1. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 1.1-1.31 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae Found in books: Horkey (2019) 271| 1.1. "וַיִּקְרָא אֱלֹהִים לַיַּבָּשָׁה אֶרֶץ וּלְמִקְוֵה הַמַּיִם קָרָא יַמִּים וַיַּרְא אֱלֹהִים כִּי־טוֹב׃", 1.1. "בְּרֵאשִׁית בָּרָא אֱלֹהִים אֵת הַשָּׁמַיִם וְאֵת הָאָרֶץ׃", 1.2. "וַיֹּאמֶר אֱלֹהִים יִשְׁרְצוּ הַמַּיִם שֶׁרֶץ נֶפֶשׁ חַיָּה וְעוֹף יְעוֹפֵף עַל־הָאָרֶץ עַל־פְּנֵי רְקִיעַ הַשָּׁמָיִם׃", 1.2. "וְהָאָרֶץ הָיְתָה תֹהוּ וָבֹהוּ וְחֹשֶׁךְ עַל־פְּנֵי תְהוֹם וְרוּחַ אֱלֹהִים מְרַחֶפֶת עַל־פְּנֵי הַמָּיִם׃", 1.3. "וּלְכָל־חַיַּת הָאָרֶץ וּלְכָל־עוֹף הַשָּׁמַיִם וּלְכֹל רוֹמֵשׂ עַל־הָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר־בּוֹ נֶפֶשׁ חַיָּה אֶת־כָּל־יֶרֶק עֵשֶׂב לְאָכְלָה וַיְהִי־כֵן׃", 1.3. "וַיֹּאמֶר אֱלֹהִים יְהִי אוֹר וַיְהִי־אוֹר׃", 1.4. "וַיַּרְא אֱלֹהִים אֶת־הָאוֹר כִּי־טוֹב וַיַּבְדֵּל אֱלֹהִים בֵּין הָאוֹר וּבֵין הַחֹשֶׁךְ׃", 1.5. "וַיִּקְרָא אֱלֹהִים לָאוֹר יוֹם וְלַחֹשֶׁךְ קָרָא לָיְלָה וַיְהִי־עֶרֶב וַיְהִי־בֹקֶר יוֹם אֶחָד׃", 1.6. "וַיֹּאמֶר אֱלֹהִים יְהִי רָקִיעַ בְּתוֹךְ הַמָּיִם וִיהִי מַבְדִּיל בֵּין מַיִם לָמָיִם׃", 1.7. "וַיַּעַשׂ אֱלֹהִים אֶת־הָרָקִיעַ וַיַּבְדֵּל בֵּין הַמַּיִם אֲשֶׁר מִתַּחַת לָרָקִיעַ וּבֵין הַמַּיִם אֲשֶׁר מֵעַל לָרָקִיעַ וַיְהִי־כֵן׃", 1.8. "וַיִּקְרָא אֱלֹהִים לָרָקִיעַ שָׁמָיִם וַיְהִי־עֶרֶב וַיְהִי־בֹקֶר יוֹם שֵׁנִי׃", 1.9. "וַיֹּאמֶר אֱלֹהִים יִקָּווּ הַמַּיִם מִתַּחַת הַשָּׁמַיִם אֶל־מָקוֹם אֶחָד וְתֵרָאֶה הַיַּבָּשָׁה וַיְהִי־כֵן׃", 1.11. "וַיֹּאמֶר אֱלֹהִים תַּדְשֵׁא הָאָרֶץ דֶּשֶׁא עֵשֶׂב מַזְרִיעַ זֶרַע עֵץ פְּרִי עֹשֶׂה פְּרִי לְמִינוֹ אֲשֶׁר זַרְעוֹ־בוֹ עַל־הָאָרֶץ וַיְהִי־כֵן׃", 1.12. "וַתּוֹצֵא הָאָרֶץ דֶּשֶׁא עֵשֶׂב מַזְרִיעַ זֶרַע לְמִינֵהוּ וְעֵץ עֹשֶׂה־פְּרִי אֲשֶׁר זַרְעוֹ־בוֹ לְמִינֵהוּ וַיַּרְא אֱלֹהִים כִּי־טוֹב׃", 1.13. "וַיְהִי־עֶרֶב וַיְהִי־בֹקֶר יוֹם שְׁלִישִׁי׃", 1.14. "וַיֹּאמֶר אֱלֹהִים יְהִי מְאֹרֹת בִּרְקִיעַ הַשָּׁמַיִם לְהַבְדִּיל בֵּין הַיּוֹם וּבֵין הַלָּיְלָה וְהָיוּ לְאֹתֹת וּלְמוֹעֲדִים וּלְיָמִים וְשָׁנִים׃", 1.15. "וְהָיוּ לִמְאוֹרֹת בִּרְקִיעַ הַשָּׁמַיִם לְהָאִיר עַל־הָאָרֶץ וַיְהִי־כֵן׃", 1.16. "וַיַּעַשׂ אֱלֹהִים אֶת־שְׁנֵי הַמְּאֹרֹת הַגְּדֹלִים אֶת־הַמָּאוֹר הַגָּדֹל לְמֶמְשֶׁלֶת הַיּוֹם וְאֶת־הַמָּאוֹר הַקָּטֹן לְמֶמְשֶׁלֶת הַלַּיְלָה וְאֵת הַכּוֹכָבִים׃", 1.17. "וַיִּתֵּן אֹתָם אֱלֹהִים בִּרְקִיעַ הַשָּׁמָיִם לְהָאִיר עַל־הָאָרֶץ׃", 1.18. "וְלִמְשֹׁל בַּיּוֹם וּבַלַּיְלָה וּלֲהַבְדִּיל בֵּין הָאוֹר וּבֵין הַחֹשֶׁךְ וַיַּרְא אֱלֹהִים כִּי־טוֹב׃", 1.19. "וַיְהִי־עֶרֶב וַיְהִי־בֹקֶר יוֹם רְבִיעִי׃", 1.21. "וַיִּבְרָא אֱלֹהִים אֶת־הַתַּנִּינִם הַגְּדֹלִים וְאֵת כָּל־נֶפֶשׁ הַחַיָּה הָרֹמֶשֶׂת אֲשֶׁר שָׁרְצוּ הַמַּיִם לְמִינֵהֶם וְאֵת כָּל־עוֹף כָּנָף לְמִינֵהוּ וַיַּרְא אֱלֹהִים כִּי־טוֹב׃", 1.22. "וַיְבָרֶךְ אֹתָם אֱלֹהִים לֵאמֹר פְּרוּ וּרְבוּ וּמִלְאוּ אֶת־הַמַּיִם בַּיַּמִּים וְהָעוֹף יִרֶב בָּאָרֶץ׃", 1.23. "וַיְהִי־עֶרֶב וַיְהִי־בֹקֶר יוֹם חֲמִישִׁי׃", 1.24. "וַיֹּאמֶר אֱלֹהִים תּוֹצֵא הָאָרֶץ נֶפֶשׁ חַיָּה לְמִינָהּ בְּהֵמָה וָרֶמֶשׂ וְחַיְתוֹ־אֶרֶץ לְמִינָהּ וַיְהִי־כֵן׃", 1.25. "וַיַּעַשׂ אֱלֹהִים אֶת־חַיַּת הָאָרֶץ לְמִינָהּ וְאֶת־הַבְּהֵמָה לְמִינָהּ וְאֵת כָּל־רֶמֶשׂ הָאֲדָמָה לְמִינֵהוּ וַיַּרְא אֱלֹהִים כִּי־טוֹב׃", 1.26. "וַיֹּאמֶר אֱלֹהִים נַעֲשֶׂה אָדָם בְּצַלְמֵנוּ כִּדְמוּתֵנוּ וְיִרְדּוּ בִדְגַת הַיָּם וּבְעוֹף הַשָּׁמַיִם וּבַבְּהֵמָה וּבְכָל־הָאָרֶץ וּבְכָל־הָרֶמֶשׂ הָרֹמֵשׂ עַל־הָאָרֶץ׃", 1.27. "וַיִּבְרָא אֱלֹהִים אֶת־הָאָדָם בְּצַלְמוֹ בְּצֶלֶם אֱלֹהִים בָּרָא אֹתוֹ זָכָר וּנְקֵבָה בָּרָא אֹתָם׃", 1.28. "וַיְבָרֶךְ אֹתָם אֱלֹהִים וַיֹּאמֶר לָהֶם אֱלֹהִים פְּרוּ וּרְבוּ וּמִלְאוּ אֶת־הָאָרֶץ וְכִבְשֻׁהָ וּרְדוּ בִּדְגַת הַיָּם וּבְעוֹף הַשָּׁמַיִם וּבְכָל־חַיָּה הָרֹמֶשֶׂת עַל־הָאָרֶץ׃", 1.29. "וַיֹּאמֶר אֱלֹהִים הִנֵּה נָתַתִּי לָכֶם אֶת־כָּל־עֵשֶׂב זֹרֵעַ זֶרַע אֲשֶׁר עַל־פְּנֵי כָל־הָאָרֶץ וְאֶת־כָּל־הָעֵץ אֲשֶׁר־בּוֹ פְרִי־עֵץ זֹרֵעַ זָרַע לָכֶם יִהְיֶה לְאָכְלָה׃", 1.31. "וַיַּרְא אֱלֹהִים אֶת־כָּל־אֲשֶׁר עָשָׂה וְהִנֵּה־טוֹב מְאֹד וַיְהִי־עֶרֶב וַיְהִי־בֹקֶר יוֹם הַשִּׁשִּׁי׃", | 1.1. "In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth.", 1.2. "Now the earth was unformed and void, and darkness was upon the face of the deep; and the spirit of God hovered over the face of the waters.", 1.3. "And God said: ‘Let there be light.’ And there was light.", 1.4. "And God saw the light, that it was good; and God divided the light from the darkness.", 1.5. "And God called the light Day, and the darkness He called Night. And there was evening and there was morning, one day.", 1.6. "And God said: ‘Let there be a firmament in the midst of the waters, and let it divide the waters from the waters.’", 1.7. "And God made the firmament, and divided the waters which were under the firmament from the waters which were above the firmament; and it was so.", 1.8. "And God called the firmament Heaven. And there was evening and there was morning, a second day.", 1.9. "And God said: ‘Let the waters under the heaven be gathered together unto one place, and let the dry land appear.’ And it was so.", 1.10. "And God called the dry land Earth, and the gathering together of the waters called He Seas; and God saw that it was good.", 1.11. "And God said: ‘Let the earth put forth grass, herb yielding seed, and fruit-tree bearing fruit after its kind, wherein is the seed thereof, upon the earth.’ And it was so.", 1.12. "And the earth brought forth grass, herb yielding seed after its kind, and tree bearing fruit, wherein is the seed thereof, after its kind; and God saw that it was good.", 1.13. "And there was evening and there was morning, a third day.", 1.14. "And God said: ‘Let there be lights in the firmament of the heaven to divide the day from the night; and let them be for signs, and for seasons, and for days and years;", 1.15. "and let them be for lights in the firmament of the heaven to give light upon the earth.’ And it was so.", 1.16. "And God made the two great lights: the greater light to rule the day, and the lesser light to rule the night; and the stars.", 1.17. "And God set them in the firmament of the heaven to give light upon the earth,", 1.18. "and to rule over the day and over the night, and to divide the light from the darkness; and God saw that it was good.", 1.19. "And there was evening and there was morning, a fourth day.", 1.20. "And God said: ‘Let the waters swarm with swarms of living creatures, and let fowl fly above the earth in the open firmament of heaven.’", 1.21. "And God created the great sea-monsters, and every living creature that creepeth, wherewith the waters swarmed, after its kind, and every winged fowl after its kind; and God saw that it was good.", 1.22. "And God blessed them, saying: ‘Be fruitful, and multiply, and fill the waters in the seas, and let fowl multiply in the earth.’", 1.23. "And there was evening and there was morning, a fifth day.", 1.24. "And God said: ‘Let the earth bring forth the living creature after its kind, cattle, and creeping thing, and beast of the earth after its kind.’ And it was so.", 1.25. "And God made the beast of the earth after its kind, and the cattle after their kind, and every thing that creepeth upon the ground after its kind; and God saw that it was good.", 1.26. "And God said: ‘Let us make man in our image, after our likeness; and let them have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over the cattle, and over all the earth, and over every creeping thing that creepeth upon the earth.’", 1.27. "And God created man in His own image, in the image of God created He him; male and female created He them.", 1.28. "And God blessed them; and God said unto them: ‘Be fruitful, and multiply, and replenish the earth, and subdue it; and have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over every living thing that creepeth upon the earth.’", 1.29. "And God said: ‘Behold, I have given you every herb yielding seed, which is upon the face of all the earth, and every tree, in which is the fruit of a tree yielding seed—to you it shall be for food;", 1.30. "and to every beast of the earth, and to every fowl of the air, and to every thing that creepeth upon the earth, wherein there is a living soul, [I have given] every green herb for food.’ And it was so.", 1.31. "And God saw every thing that He had made, and, behold, it was very good. And there was evening and there was morning, the sixth day.", |
