| 1. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 8.9 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •annales maximi, narrative placement of material in Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 307 |
| 2. Livy, History, 39.5.5 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •annales maximi, narrative placement of material in Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 26 |
| 3. Seneca The Younger, Natural Questions, 6.1.2, 7.17.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •annales maximi, narrative placement of material in Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 305, 311 |
| 4. Suetonius, Augustus, 97.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •annales maximi, narrative placement of material in Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 307 |
| 5. Suetonius, Claudius, 46 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •annales maximi, narrative placement of material in Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 307 |
| 6. Suetonius, Domitianus, 15.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •annales maximi, narrative placement of material in Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 307 |
| 7. Suetonius, Tiberius, 25 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •annales maximi, narrative placement of material in Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 71 |
| 8. Tacitus, Agricola, 40.1, 43.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •annales maximi, narrative placement of material in Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 47, 65 |
9. Tacitus, Annals, 1.1.2, 1.10.8, 1.11, 1.14, 1.14.1, 1.15.2-1.15.3, 1.16-1.51, 1.43.3, 1.54.1, 1.55-1.71, 1.55.1, 1.73-1.81, 1.73.4, 1.76.1, 2.5-2.26, 2.26.5, 2.32.2, 2.41.2-2.41.3, 2.49, 2.50.1-2.50.2, 2.52.5, 2.53-2.62, 2.69-2.73, 3.18.4, 3.56, 3.58, 3.60-3.64, 4.58.2-4.58.3, 4.62, 4.62.1, 4.64.1-4.64.3, 6.17.3, 6.22.1-6.22.4, 6.28.1-6.28.6, 11.20.2-11.20.3, 12.43.1, 12.64.1-12.64.2, 12.69.3, 13.17.1, 13.20.1, 13.24.1-13.24.2, 13.58, 14.12.1-14.12.2, 14.15.1, 14.15.5, 14.22.1-14.22.4, 14.47.2, 14.64.3, 15.17, 15.22.2, 15.36-15.38, 15.36.1-15.36.2, 15.40.2, 15.41.1, 15.47.2, 15.61.1, 16.2.2, 16.16.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 71| 2.55. At Cn. Piso quo properantius destinata inciperet civitatem Atheniensium turbido incessu exterritam oratione saeva increpat, oblique Germanicum perstringens quod contra decus Romani nominis non Atheniensis tot cladibus extinctos, sed conluviem illam nationum comitate nimia coluisset: hos enim esse Mithridatis adversus Sullam, Antonii adversus divum Augustum socios. etiam vetera obiectabat, quae in Macedones inprospere, violenter in suos fecissent, offensus urbi propria quoque ira quia Theophilum quendam Areo iudicio falsi damnatum precibus suis non concederent. exim navigatione celeri per Cycladas et compendia maris adsequitur Germanicum apud insulam Rhodum, haud nescium quibus insectationibus petitus foret: sed tanta mansuetudine agebat ut, cum orta tempestas raperet in abrupta possetque interitus inimici ad casum referri, miserit triremis quarum subsidio discrimini eximeretur. neque tamen mitigatus Piso, et vix diei moram perpessus linquit Germanicum praevenitque. et postquam Syriam ac legiones attigit, largitione, ambitu, infimos manipularium iuvando, cum veteres centuriones, severos tribunos demoveret locaque eorum clientibus suis vel deterrimo cuique attribueret, desidiam in castris, licentiam in urbibus, vagum ac lascivientem per agros militem sineret, eo usque corruptionis provectus est ut sermone vulgi parens legionum haberetur. nec Plancina se intra decora feminis tenebat, sed exercitio equitum, decursibus cohortium interesse, in Agrippinam, in Germanicum contumelias iacere, quibusdam etiam bonorum militum ad mala obsequia promptis, quod haud invito imperatore ea fieri occultus rumor incedebat. nota haec Germanico, sed praeverti ad Armenios instantior cura fuit. | 2.55. Meanwhile Gnaeus Piso, in haste to embark upon his schemes, first alarmed the community of Athens by a tempestuous entry, then assailed them in a virulent speech, which included an indirect attack on Germanicus for "compromising the dignity of the Roman name by his exaggerated civilities, not to the Athenians (whose repeated disasters had extinguished the breed) but to the present cosmopolitan rabble. For these were the men who had leagued themselves with Mithridates against Sulla, with Antony against the deified Augustus!" He upbraided them even with their ancient history; their ill-starred outbreaks against Macedon and their violence towards their own countrymen. Private resentment, also, embittered him against the town, as the authorities refused to give up at his request a certain Theophilus, whom the verdict of the Areopagus had declared guilty of forgery. After this, quick sailing by a short route through the Cyclades brought him up with Germanicus at Rhodes. The prince was aware of the invectives with which he had been assailed; yet he behaved with such mildness that, when a rising storm swept Piso toward the rock-bound coast, and the destruction of his foe could have been referred to misadventure, he sent warships to