imitated, as they did also his style of speaking and his whole address. 4.37. Very fertile in invention, he could meet objection acutely or bring the course of discussion back to the point at issue, and fit it to every occasion. In persuasiveness he had no equal, and this all the more drew pupils to the school, although they were in terror of his pungent wit. But they willingly put up with that; for his goodness was extraordinary, and he inspired his pupils with hopes. He showed the greatest generosity in private life, being ever ready to confer benefits, yet most modestly anxious to conceal the favour. For instance, he once called upon Ctesibius when he was ill and, seeing in what straits he was, quietly put a purse under his pillow. He, when he found it, said, This is the joke of Arcesilaus. Moreover, on another occasion, he sent him 1000 drachmas. 4.38. Again, by introducing Archias the Arcadian to Eumenes, he caused him to be advanced to great dignity. And, as he was very liberal, caring very little for money, so he was the first to attend performances where seats were paid for, and he was above all eager to go to those of Archecrates and Callicrates, for which the fee was a gold piece. And he helped many people and collected subscriptions for them. Some one once borrowed his silver plate in order to entertain friends and never brought it back, but Arcesilaus did not ask him for it and pretended it had not been borrowed. Another version of the story is that he lent it on purpose, and, when it was returned, made the borrower a present of it because he was poor. He had property in Pitane from which his brother Pylades sent him supplies. Furthermore, Eumenes, the son of Philetaerus, furnished him with large sums, and for this reason Eumenes was the only one of the contemporary kings to whom he dedicated any of his works. 4.39. And whereas many persons courted Antigonus and went to meet him whenever he came to Athens, Arcesilaus remained at home, not wishing to thrust himself upon his acquaintance. He was on the best of terms with Hierocles, the commandant in Munichia and Piraeus, and at every festival would go down to see him. And though Hierocles joined in urging him to pay his respects to Antigonus, he was not prevailed upon, but, after going as far as the gates, turned back. And after the battle at sea, when many went to Antigonus or wrote him flattering letters, he held his peace. However, on behalf of his native city, he did go to Demetrias as envoy to Antigonus, but failed in his mission. He spent his time wholly in the Academy, shunning politics. 4.41. He is said to have been particularly enamoured of Demetrius who sailed to Cyrene, and of Cleochares of Myrlea; of him the story is told that, when a band of revellers came to the door, he told them that for his part he was willing to admit them but that Cleochares would not let him. This same youth had amongst his admirers Demochares the son of Laches, and Pythocles the son of Bugelus, and once when Arcesilaus had caught them, with great forbearance he ordered them off. For all this he was assailed and ridiculed by the critics abovementioned, as a friend of the mob who courted popularity. The most virulent attacks were made upon him in the circle of Hieronymus the Peripatetic, whenever he collected his friends to keep the birthday of Halcyoneus, son of Antigonus, an occasion for which Antigonus used to send large sums of money to be spent in merrymaking. 4.47. And I burnt his books, scraped everything together, came to Athens and turned philosopher.This is the stock and this the blood from which I boast to have sprung. Such is my story. It is high time, then, that Persaeus and Philonides left off recounting it. Judge me by myself.In truth Bion was in other respects a shifty character, a subtle sophist, and one who had given the enemies of philosophy many an occasion to blaspheme, while in certain respects he was even pompous and able to indulge in arrogance. He left very many memoirs, and also sayings of useful application. For example, when he was reproached for not paying court to a youth, his excuse was, You can't get hold of a soft cheese with a hook. 6.85. 5. CRATESCrates, son of Ascondas, was a Theban. He too was amongst the Cynic's famous pupils. Hippobotus, however, alleges that he was a pupil not of Diogenes, but of Bryson the Achaean. The following playful lines are attributed to him:There is a city Pera in the midst of wine-dark vapour,Fair, fruitful, passing squalid, owning nought,Into which sails nor fool nor parasiteNor glutton, slave of sensual appetite,But thyme it bears, garlic, and figs and loaves,For which things' sake men fight not each with other,Nor stand to arms for money or for fame. 7.6. The people of Athens held Zeno in high honour, as is proved by their depositing with him the keys of the city walls, and their honouring him with a golden crown and a bronze statue. This last mark of respect was also shown to him by citizens of his native town, who deemed his statue an ornament to their city, and the men of Citium living in Sidon were also proud to claim him for their own. Antigonus (Gonatas) also favoured him, and whenever he came to Athens would hear him lecture and often invited him to come to his court. This offer he declined but dispatched thither one of his friends, Persaeus, the son of Demetrius and a native of Citium, who flourished in the 130th Olympiad, at which time Zeno was already an old man. According to Apollonius of Tyre in his work upon Zeno, the letter of Antigonus was