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2. Hesiod, Theogony, 571, 588-595, 597-602, 596 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 54 | 596. Who planned that hero would be greater still |
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3. Homer, Iliad, 1.474-1.476 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae Found in books: Horkey (2019) 66 | 1.474. / and served out to all, first pouring drops for libation into the cups. So the whole day long they sought to appease the god with song, singing the beautiful paean, the sons of the Achaeans, hymning the god who works from afar; and his heart was glad, as he heard.But when the sun set and darkness came on, 1.475. / they lay down to rest by the stern cables of the ship, and as soon as early rosy-fingered Dawn appeared, then they set sail for the wide camp of the Achaeans. And Apollo, who works from afar, sent them a favouring wind, and they set up the mast and spread the white sail. 1.476. / they lay down to rest by the stern cables of the ship, and as soon as early rosy-fingered Dawn appeared, then they set sail for the wide camp of the Achaeans. And Apollo, who works from afar, sent them a favouring wind, and they set up the mast and spread the white sail. |
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4. Hesiod, Works And Days, 55 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae, Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 53 | 55. He hid it in a fennel stalk and thu |
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| 5. Sappho, Fragments, 3.631 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae Found in books: Horkey (2019) 37 |
| 6. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 80 |
| 7. Empedocles, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 63 |
| 8. Democritus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Horkey (2019) 66 |
| 9. Anaxagoras, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Horkey (2019) 63, 271 |
10. Xenophon, Memoirs, 1.1.11-1.1.14, 4.7.6 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae Found in books: Horkey (2019) 28| 1.1.11. οὐδεὶς δὲ πώποτε Σωκράτους οὐδὲν ἀσεβὲς οὐδὲ ἀνόσιον οὔτε πράττοντος εἶδεν οὔτε λέγοντος ἤκουσεν. οὐδὲ γὰρ περὶ τῆς τῶν πάντων φύσεως, ᾗπερ τῶν ἄλλων οἱ πλεῖστοι, διελέγετο σκοπῶν ὅπως ὁ καλούμενος ὑπὸ τῶν σοφιστῶν κόσμος ἔχει καὶ τίσιν ἀνάγκαις ἕκαστα γίγνεται τῶν οὐρανίων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς φροντίζοντας τὰ τοιαῦτα μωραίνοντας ἀπεδείκνυε. 1.1.12. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν αὐτῶν ἐσκόπει πότερά ποτε νομίσαντες ἱκανῶς ἤδη τἀνθρώπινα εἰδέναι ἔρχονται ἐπὶ τὸ περὶ τῶν τοιούτων φροντίζειν, ἢ τὰ μὲν ἀνθρώπινα παρέντες, τὰ δαιμόνια δὲ σκοποῦντες ἡγοῦνται τὰ προσήκοντα πράττειν. 1.1.13. ἐθαύμαζε δʼ εἰ μὴ φανερὸν αὐτοῖς ἐστιν, ὅτι ταῦτα οὐ δυνατόν ἐστιν ἀνθρώποις εὑρεῖν· ἐπεὶ καὶ τοὺς μέγιστον φρονοῦντας ἐπὶ τῷ περὶ τούτων λέγειν οὐ ταὐτὰ δοξάζειν ἀλλήλοις, ἀλλὰ τοῖς μαινομένοις ὁμοίως διακεῖσθαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους. 1.1.14. τῶν τε γὰρ μαινομένων τοὺς μὲν οὐδὲ τὰ δεινὰ δεδιέναι, τοὺς δὲ καὶ τὰ μὴ φοβερὰ φοβεῖσθαι, καὶ τοῖς μὲν οὐδʼ ἐν ὄχλῳ δοκεῖν αἰσχρὸν εἶναι λέγειν ἢ ποιεῖν ὁτιοῦν, τοῖς δὲ οὐδʼ ἐξιτητέον εἰς ἀνθρώπους εἶναι δοκεῖν, καὶ τοὺς μὲν οὔθʼ ἱερὸν οὔτε βωμὸν οὔτʼ ἄλλο τῶν θείων οὐδὲν τιμᾶν, τοὺς δὲ καὶ λίθους καὶ ξύλα τὰ τυχόντα καὶ θηρία σέβεσθαι· τῶν τε περὶ τῆς τῶν πάντων φύσεως μεριμνώντων τοῖς μὲν δοκεῖν ἓν μόνον τὸ ὂν εἶναι, τοῖς δʼ ἄπειρα τὸ πλῆθος, καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἀεὶ πάντα κινεῖσθαι, τοῖς δʼ οὐδὲν ἄν ποτε κινηθῆναι, καὶ τοῖς μὲν πάντα γίγνεσθαί τε καὶ ἀπόλλυσθαι, τοῖς δὲ οὔτʼ ἂν γενέσθαι ποτὲ οὐδὲν οὔτε ἀπολεῖσθαι. 4.7.6. ὅλως δὲ τῶν οὐρανίων, ᾗ ἕκαστα ὁ θεὸς μηχανᾶται, φροντιστὴν γίγνεσθαι ἀπέτρεπεν· οὔτε γὰρ εὑρετὰ ἀνθρώποις αὐτὰ ἐνόμιζεν εἶναι οὔτε χαρίζεσθαι θεοῖς ἂν ἡγεῖτο τὸν ζητοῦντα ἃ ἐκεῖνοι σαφηνίσαι οὐκ ἐβουλήθησαν. κινδυνεῦσαι δʼ ἂν ἔφη καὶ παραφρονῆσαι τὸν ταῦτα μεριμνῶντα οὐδὲν ἧττον ἢ Ἀναξαγόρας παρεφρόνησεν ὁ μέγιστον φρονήσας ἐπὶ τῷ τὰς τῶν θεῶν μηχανὰς ἐξηγεῖσθαι. | 1.1.11. He did not even discuss that topic so favoured by other talkers, the Nature of the Universe : and avoided speculation on the so-called Cosmos of the Professors, how it works, and on the laws that govern the phenomena of the heavens: indeed he would argue that to trouble one’s mind with such problems is sheer folly. 1.1.12. In the first place, he would inquire, did these thinkers suppose that their knowledge of human affairs was so complete that they must seek these new fields for the exercise of their brains; or that it was their duty to neglect human affairs and consider only things divine? 1.1.13. Moreover, he marvelled at their blindness in not seeing that man cannot solve these riddles; since even the most conceited talkers on these problems did not agree in their theories, but behaved to one another like madmen. 1.1.14. As some madmen have no fear of danger and others are afraid where there is nothing to be afraid of, as some will do or say anything in a crowd with no sense of shame, while others shrink even from going abroad among men, some respect neither temple nor altar nor any other sacred thing, others worship stocks and stones and beasts, so is it, he held, with those who worry with Universal Nature. Some hold that What is is one, others that it is infinite in number: some that all things are in perpetual motion, others that nothing can ever be moved at any time: some that all life is birth and decay, others that nothing can ever be born or ever die. 4.7.6. In general, with regard to the phenomena of the heavens, he deprecated curiosity to learn how the deity contrives them: he held that their secrets could not be discovered by man, and believed that any attempt to search out what the gods had not chosen to reveal must be displeasing to them. He said that he who meddles with these matters runs the risk of losing his sanity as completely as Anaxagoras, who took an insane pride in his explanation of the divine machinery. |
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| 11. Plato, Phaedo, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 304 |
| 12. Speusippus, Fragments, 89-91 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Horkey (2019) 270 |