help in extricating him from his predicament. Even so, Piso was not mollified; and, after reluctantly submitting to the loss of a single day, he left Germanicus and completed the journey first. Then, the moment he reached Syria and the legions, by bounties and by bribery, by attentions to the humblest private, by dismissals of the veteran centurions and the stricter commanding officers, whom he replaced by dependants of his own or by men of the worst character, by permitting indolence in the camp, licence in the towns, and in the country a vagrant and riotous soldiery, he carried corruption to such a pitch that in the language of the rabble he was known as the Father of the Legions. Nor could Plancina contain herself within the limits of female decorum: she attended cavalry exercises and infantry manoeuvres; she flung her gibes at Agrippina or Germanicus; some even of the loyal troops being ready to yield her a disloyal obedience; for a whispered rumour was gaining ground that these doings were not unacceptable to the emperor. The state of affairs was known to Germanicus, but his more immediate anxiety was to reach Armenia first. |
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10. Tacitus, Histories, 1.1.2, 1.86.2, 4.84 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •annales maximi, narrative placement of material in Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 26, 47, 230 | 4.84. When the ambassadors reached Sinope, they delivered the gifts, requests, and messages of their king to Scydrothemis. He was all uncertainty, now fearing the god and again being terrified by the threats and opposition of his people; often he was tempted by the gifts and promises of the ambassadors. In the meantime three years passed during which Ptolemy did not lessen his zeal or his appeals; he increased the dignity of his ambassadors, the number of his ships, and the quantity of gold offered. Then a terrifying vision appeared to Scydrothemis, warning him not to hinder longer the purposes of the god: as he still hesitated, various disasters, diseases, and the evident anger of the gods, growing heavier from day to day, beset the king. He called an assembly of his people and made known to them the god's orders, the visions that had appeared to him and to Ptolemy, and the misfortunes that were multiplying upon them: the people opposed their king; they were jealous of Egypt, afraid for themselves, and so gathered about the temple of the god. At this point the tale becomes stranger, for tradition says that the god himself, voluntarily embarking on the fleet that was lying on the shore, miraculously crossed the wide stretch of sea and reached Alexandria in two days. A temple, befitting the size of the city, was erected in the quarter called Rhacotis; there had previously been on that spot an ancient shrine dedicated to Serapis and Isis. Such is the most popular account of the origin and arrival of the god. Yet I am not unaware that there are some who maintain that the god was brought from Seleucia in Syria in the reign of Ptolemy III; still others claim that the same Ptolemy introduced the god, but that the place from which he came was Memphis, once a famous city and the bulwark of ancient Egypt. Many regard the god himself as identical with Aesculapius, because he cures the sick; some as Osiris, the oldest god among these peoples; still more identify him with Jupiter as the supreme lord of all things; the majority, however, arguing from the attributes of the god that are seen on his statue or from their own conjectures, hold him to be Father Dis. |
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| 11. Frontinus, De Aquis Vrbis Romae, 7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •annales maximi, narrative placement of material in Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 307 |
| 12. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 3.55, 10.5, 34.41 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •annales maximi, narrative placement of material in Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 26, 230, 307 |
13. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 56.29.4, 57.4-57.5, 58.27.1, 61.20.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •annales maximi, narrative placement of material in Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 71, 230, 305, 307 | 56.29.4. A thunderbolt fell upon his statue that stood upon the Capitol and blotted out the first letter of the name "Caesar." This led the seers to declare that on the hundredth day after that he should attain to some divine state. They deduced this from the fact that the letter "C" signifies "one hundred" among the Latins, and the remainder of the word means "god" among the Etruscans. 57.4. 