couched in the following terms: 7.7. King Antigonus to Zeno the philosopher, greeting.While in fortune and fame I deem myself your superior, in reason and education I own myself inferior, as well as in the perfect happiness which you have attained. Wherefore I have decided to ask you to pay me a visit, being persuaded that you will not refuse the request. By all means, then, do your best to hold conference with me, understanding clearly that you will not be the instructor of myself alone but of all the Macedonians taken together. For it is obvious that whoever instructs the ruler of Macedonia and guides him in the paths of virtue will also be training his subjects to be good men. As is the ruler, such for the most part it may be expected that his subjects will become.And Zeno's reply is as follows: 7.8. Zeno to King Antigonus, greeting.I welcome your love of learning in so far as you cleave to that true education which tends to advantage and not to that popular counterfeit of it which serves only to corrupt morals. But if anyone has yearned for philosophy, turning away from much-vaunted pleasure which renders effeminate the souls of some of the young, it is evident that not by nature only, but also by the bent of his will he is inclined to nobility of character. But if a noble nature be aided by moderate exercise and further receive ungrudging instruction, it easily comes to acquire virtue in perfection. 7.9. But I am constrained by bodily weakness, due to old age, for I am eighty years old; and for that reason I am unable to join you. But I send you certain companions of my studies whose mental powers are not inferior to mine, while their bodily strength is far greater, and if you associate with these you will in no way fall short of the conditions necessary to perfect happiness.So he sent Persaeus and Philonides the Theban; and Epicurus in his letter to his brother Aristobulus mentions them both as living with Antigonus. I have thought it well to append the decree also which the Athenians passed concerning him. It reads as follows: 7.15. After Zeno's death Antigonus is reported to have said, What an audience I have lost. Hence too he employed Thraso as his agent to request the Athenians to bury Zeno in the Ceramicus. And when asked why he admired him, Because, said he, the many ample gifts I offered him never made him conceited nor yet appear poor-spirited.His bent was towards inquiry, and he was an exact reasoner on all subjects. Hence the words of Timon in his Silli:A Phoenician too I saw, a pampered old woman ensconced in gloomy pride, longing for all things; but the meshes of her subtle web have perished, and she had no more intelligence than a banjo. 7.27. He showed the utmost endurance, and the greatest frugality; the food he used required no fire to dress, and the cloak he wore was thin. Hence it was said of him:The cold of winter and the ceaseless rainCome powerless against him: weak the dartof the fierce summer sun or racking painTo bend that iron frame. He stands apartUnspoiled by public feast and jollity:Patient, unwearied night and day doth heCling to his studies of philosophy.Nay more: the comic poets by their very jests at his expense praised him without intending it. Thus Philemon says in a play, Philosophers:This man adopts a new philosophy.He teaches to go hungry: yet he getsDisciples. One sole loaf of bread his food;His best dessert dried figs; water his drink.Others attribute these lines to Poseidippus.By this time he had almost become a proverb. At all events, More temperate than Zeno the philosopher was a current saying about him. Poseidippus also writes in his Men Transported:So that for ten whole daysMore temperate than Zeno's self he seemed. 7.36. of the many disciples of Zeno the following are the most famous: Persaeus, son of Demetrius, of Citium, whom some call a pupil and others one of the household, one of those sent him by Antigonus to act as secretary; he had been tutor to Antigonus's son Halcyoneus. And Antigonus once, wishing to make trial of him, caused some false news to be brought to him that his estate had been ravaged by the enemy, and as his countece fell, Do you see, said he, that wealth is not a matter of indifference?The following works are by Persaeus:of Kingship.The Spartan Constitution.of Marriage.of Impiety.Thyestes.of Love.Exhortations.Interludes.Four books of Anecdotes.Memorabilia.A Reply to Plato's Laws in seven books. 9.18. 2. XENOPHANESXenophanes, a native of Colophon, the son of Dexius, or, according to Apollodorus, of Orthomenes, is praised by Timon, whose words at all events are:Xenophanes, not over-proud, perverter of Homer, castigator.He was banished from his native city and lived at Zancle in Sicily [and having joined the colony planted at Elea taught there]. He also lived in Catana. According to some he was no man's pupil, according to others he was a pupil of Boton of Athens, or, as some say, of Archelaus. Sotion makes him a contemporary of Anaximander. His writings are in epic metre, as well as elegiacs and iambics attacking Hesiod and Homer and denouncing what they said about the gods. Furthermore he used to recite his own poems. It is stated that he opposed the views of Thales and Pythagoras, and attacked Epimenides also. He lived to a very great age, as his own words somewhere testify: 10.3. Hence the point of Timon's allusion in the lines:Again there is the latest and most shameless of the physicists, the schoolmaster's son from Samos, himself the most uneducated of mortals.At his instigation his three brothers, Neocles, Chaeredemus, and Aristobulus, joined in his studies, according to Philodemus the Epicurean in the tenth book of his comprehensive work On Philosophers; furthermore his slave named Mys, as stated by Myronianus in his Historical Parallels. Diotimus the Stoic, who is hostile to him, has assailed him with bitter slanders, adducing fifty scandalous letters as written by Epicurus; and so too did the author who ascribed to Epicurus the epistles commonly attributed to Chrysippus. 