| 13. Euripides, Medea, 1244, 1358, 230, 248-249, 251, 264, 395, 44, 574, 250 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 52 |
| 14. Plato, Greater Hippias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae, Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 303 |
15. Plato, Philebus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae Found in books: Horkey (2019) 270| 30d. ΣΩ. οὐκοῦν ἐν μὲν τῇ τοῦ Διὸς ἐρεῖς φύσει βασιλικὴν μὲν ψυχήν, βασιλικὸν δὲ νοῦν ἐγγίγνεσθαι διὰ τὴν τῆς αἰτίας δύναμιν, ἐν δʼ ἄλλοις ἄλλα καλά, καθʼ ὅτι φίλον ἑκάστοις λέγεσθαι. ΠΡΩ. μάλα γε. ΣΩ. τοῦτον δὴ τὸν λόγον ἡμᾶς μή τι μάτην δόξῃς, ὦ Πρώταρχε, εἰρηκέναι, ἀλλʼ ἔστι τοῖς μὲν πάλαι ἀποφηναμένοις ὡς ἀεὶ τοῦ παντὸς νοῦς ἄρχει σύμμαχος ἐκείνοις. ΠΡΩ. ἔστι γὰρ οὖν. ΣΩ. τῇ δέ γε ἐμῇ ζητήσει πεπορικὼς ἀπόκρισιν, ὅτι νοῦς | 30d. and a kingly mind were implanted through the power of the cause, and in other deities other noble qualities from which they derive their favorite epithets. Pro. Certainly. Soc. Now do not imagine, Protarchus, that this is mere idle talk of mine; it confirms the utterances of those who declared of old that mind always rules the universe. Pro. Yes, certainly. Soc. And to my question it has furnished the reply |
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| 16. Plato, Timaeus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 297 |
| 17. Diogenes of Apollonia, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Horkey (2019) 270 |
| 18. Aristotle, Meteorology, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae Found in books: Horkey (2019) 62 |
| 19. Aristotle, Metaphysics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 59 |
| 20. Aristotle, Parts of Animals, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae, Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 202 |
| 21. Aristotle, Generation of Animals, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae Found in books: Horkey (2019) 82 |
| 22. Aristotle, Heavens, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 59 |
| 23. Aristotle, Soul, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae Found in books: Horkey (2019) 37 |
| 24. Aristotle, Physics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 72 |
25. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 1.1-1.8, 4.2-4.5, 5.7-5.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae Found in books: Wynne (2019) 13| 1.1. Cum 1 et 5 extr. imit. Paschasius Radb. Expos. in ps. 44 l. I praef. in. defensionum laboribus senatoriisque muneribus aut omnino aut magna ex parte essem aliquando liberatus, rettuli rettuli s retuli X Pasch. cf. p. 344, 24 me, Brute, te hortante maxime ad ea studia, quae retenta animo, remissa temporibus, longo intervallo intermissa revocavi, et cum omnium artium, quae ad rectam vivendi viam pertinerent, ratio et disciplina studio sapientiae, quae philosophia dicitur, contineretur, hoc mihi Latinis cf. Lact. inst. 3,14, 13 litteris litteris at libris V 2 inlustrandum putavi, non quia philosophia Graecis et litteris et doctoribus percipi non posset, sed meum semper hoc supra semper add. V 2 iudicium fuit omnia nostros aut invenisse per se sapientius quam Graecos aut accepta ab illis fecisse meliora, quae quidem digna statuissent, in quibus elaborarent. 1.2. Nam mores et instituta vitae resque domesticas ac familiaris nos profecto et melius tuemur et lautius, latius R 1 rem vero publicam nostri maiores certe melioribus temperaverunt et institutis et legibus. quid loquar de re militari? in qua cum virtute nostri multum valuerunt, tum plus etiam disciplina. iam illa, quae natura, non litteris adsecuti assec. KRH sunt, neque cum Graecia neque ulla cum gente cum ulla gente K sunt conferenda. quae enim tanta gravitas, quae tanta constantia, magnitudo animi, animi magnitudo K probitas, fides, quae tam excellens in omni genere virtus in ullis fuit, ut sit cum maioribus nostris comparanda? 1.3. Doctrina Graecia nos nos Graecia K et omni litterarum genere superabat; in quo erat facile vincere non repugtes. nam cum apud Graecos antiquissimum e doctis genus sit poëtarum, siquidem Homerus fuit et Hesiodus ante Romam conditam, Archilochus archilocus G 1 H archilogus V(g scr. c ) regte Romulo, serius poëticam nos accepimus. annis enim post annis add. V c s fere cccccx CCCCX X ( etiam K, CCCCX tis G 1 V 2 ) at quingentis in mg. V c post Romam conditam Livius fabulam dedit C. Claudio, Caeci filio, M. Tuditano gaio X marco G (R laesus ) cos. cõs. X ( in K add. c ) anno ante natum Ennium. qui qui sc. Livius cf. Vahlen Enn. p. V fuit maior maior al minor V c natu quam Plautus et Naevius. sero igitur a nostris poëtae vel cogniti Cato fr. 118 cf. Val. Max. 2,1,10 vel recepti. quamquam est in Originibus solitos esse in epulis canere convivas ad tibicinem de clarorum hominum virtutibus; honorem tamen huic generi non fuisse declarat oratio Catonis, in qua obiecit ut probrum M. Nobiliori, marco X quod is in provinciam poëtas duxisset; duxerat autem consul ille in Aetoliam, ut scimus, Ennium. quo minus igitur honoris erat poëtis, eo eo al & V c si s B 1 e corr. sic X minora studia fuerunt, nec tamen, si qui magnis ingeniis in eo genere extiterunt, 1.4. non satis Graecorum gloriae responderunt. an censemus, cessemus KRH si Fabio, GFabio V 1 nobilissimo homini, laudi datum esset, quod pingeret, non multos etiam apud nos futuros Polyclitos et Parrhasios fuisse? honos alit artes, omnesque incenduntur acceduntur ( vel ac- cenduntur) Aug. incenduntur ex acc. H 1 ecl. 212 gloriae H ibid. cum Aug. plerisque codd. (gloriae L) Lup. ad studia gloria, iacentque ea semper, quae apud quosque improbantur. honos ... 219,2 improbantur Aug. civ. 5,13 (H ecl. 212 ) et ex eo Serv. Lupus ep. 1 summam eruditionem Graeci sitam censebant in nervorum vocumque cantibus; igitur et Epaminondas, princeps meo iudicio Graeciae, graecis X -ę pro -s V 1 aut c fidibus praeclare cecinisse dicitur, Themistoclesque aliquot ante annos annis edd. vett. cum in epulis recusaret recusasset V 2 s lyram, liram X est habitus indoctior. est... indoctior Quint. inst. 1,10,19 ergo in Graecia musici floruerunt, discebantque id omnes, nec qui nesciebat nesciebant V 1 satis excultus doctrina putabatur. 1.5. in summo apud illos honore geometria fuit, itaque nihil mathematicis inlustrius; at ad GR 1 V 1 nos metiendi ratiocidique utilitate huius artis terminavimus modum. At contra oratorem celeriter complexi sumus, nec eum primo eruditum, aptum tamen ad dicendum, post autem eruditum. Cum ... 219, 15 eruditum H (218, 29 honos ... 219,2 improbantur bis ) etiam ante erud. add. V c mg. nam Galbam Africanum Laelium doctos fuisse traditum est, studiosum autem eum, qui is his X hos V c s aetate anteibat, Catonem, catonem X post vero Lepidum Carbonem carbonẽ V c Gracchos, inde ita magnos grac in r. V c ( in mg. at etiam idem ante versum gracchos-magnos) nostram ad aetatem, ut non multum aut nihil omnino Graecis cederetur. Philosophia iacuit usque ad hanc aetatem nec ullum habuit lumen litterarum Latinarum; quae inlustranda et excitanda nobis est, ut, si occupati profuimus aliquid civibus nostris, prosimus etiam, si possumus, possiumus G 1 otiosi. ut... otiosi Non. 355, 2 1.6. in quo eo magis nobis est elaborandum, quod multi iam esse libri Latini dicuntur scripti inconsiderate ab optimis illis quidem viris, sed non satis eruditis. fieri autem potest, ut recte quis sentiat et id quod sentit polite eloqui non possit; sed mandare quemquam litteris cogitationes suas, qui eas nec disponere nec inlustrare possit nec delectatione aliqua allicere lectorem, hominis est intemperanter abutentis et otio et litteris. mandare... 