1. This rival, then, he got rid of at once, but of Germanicus he stood in great fear. For the troops in Pannonia had mutinied as soon as they learned of the death of Augustus, and coming together into one camp and strengthening it, they committed many rebellious acts.,2. Among other things they attempted to kill their commander, Junius Blaesus, and arrested and tortured his slaves. Their demands were, in brief, that their term of service should be limited to sixteen years, that they should be paid a denarius per day, and that they should receive their prizes then and there in the camp; and they threatened, in case they did not obtain these demands, to cause the province to revolt and then to march upon Rome.,3. However, they were at this time finally and with no little difficulty won over by Blaesus, and sent envoys to Tiberius at Rome in their behalf; for they hoped in connection with the change in the government to gain all their desires, either by frightening Tiberius or by giving the supreme power to another.,4. Later, when Drusus came against them with the Pretorians, they fell to rioting when no definite answer was given them, and they wounded some of his followers and placed a guard round about him in the night to prevent his escape. But when the moon suffered eclipse, they took the omen to heart and their spirit abated, so that they did no further harm to this detachment and dispatched envoys again to Tiberius.,5. Meanwhile a great storm came up; and when in consequence all had retired to their own quarters, the boldest spirits were put out of the way in one manner or another, either by Drusus himself in his own tent, whither they had been summoned as if for some other purpose, or else by his followers; and the rest were reduced to submission, and even surrendered for punishment some of their number whom they represented to have been responsible for the mutiny. 57.5. 1. These troops, then, were reduced to quiet in the manner described; but the soldiers in the province of Germany, where many had been assembled on account of the war, would not hear of moderation, since they saw that Germanicus was at once a Caesar and far superior to Tiberius, but putting forward the same demands as the others, they heaped abuse upon Tiberius and saluted Germanicus as emperor.,2. When the latter after much pleading found himself unable to reduce them to order, he finally drew his sword as if to slay himself; at this they jeeringly shouted their approval, and one of them proffered his own sword, saying: "Take this; this is sharper.",3. Germanicus, accordingly, seeing to what lengths the matter had gone, did not venture to kill himself, particularly as he did not believe they would stop their disturbance in any case. Instead, he composed a letter purporting to have been sent by Tiberius and then gave them twice the amount of the gift bequeathed them by Augustus, pretending it was the emperor who did this, and discharged those who were beyond the military age;,4. for most of them belonged to the city troops that Augustus had enrolled as an extra force after the disaster to Varus. As a result of this they ceased their seditious behaviour for the time. Later on came senators as envoys from Tiberius, to whom he had secretly communicated only so much as he wished Germanicus to know;,5. for he well understood that they would surely tell Germanicus all his own plans, and he did not wish that either they or that leader should busy themselves about anything beyond the instructions given, which were supposed to comprise everything. Now when these men arrived and the soldiers learned about the ruse of Germanicus, they suspected that the senators had come to overthrow their leader's measures, and so they fell to rioting once more.,6. They almost killed some of the envoys and became very insistent with Germanicus even seizing his wife Agrippina and his son, both of whom had been sent away by him to some place of refuge. Agrippina was the daughter of Agrippa and Julia, Augustus's daughter; the boy Gaius was called by them Caligula, because, having been reared largely in the camp, he wore military boots instead of the sandals usual in the city.,7. Then at Germanicus' request they released Agrippina, who was pregt, but retained Gaius. On this occasion, also, as they accomplished nothing, they grew quiet after a time. In fact, they experienced such a change of heart that of their own accord they arrested the boldest of their number, putting some of them to death privately and bringing the rest before an assembly, after which they either slew them or released them in accordance with the wishes of the majority. 58.27.1. And if Egyptian affairs touch Roman interests at all, it may be mentioned that the phoenix was seen that year. All these events were thought to foreshadow the death of Tiberius. Thrasyllus, indeed, did die at this very time, and the emperor himself died in the following spring, in the consulship of Gnaeus Proculus and Pontius Nigrinus. |
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| 14. Gellius, Attic Nights, 2.28.4-2.28.7 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •annales maximi, narrative placement of material in Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 12 |
| 15. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 7.84 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •annales maximi, narrative placement of material in Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 307 |
| 16. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.125 Tagged with subjects: •annales maximi, narrative placement of material in Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 71 |