10.4. They are followed by Posidonius the Stoic and his school, and Nicolaus and Sotion in the twelfth book of his work entitled Dioclean Refutations, consisting of twenty-four books; also by Dionysius of Halicarnassus. They allege that he used to go round with his mother to cottages and read charms, and assist his father in his school for a pitiful fee; further, that one of his brothers was a pander and lived with Leontion the courtesan; that he put forward as his own the doctrines of Democritus about atoms and of Aristippus about pleasure; that he was not a genuine Athenian citizen, a charge brought by Timocrates and by Herodotus in a book On the Training of Epicurus as a Cadet; that he basely flattered Mithras, the minister of Lysimachus, bestowing on him in his letters Apollo's titles of Healer and Lord. 10.5. Furthermore that he extolled Idomeneus, Herodotus, and Timocrates, who had published his esoteric doctrines, and flattered them for that very reason. Also that in his letters he wrote to Leontion, O Lord Apollo, my dear little Leontion, with what tumultuous applause we were inspired as we read your letter. Then again to Themista, the wife of Leonteus: I am quite ready, if you do not come to see me, to spin thrice on my own axis and be propelled to any place that you, including Themista, agree upon; and to the beautiful Pythocles he writes: I will sit down and await thy divine advent, my heart's desire. And, as Theodorus says in the fourth book of his work, Against Epicurus, in another letter to Themista he thinks he preaches to her. 10.28. Hegesianax.of Human Life, four books.of Just Dealing.Neocles: dedicated to Themista.Symposium.Eurylochus: dedicated to Metrodorus.of Vision.of the Angle in the Atom.of Touch.of Fate.Theories of the Feelings – against Timocrates.Discovery of the Future.Introduction to Philosophy.of Images.of Presentation.Aristobulus.of Music.of Justice and the other Virtues.of Benefits and Gratitude.Polymedes.Timocrates, three books.Metrodorus, five books.Antidorus, two books.Theories about Diseases (and Death) – to Mithras.Callistolas.of Kingship.Anaximenes.Correspondence.The views expressed in these works I will try to set forth by quoting three of his epistles, in which he has given an epitome of his whole system. |
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| 49. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 7.432-7.435 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Brouwer (2013), The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates, 119, 120 |
| 50. Themistius, Orations, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Brouwer (2013), The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates, 119, 120 |
| 51. Ephrem, Hymns On The Church, 290 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 52 |
| 52. Epigraphy, Smyrna, 573 Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas •statues, of antigonus gonatas Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 286 |
| 53. Epigraphy, Ig I , 244, 253-254, 138 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 33, 52, 228 |
| 56. Epigraphy, I.Ephesos, 1453, 5 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 49 |
| 57. Epigraphy, I.Eleusis, 229, 85, 93, 95 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 33 |
| 58. Epigraphy, Herzog, Kff, #52, #54 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 52 |
| 59. Epigraphy, Cid, 1.11 Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas •statues, of antigonus gonatas Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 286 |
| 60. Epicurus, Letter To Menoeceus, 135 Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 10 |
| 61. Demosthenes, Orations, a b c d\n0 [59].104 [59].104 [59] 104 Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas •statues, of antigonus gonatas Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 286 |
| 62. Long And Sedley, The Hellenistic Philosophers, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 16 |
| 63. Dorotheus, Doxographi Graeci, 3.1.362 Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas •statues, of antigonus gonatas Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 286 |
| 64. Epigraphy, Fasti Gabini, None Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 97 |
| 65. Epigraphy, Fasti Verulani,, #46, #88, #63 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 61 |
| 66. Epigraphy, Agora 16, 277, 270 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 69 |
| 68. Epigraphy, Ig Ii3, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 49; Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 137 |
| 69. Stoic School, Stoicor. Veter. Fragm., 1.435, 1.437, 1.442-1.443, 1.445, 1.449, 1.451-1.452, 1.563, 3.297, 3.332 Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Brouwer (2013), The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates, 119, 120; Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 10 |
| 70. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 9.6.1 Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 263 |