5 litteris Einhart Vita Caroli praef. itaque suos libros ipsi legunt cum suis, nec quisquam attingit praeter eos, qui eandem licentiam scribendi sibi permitti volunt. quare si aliquid oratoriae laudis laudis s eras. sed a m. rec. iterur scriptum in V nostra attulimus industria, multo studiosius philosophiae fontis aperiemus, e quibus etiam illa manabant. 1.7. Sed ut Aristoteles, vir summo ingenio, scientia, scientia scientiae X -a pro -ae in r. V 2 copia, cum motus cum motus H commotus GKRV sed cũ supra com V 2 esset Isocratis isocratis V 2 s socratis X rhetoris gloria, dicere docere etiam coepit adulescentes docere s om. X post adulescentes add. decere V 2 et prudentiam cum eloquentia iungere, sic nobis placet nec pristinum dicendi studium deponere et in hac maiore et uberiore arte versari. hanc haen c R 1 enim perfectam philosophiam semper iudicavi, quae de maximis quaestionibus copiose posset ornateque dicere; in quam exercitationem ita nos studiose operam dedimus, del. Mur. operam inpendimus Dav. ut iam etiam scholas Graecorum more habere auderemus. audeamus V (a in r. c ) ut nuper tuum post discessum in Tusculano cum essent complures cumplures G 1 R 1 (corr. ipsi) mecum familiares, temptavi, quid in eo genere possem. possem V 2 g possim X ( cf. auderemus v. 20 ) ut enim antea declamitabam causas, quod nemo me diutius fecit, sic haec mihi nunc senilis est declamatio. ponere iubebam, de quo quis audire vellet; ad id aut at id X (at id sed. ex aut id aut sed. K c ) sedens aut ambulans disputabam. 1.8. itaque dierum quinque scholas, ut Graeci appellant, in totidem libros contuli. fiebat autem ita ut, cum is his G 1 V 1 H qui audire audiri X ( corr. V 2 l e ss. K 2 ) vellet dixisset, quid quod K 1 V 2 sibi videretur, tum ego contra dicerem. haec est enim, ut scis, vetus et et om. V 1 add. 2 Socratica ratio contra alterius opinionem disserendi. nam ita facillime, quid veri simillimum esset, inveniri posse Socrates arbitrabatur. Sed quo commodius disputationes nostrae explicentur, sic eas exponam, quasi agatur res, non quasi narretur. Philosophia ... 221, 7 narretur H (27 fieri 220, 5 litteris et 220,13 adulescentes 220, 18 dicere bis ) ergo ergo et primam lit- teram verbi malum om. R 1 V 1 spatio rubicatori relicto ; ergo add. R al. m ergo et m V c ita nasce- in r. V 1 nascatur corr. V c ita nascetur exordium: Malum ergo et primam lit- teram verbi malum om. R 1 V 1 spatio rubicatori relicto ; ergo add. R al. m ergo et m V c ita nasce- in r. V 1 nascatur corr. V c mihi videtur esse mors. 4.2. hoc autem loco consideranti mihi studia doctrinae multa sane sanae GK sane RV occurrunt, cur ea quoque arcessita aliunde neque solum expetita, sed etiam conservata et culta videantur. erat enim illis paene in conspectu praestanti sapientia et nobilitate Pythagoras, qui fuit in Italia temporibus isdem quibus L. Brutus patriam liberavit, praeclarus auctor nobilitatis tuae. Pythagorae autem doctrina cum longe lateque flueret, permanavisse mihi videtur in hanc civitatem, idque cum coniectura probabile est, tum quibusdam etiam vestigiis indicatur. quis enim est qui putet, cum floreret in Italia Graecia graeciae X potentissumis et et s. v. add. V 1? maximis urbibus, ea quae magna dicta est, in isque primum ipsius Pythagorae, deinde dein K 1 postea pythagorae deinde postea add. V c in mg. Pythagoreorum pytagorae orum G (e del. 2 ) pythagoraeorum ex -reorum ter V c tantum nomen esset, nostrorum hominum ad eorum doctissimas voces aures clausas fuisse? 4.3. quin etiam arbitror propter Pythagoreorum admirationem Numam quoque regem Pythagoreum pythagoreorum K 1 pythagoreum V a posterioribus existimatum. nam cum Pythagorae disciplinam et instituta instituta s constituta X cognoscerent regisque eius aequitatem et et s. v. add. V 1 sapientiam a maioribus suis accepissent, aetates aetas R 1 autem et tempora ignorarent propter vetustatem, eum, qui sapientia excelleret, Pythagorae auditorem crediderunt fuisse. et de coniectura quidem hactenus. vestigia autem Pythagoreorum quamquam multa colligi possunt, paucis tamen utemur, quoniam non id agitur hoc tempore. nam cum carminibus soliti illi esse dicantur et praecepta del. Dav. 2 ( opponuntur inter se carmina et cantus ut 28 cf. de orat. 3, 197 ) quaedam occultius tradere et mentes suas a cogitationum intentione cantu fidibusque fid elibusque K ( corr. in fidibusque 2 ) ad tranquillitatem traducere, gravissumus auctor in Originibus dixit fr. 118 cf. 218, 17 Cato morem apud maiores hunc epularum fuisse, ut deinceps, qui accubarent, canerent ad tibiam clarorum virorum laudes atque virtutes; ex quo perspicuum est et cantus tum fuisse discriptos rescriptos GKR rescripto suo cum s. V ( V 2 ) discriptos Sey. vocum sonis et carmina. 4.4. quamquam id quidem etiam duodecim tabulae declarant, tb. 8, 1 Br. condi iam tum solitum esse carmen; quod ne liceret fieri ad ad X in V 2 alterius iniuriam, iniuriam infamiam add. V 2 ( sed C. non ut rep. 4, 12 ipsa legis verba affert ) lege legem V 1 (m. del. 2 ) longe K sanxerunt. nec vero illud non eruditorum temporum argumentum est, quod et deorum pulvinaribus et epulis magistratuum fides praecinunt, quod proprium eius fuit, de qua loquor, disciplinae. mihi quidem etiam Appii appii+ tuberonem K 1 ( etiam +), reliqua in mg. add. K c Caeci carmen, quod valde Panaetius laudat epistola quadam, quae est ad Q. ad Q. V rec s atque X Tuberonem, Pythagoreum pythagoreorum X corr. V 2? videtur. multa multae GR 1 ( corr. 1 ) V 1 ( corr. 2? ) etiam sunt in nostris institutis ducta ductis ducta K autc ab illis; quae praetereo, ne ea, quae repperisse perperisse X peperisse K 2 s repperisse Dav. ( cf. nat. deor. 2, 16 ) ipsi putamur, aliunde didicisse videamur. aliunde didicisse videamur post 13 nostros habet X. suo loco posuit V c 4.5. Sed ut ad propositum positum G 1 redeat oratio, quam brevi tempore quot et quanti poëtae, qui autem oratores extiterunt! facile ut appareat nostros omnia consequi potuisse, simul ut ut et V 2 velle coepissent. Sed de ceteris studiis alio loco et dicemus, si usus fuerit, et saepe diximus. sapientiae studium vetus id quidem in nostris, sed tamen ante Laelii aetatem et Scipionis non reperio quos appellare possim nominatim. quibus adulescentibus Stoicum Diogenen et Academicum Carneadem video ad senatum ab Atheniensibus missos esse legatos, qui cum rei publicae nullam umquam partem attigissent essetque esseque V 1 eorum alter Cyrenaeus cyreneus GKR ( cyręn. ) alter Babylonius, numquam profecto scholis essent excitati neque ad illud munus munus legationis ss. V rec electi, nisi in quibusdam principibus temporibus illis fuissent studia doctrinae. qui cum cetera litteris mandarent, alii ius civile, alii orationes suas, alii monumenta monomenta GR 1 ( corr. 1 ) V maiorum, hanc amplissimam omnium artium, bene vivendi disciplinam, vita magis quam litteris persecuti sunt. 5.7. Quam rem antiquissimam cum videamus, nomen tamen esse confitemur recens. nam sapientiam quidem ipsam quis negare potest non negare non p. K 1 modo re esse antiquam, verum etiam nomine? quae divinarum humanarumque rerum, tum initiorum causarumque rerum causarumque in mg. G 2 cuiusque V c s cuius X (cuiu G 1 ) cuiusque rei cognitione cognitionem H hoc pulcherrimum nomen apud antiquos adsequebatur. o vitae ... 407, 7 assequebatur H itaque et illos septem, qui a Graecis sofoi/, CO f Ol X sapientes a nostris et habebantur habebantur V 2 s habeantur X (et et h. G) et nominabantur, qui... 8 nominabantur del. Sauppe et multis ante saeculis Lycurgum, lygurgum X ( ex lygitur gum K 1 ) cuius temporibus Homerus etiam fuisse ante hanc urbem conditam traditur, et iam et iam etiam W heroicis aetatibus Ulixem ulixem i e corr. G ulyxem V et Nestorem accepimus et alt. et add. V c fuisse et habitos esse sapientis. sapientis ex -es R c 5.8. nec vero Atlans atlans K athlans R 1 (h del. c ) V 1 (n del. 2 ) G 2 ( ex athalans) sustinere caelum nec Prometheus adfixus Caucaso nec stellatus Cepheus cum uxore genero filia traderetur, nisi caelestium divina cognitio nomen eorum ad errorem fabulae traduxisset. traduxisset G 1 ( ss. 1 ) V 2 s traduxissent KRV 1 a quibus ducti deinceps omnes, qui in rerum contemplatione studia ponebant, sapientes et habebantur et nominabantur, idque eorum nomen usque ad Pythagorae manavit aetatem. omnesque qui ... 20 aetate H quem, ut scribit auditor Platonis Ponticus Heraclides, vir doctus in primis, Phliuntem fr. 78 V. philuntem X ferunt venisse, eumque cum eumque cum cumque Dav. Leonte, principe Phliasiorum, philiasiorum G 1 V docte et copiose disseruisse quaedam. cuius ingenium et eloquentiam cum admiratus esset Leon, quaesivisse ex eo, qua maxime arte confideret; at illum: artem quidem se scire nullam, sed esse philosophum. admiratum Leontem novitatem nominis quaesivisse, quinam essent esset R 1 V 1 ( R c V 1 ) philosophi, et quid inter eos et reliquos interesset; 5.9. Pythagoram autem respondisse similem sibi videri vitam vita X ( corr. V rec ) hominum et mercatum eum, qui haberetur maxumo ludorum apparatu totius Graeciae celebritate; nam ut illic illic s illi X ( del. V 2 ) cf. Neue 2, 655 ( Cael. ap. Cic. epist. 8, 15, 2 ) alii corporibus exercitatis gloriam et nobilitatem coronae peterent, alii emendi aut vendendi quaestu et lucro ducerentur, esset esse V 1 autem quoddam genus eorum, idque vel maxime ingenuum, qui nec plausum nec lucrum quaererent, sed visendi causa venirent studioseque perspicerent, quid ageretur et quo modo, item nos quasi in mercatus quandam celebritatem celebritate X corr. V 2 ex urbe aliqua item (iter codd. ) ... 12 aliqua Non. 431, 19 sic in hanc hac K 1 vitam ex alia vita et natura profectos alios gloriae servire, alios pecuniae, raros esse quosdam, qui ceteris omnibus pro nihilo habitis rerum naturam studiose intuerentur; hos se appellare sapientiae studiosos—id est enim philosophos—; et ut illic liberalissimum esset spectare nihil sibi adquirentem, sic in vita longe omnibus studiis contemplationem rerum cognitionemque cognitionemque V c s cogitationemque X praestare. 5.10. Nec vero Pythagoras nominis solum inventor, sed rerum etiam ipsarum amplificator amplicator G fuit. qui cum post cum post ( eras. q) K hunc Phliasium sermonem in Italiam venisset, exornavit eam Graeciam, quae magna dicta est, et privatim et publice praestantissumis et institutis et artibus. cuius de disciplina aliud tempus fuerit fortasse dicendi. sed ab antiqua philosophia usque ad Socratem, qui Archelaum, Anaxagorae discipulum, audierat, numeri motusque tractabantur, et unde omnia orerentur orarentur K quove reciderent, recederent X corr. V 1 aut c s studioseque ab is siderum magnitudines intervalla cursus currus G 1 antiquirebantur G ( alt. i e corr. 2 ) anquirebantur et cuncta caelestia. Socrates autem primus philosophiam devocavit e caelo et in urbibus conlocavit et in domus domos s ac fort. V 1 (u e corr. c ) domibus Gr. etiam introduxit et coëgit de vita et moribus rebusque bonis et malis quaerere. 5.11. cuius multiplex ratio disputandi rerumque varietas et ingenii magnitudo Platonis memoria et litteris consecrata plura genera effecit effecit s efficit X dissentientium philosophorum, e quibus nos id potissimum consecuti consecuti con del. V 2 sumus, quo Socratem usum arbitrabamur, arbitramur V 2 s ut nostram ipsi sententiam tegeremus, errore alios levaremus et in omni disputatione, quid esset simillimum veri, quaereremus. quaeremus G 1 K quem morem moyerem G 2 cum Carneades acutissime copiosissimeque tenuisset, fecimus et alias saepe et nuper in Tusculano, ut ad eam eam ( del. c ) R consuetudinem disputaremus. et quadridui quidem sermonem superioribus ad ad a R missimus G 1 K te perscriptum libris misimus, quinto autem die cum eodem in loco consedissemus, sic est propositum, de quo disputaremus: | |
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26. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 1.11, 1.25-1.43, 2.15, 2.134, 2.150-2.152 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae, •anaxagoras of clazomenae Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 58, 201; Horkey (2019) 62; Wynne (2019) 282 | 1.11. To those again who are surprised at my choice of a system to which to give my allegiance, I think that a sufficient answer has been given in the four books of my Academica. Nor is it the case that I have come forward as the champion of a lost cause and of a position now abandoned. When men die, their doctrines do not perish with them, though perhaps they suffer from the loss of their authoritative exponent. Take for example the philosophical method referred to, that of a purely negative dialectic which refrains from pronouncing any positive judgement. This, after being originated by Socrates, revived by Arcesilas, and reinforced by Carneades, has flourished right down to our own period; though I understand that in Greece itself it is now almost bereft of adherents. But this I ascribe not to the fault of the Academy but to the dullness of mankind. If it is a considerable matter to understand any one of the systems of philosophy singly, how much harder is it to master them all! Yet this is the task that confronts those whose principle is to discover the truth by the method of arguing both for and against all the schools. 