71. Strabo, Geography, 14.2.19 Tagged with subjects: •apelles, portrait of antigonus gonatas Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 50 | 14.2.19. The city of the Coans was in ancient times called Astypalaea; and its people lived on another site, which was likewise on the sea. And then, on account of a sedition, they changed their abode to the present city, near Scandarium, and changed the name to Cos, the same as that of the island. Now the city is not large, but it is the most beautifully settled of all, and is most pleasing to behold as one sails from the high sea to its shore. The size of the island is about five hundred and fifty stadia. It is everywhere well supplied with fruits, but like Chios and Lesbos it is best in respect to its wine. Towards the south it has a promontory, Laceter, whence the distance to Nisyros is sixty stadia (but near Laceter there is a place called Halisarna), and on the west it has Drecanum and a village called Stomalimne. Now Drecanum is about two hundred stadia distant from the city, but Laceter adds thirty-five stadia to the length of the voyage. In the suburb is the Asclepieium, a sanctuary exceedingly famous and full of numerous votive offerings, among which is the Antigonus of Apelles. And Aphrodite Anadyomene used to be there, but it is now dedicated to the deified Caesar in Rome, Augustus thus having dedicated to his father the female founder of his family. It is said that the Coans got a remission of one hundred talents of the appointed tribute in return for the painting. And it is said that the dietetics practised by Hippocrates were derived mostly from the cures recorded on the votive tablets there. He, then, is one of the famous men from Cos; and so is Simus the physician; as also Philetas, at the same time poet and critic; and, in my time, Nicias, who also reigned as tyrant over the Coans; and Ariston, the pupil and heir of the Peripatetic; and Theomnestus, a renowned harper, who was a political opponent of Nicias, was a native of the island. |
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| 72. Stephanos Ho Byzantios, Ethnica, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 161 |
| 73. Philodemus, On Conversation, 5.2, 6.2 Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 187 |
| 74. Philodemus, Fragments, 12.3-12.6 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brouwer (2013), The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates, 120 |
| 75. Philodemus, History of The Academics, 2.10.12-2.10.15 Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 187 |
| 76. Philodemus, History of The Stoics, 8.1-8.13, 9.2-9.3, 9.5-9.7 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 187 |
| 77. Epigraphy, Seg, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 61, 137 |
| 78. Epigraphy, Ogis, 10 Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 49 |
| 79. Epigraphy, Mylasa, 127, 101 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 286 |
| 80. Epigraphy, Labraunda, 42 Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas •statues, of antigonus gonatas Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 286 |
| 81. Lycophron of Chalcis, Cassandrians, None Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 100 |
| 82. Lycophron of Chalcis, Andromeda, None Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 100 |
| 83. Lycophron of Chalcis, Elephenor, None Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 100 |
| 84. Lycophron of Chalcis, Nauplius, None Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 100 |
| 85. Epigraphy, Knidos, 231 Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas •statues, of antigonus gonatas Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 286 |
| 86. Epigraphy, Ivo, 16 Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas •statues, of antigonus gonatas Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 286 |
| 87. Plutarch, According To Epicurus It Is Impossible To Live Pleasantly, None Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 33 |
| 88. Epig. Gr., Fragments, 2.4 Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas •statues, of antigonus gonatas Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 286 |
| 89. Dinarchos, Dinarchos, None Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 52 |
| 90. Epigraphy, Ig Xii, 5.718, 6.1 Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas •statues, of antigonus gonatas Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 286 |
| 91. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 1030, 1163, 1178, 1214-1215, 1273, 1277, 1315-1316, 1362, 47, 4962, 784, 793, 780 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 69, 242, 243 |
| 92. Epigraphy, Wörrle 1977, 44 Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 49 |
| 93. [Callisthenes]Fgrh 124 T 33 Bis, Fgrh 124 T 33 Bis 32, 3.33.14 Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 141 |
| 94. Epigraphy, Ig Ii², 7.2712 Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 157 |
| 95. Persaeus of Citium, Fgrh 584, None Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 157 |
| 96. Polyclitus, Fgrh 128, None Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 157 |
| 97. Epigraphy, Ig I , 138, 244, 254, 253 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 61 |
| 98. Bion, Fragments (Kindstrand), None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 32 |
| 99. Ephrem, Ed. Assemani, 60 Tagged with subjects: •antigonus gonatas •statues, of antigonus gonatas Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 286 |