1.25. "So much, Lucilius, for the doctrines of your school. To show what the older systems are like, I will trace their history from the remotest of your predecessors. Thales of Miletus, who was the first person to investigate these matters, said that water was the first principle of things, but that god was the mind that moulded all things out of water — supposing that gods can exist without sensation; and why did he make mind an adjunct of water, if mind can exist by itself, devoid of body? The view of Anaximander is that the gods are not everlasting but are born and perish at long intervals of time, and that they are worlds, countless in number. But how we conceive of god save as living for ever? 1.26. Next, Anaximenes held that air is god, and that it has a beginning in time, and is immeasurable and infinite in extent, and is always in motion; just as if formless air could be god, especially seeing that it is proper to god to possess not merely some shape but the most beautiful shape; or as if anything that has had a beginning must not necessarily be mortal. Then there is Anaxagoras, the successor of Anaximenes; he was the first thinker to hold that the orderly disposition of the universe is designed and perfected by the rational power of an infinite mind. But in saying this he failed to see that there can be no such thing as sentient and continuous activity in that which is infinite, and that sensation in general can only occur when the subject itself becomes sentient by the impact of a sensation. Further, if he intended his infinite mind to be a definite living creature, it must have some inner principle of life to justify the name. But mind is itself the innermost principle. Mind therefore will have an outer integument of body. 1.27. But this Anaxagoras will not allow; yet mind naked and simple, without any material adjunct to serve as an organ of sensation, seems to elude the capacity of our understanding. Alcmaeon of Croton, who attributed divinity to the sun, moon and other heavenly bodies, and also to the soul, did not perceive that he was bestowing immortality on things that are mortal. As for Pythagoras, who believed that the entire substance of the universe is penetrated and pervaded by a soul of which our souls are fragments, he failed to notice that this severance of the souls of men from the world-soul means the dismemberment and rending asunder of god; and that when their souls are unhappy, as happens to most men, then a portion of god is unhappy; which is impossible. 1.28. Again, if the soul of man is divine, why is it not omniscient? Moreover, if the Pythagorean god is pure soul, how is he implanted in, or diffused throughout, the world? Next, Xenophanes endowed the universe with mind, and held that, as being infinite, it was god. His view of mind is as open to objection as that of the rest; but on the subject of infinity he incurs still severer criticism, for the infinite can have no sensation and no contact with anything outside. As for Parmenides, he invents a purely fanciful something resembling a crown — stephanè is his name for it —, an unbroken ring of glowing lights, encircling the sky, which he entitles god; but no one can imagine this to possess divine form, or sensation. He also has many other portentous notions; he deifies war, strife, lust and the like, things which can be destroyed by disease or sleep or forgetfulness or lapse of time; and he also deifies the stars, but this has been criticized in another philosopher and need not be dealt with now in the case of Parmenides. 1.29. Empedocles again among many other blunders comes to grief most disgracefully in his theology. He assigns divinity to the four substances which in his system are the constituent elements of the universe, although manifestly these substances both come into and pass out of existence, and are entirely devoid of sensation. Protagoras also, who declares he has no clear views whatever about the gods, whether they exist or do not exist, or what they are like, seems to have no notion at all of the divine nature. Then in what a maze of error is Democritus involved, who at one moment ranks as gods his roving 'images,' at another the substance that emits and radiates these images, and at another again the scientific intelligence of man! At the same time his denial of immutability and therefore of eternity, to everything whatsoever surely involves a repudiation of deity so absolute as to leave no conception of a divine be remaining! Diogenes of Apollonia makes air a god; but how can air have sensation, or divinity in any shape? 1.30. The inconsistencies of Plato are a long story. In the Timaeus he says that it is impossible to name the father of this universe; and in the Laws he deprecates all inquiry into the nature of the deity. Again, he holds that god is entirely incorporeal (in Greek, asomatos); but divine incorporeity is inconceivable, for an incorporeal deity would necessarily be incapable of sensation, and also of practical wisdom, and of pleasure, all of which are attributes essential to our conception of deity. Yet both in the Timaeus and the Laws he says that the world, the sky, the stars, the earth and our souls are gods, in addition to those in whom we have been taught to believe; but it is obvious that these propositions are both inherently false and mutually destructive. 1.31. Xenophon also commits almost the same errors, though in fewer words; for in his memoir of the sayings of Socrates he represents Socrates as arguing that it is wrong to inquire about the form of god, but also as saying that both the sun and the soul are god, and as speaking at one moment of a single god and at another of several: utterances that involve almost the same mistakes as do those which we quoted from Plato. 1.32. Antisthenes also, in his book entitled The Natural Philosopher, says that while there are many gods of popular belief, there is one god in nature, so depriving divinity of all meaning or substance. Very similarly Speusippus, following his uncle Plato, and speaking of a certain force that governs all things and is endowed with life, does his best to root out the notion of deity from our minds altogether. 1.33. And Aristotle in the Third Book of his Philosophy has a great many confused notions, not disagreeing with the doctrines of his master Plato; at one moment he assigns divinity exclusively to the intellect, at another he says that the world is itself a god, then again he puts some other being over the world, and assigns to this being the rôle of regulating and sustaining the world-motion by means of a sort of inverse rotation; then he says that the celestial heat is god — not realizing that the heavens are a part of that world which elsewhere he himself has entitled god. But how could the divine consciousness which he assigns to the heavens persist in a state of such rapid motion? Where moreover are all the gods of accepted belief, if we count the heavens also as a god? Again, in maintaining that god is incorporeal, he robs him entirely of sensation, and also of wisdom. Moreover, how is motion possible for an incorporeal being, and how, if he is always in motion, can he enjoy tranquillity and bliss? 1.34. Nor was his fellow-pupil Xenocrates any wiser on this subject. His volumes On the Nature of the Gods give no intelligible account of the divine form; for he states that there are eight gods: five inhabiting the planets, and in a state of motion; one consisting of all the fixed stars, which are to be regarded as separate members constituting a single deity; seventh he adds the sun, and eighth the moon. But what sensation of bliss these things can enjoy it is impossible to conceive. Another member of the school of Plato, Heracleides of Pontus, filled volume after volume with childish fictions; at one moment he deems the world divine, at another the intellect; he also assigns divinity to the planets, and holds that the deity is devoid of sensation and mutable of form; and again in the same volume he reckons earth and sky as gods. 1.35. Theophrastus also is intolerably inconsistent; at one moment he assigns divine pre‑eminence to mind, at another to the heavens, and then again to the constellations and stars in the heavens. Nor is his pupil, Strato, surnamed the Natural Philosopher, worthy of attention; in his view the sole repository of divine power is nature, which contains in itself the causes of birth, growth and decay, but is entirely devoid of sensation and of form. 1.36. "Lastly, Balbus, I come to your Stoic school. Zeno's view is that the law of nature is divine, and that its function is to command what is right and to forbid the opposite. How he makes out this law to be alive passes our comprehension; yet we undoubtedly expect god to be a living being. In another passage however Zeno declares that the aether is god — if there is any meaning in a god without sensation, a form of deity that never presents itself to us when we offer up our prayers and supplications and make our vows. And in other books again he holds the view that a 'reason' which pervades all nature is possessed of divine power. He likewise attributes the same powers to the stars, or at another time to the years, the months and the seasons. Again, in his interpretation of Hesiod's Theogony (or Origin of the Gods) he does away with the customary and received ideas of the gods altogether, for he does not reckon either Jupiter, Juno or Vesta as gods, or any being that bears a personal name, but teaches that these names have been assigned allegorically to dumb and lifeless things. 1.37. Zeno's pupil Aristo holds equally mistaken views. He thinks that the form of the deity cannot be comprehended, and he denies the gods sensation, and in fact is uncertain whether god is a living being at all. Cleanthes, who attended Zeno's lectures at the same time as the last-named, at one moment says that the world itself is god, at another gives this name to the mind and soul of the universe, and at another decides that the most unquestionable deity is that remote all‑surrounding fiery atmosphere called the aether, which encircles and embraces the universe on its outer side at an exceedingly lofty altitude; while in the books that he wrote to combat hedonism he babbles like one demented, now imagining gods of some definite shape and form, now assigning full divinity to the stars, now pronouncing that nothing is more divine than reason. The result is that the god whom we apprehend by our intelligence, and desire to make to correspond with a mental concept as a seal tallies with its impression, has utterly and entirely vanished. 1.38. Persaeus, another pupil of Zeno, says that men have deified those persons who have made some discovery of special utility for civilization, and that useful and health-giving things have themselves been called by divine names; he did not even say that they were discoveries of the gods, but speaks of them as actually divine. But what could be more ridiculous than to award divine honours to things mean and ugly, or to give the rank of gods to men now dead and gone, whose worship could only take the form of lamentation? 1.39. Chrysippus, who is deemed to be the most skilful interpreter of the Stoic dreams, musters an enormous mob of unknown gods — so utterly unknown that even imagination cannot guess at their form and nature, although our mind appears capable of visualizing anything; for he says that divine power resides in reason, and in the soul and mind of the universe; he calls the world itself a god, and also the all‑pervading world-soul, and again the guiding principle of that soul, which operates in the intellect and reason, and the common and all‑embracing nature of things; beside this, the fire that I previously termed aether; and also the power of Fate, and the Necessity that governs future events; and also all fluid and soluble substances, such as water, earth, air, the sun, moon and stars, and the all‑embracing unity of things; and even those human beings who have attained immortality. 1.40. He also argues that the god whom men call Jupiter is the aether, and that Neptune is the air which permeates the sea, and the goddess called Ceres the earth; and he deals in the same way with the whole series of the names of the other gods. He also identifies Jupiter with the mighty Law, everlasting and eternal, which is our guide of life and instructress in duty, and which he entitles Necessity or Fate, and the Everlasting Truth of future events; none of which conceptions is of such a nature as to be deemed to possess divinity. 1.41. This is what is contained in his Nature of the Gods, Book I. In Book II he aims at reconciling the myths of Orpheus, Musaeus, Hesiod and Homer with his own theology as enunciated in Book I, and so makes out that even the earliest poets of antiquity, who had no notion of these doctrines, were really Stoics. In this he is followed by Diogenes of Babylon, who in his book entitled Minerva rationalizes the myth of the birth of the virgin goddess from Jove by explaining it as an allegory of the processes of nature. 1.42. "I have given a rough account of what are more like the dreams of madmen than the considered opinions of philosophers. For they are little less absurd than the outpourings of the poets, harmful as these have been owing to the mere charm of their style. The poets have represented the gods as inflamed by anger and maddened by lust, and have displayed to our gaze their wars and battles, their fights and wounds, their hatreds, enmities and quarrels, their births and deaths, their complaints and lamentations, the utter and unbridled licence of their passions, their adulteries and imprisonments, their unions with human beings and the birth of mortal progeny from an immortal parent. 1.43. With the errors of the poets may be classed the monstrous doctrines of the magi and the insane mythology of Egypt, and also the popular beliefs, which are a mere mass of inconsistencies sprung from ignorance. "Anyone pondering on the baseless and irrational character of these doctrines ought to regard Epicurus with reverence, and to rank him as one of the very gods about whom we are inquiring. For he alone perceived, first, that the gods exist, because nature herself has imprinted a conception of them on the minds of all mankind. For what nation or what tribe is there but possesses untaught some 'preconception' of the gods? Such notions Epicurus designates by the word prolepsis, that is, a sort of preconceived mental picture of a thing, without which nothing can be understood or investigated or discussed. The force and value of this argument we learn in that work of genius, Epicurus's Rule or Standard of Judgement. 2.15. And the fourth and most potent cause of the belief he said was the uniform motion and revolution of the heavens, and the varied groupings and ordered beauty of the sun, moon and stars, the very sight of which was in itself enough to prove that these things are not the mere effect of chance. When a man goes into a house, a wrestling-school or a public assembly and observes in all that goes on arrangement, regularity and system, he cannot possibly suppose that these things come about without a cause: he realizes that there is someone who presides and controls. Far more therefore with the vast movements and phases of the heavenly bodies, and these ordered processes of a multitude of enormous masses of matter, which throughout the countless ages of the infinite past have never in the smallest degree played false, is he compelled to infer that these mighty world-motions are regulated by some Mind. 2.134. There are three things requisite for the maintece of animal life, food, drink and breath; and for the reception of all of these the mouth is most consummately adapted, receiving as it does an abundant supply of breath through the nostrils which communicate with it. The structure of the teeth within the mouth serves to chew the food, and it is divided up and softened by them. The front teeth are sharp, and bite our viands into pieces; the back teeth, called molars, masticate them, the process of mastication apparently being assisted also by the tongue. 2.150. "Then what clever servants for a great variety of arts are the hands which nature has bestowed on man! The flexibility of the joints enables the fingers to close and open with equal ease, and to perform every motion without difficulty. Thus by the manipulation of the fingers the hand is enabled to paint, to model, to carve, and to draw forth the notes of the lyre and of the flute. And beside these arts of recreation there are those of utility, I mean agriculture and building, the weaving and stitching of garments, and the various modes of working bronze and iron; hence we realize that it was by applying the hand of the artificer to the discoveries of thought and observations of the senses that all our conveniences were attained, and we were enabled to have shelter, clothing and protection, and possessed cities, fortifications, houses and temples. 2.151. Moreover men's industry, that is to say the work of their hands, porticus us also our food in variety and abundance. It is the hand that gathers the divers products of the fields, whether to be consumed immediately or to be stored in repositories for the days to come; and our diet also includes flesh, fish and fowl, obtained partly by the chase and partly by breeding. We also tame the four-footed animals to carry us on their backs, their swiftness and strength bestowing strength and swiftness upon ourselves. We cause certain beasts to bear our burdens or to carry a yoke, we divert to our service the marvellously acute senses of elephants and the keen scent of hounds; we collect from the caves of the earth the iron which we need for tilling the land, we discover the deeply hidden veins of copper, silver and gold which serve us both for use and for adornment; we cut up a multitude of trees both wild and cultivated for timber which we employ partly by setting fire to it to warm our busy and cook our food, partly for building so as to shelter ourselves with houses and banish heat and cold. 2.152. Timber moreover is of great value for constructing ships, whose voyages supply an abundance of sustece of all sorts from all parts of the earth; and we alone have the power of controlling the most violent of nature's offspring, the sea and the winds, thanks to the science of navigation, and we use and enjoy many products of the sea. Likewise the entire command of the commodities produced on land is vested in mankind. We enjoy the fruits of the plains and of the mountains, the rivers and the lakes are ours, we sow corn, we plant trees, we fertilize the soil by irrigation, we confine the rivers and straighten or divert their courses. In fine, by means of our hands we essay to create as it were a second world within the world of nature. |
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27. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 7.20-7.21 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae, Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 53| 7.20. mens aliud suadet. Video meliora proboque, 7.21. deteriora sequor. Quid in hospite, regia virgo, | |
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28. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 1.830, 5.1204-5.1210 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae, •anaxagoras of clazomenae Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 61; Horkey (2019) 248| 1.830. / l 5.1204. nam cum suspicimus magni caelestia mundi 5.1205. templa super stellisque micantibus aethera fixum, 5.1206. et venit in mentem solis lunaeque viarum, 5.1207. tunc aliis oppressa malis in pectora cura 5.1208. illa quoque expergefactum caput erigere infit, 5.1209. ne quae forte deum nobis inmensa potestas 5.1210. sit, vario motu quae candida sidera verset; | |
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29. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 1.10.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae, Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 299 | 1.10.2. As proof that animal life appeared first of all in their land they would offer the fact that even at the present day the soil of the Thebaid at certain times generates mice in such numbers and of such size as to astonish all who have witnessed the phenomenon; for some of them are fully formed as far as the breast and front feet and are able to move, while the rest of the body is unformed, the clod of earth still retaining its natural character. |
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30. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 2.265 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae, Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 59 | 2.265. There was also Anaxagoras, who although he was of Clazomenae, was within a few suffrages of being condemned to die, because he said the sun, which the Athenians thought to be a god, was a ball of fire. |
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| 31. Plutarch, On The Face Which Appears In The Orb of The Moon, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 297 |
| 32. Plutarch, On Fate, 573, 572 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 297 |
| 33. Plutarch, On The Obsolescence of Oracles, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae, Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 297 |
| 34. Favorinus of Arles, Fragments, 81 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae Found in books: Horkey (2019) 64 |
| 35. Plutarch, Placita Philosophorum (874D-911C), 1.3.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae, Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 61 |
| 36. Favorinus of Arles, Fragments, 81 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae Found in books: Horkey (2019) 64 |
37. Plutarch, Pericles, 4.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Horkey (2019) 62, 63| 4.4. ὁ δὲ πλεῖστα Περικλεῖ συγγενόμενος καὶ μάλιστα περιθεὶς ὄγκον αὐτῷ καὶ φρόνημα δημαγωγίας ἐμβριθέστερον, ὅλως τε μετεωρίσας καὶ συνεξάρας τὸ ἀξίωμα τοῦ ἤθους, Ἀναξαγόρας ἦν ὁ Κλαζομένιος, ὃν οἱ τότʼ ἄνθρωποι Νοῦν προσηγόρευον, εἴτε τὴν σύνεσιν αὐτοῦ μεγάλην εἰς φυσιολογίαν καὶ περιττὴν διαφανεῖσαν θαυμάσαντες, εἴθʼ ὅτι τοῖς ὅλοις πρῶτος οὐ τύχην οὐδʼ ἀνάγκην διακοσμήσεως ἀρχήν, ἀλλὰ νοῦν ἐπέστησε καθαρὸν καὶ ἄκρατον ἐν μεμιγμένοις πᾶσι τοῖς ἄλλοις, ἀποκρίνοντα τὰς ὁμοιομερείας. | 4.4. But the man who most consorted with Pericles, and did most to clothe him with a majestic demeanor that had more weight than any demagogue’s appeals, yes, and who lifted on high and exalted the dignity of his character, was Anaxagoras the Clazomenian, whom men of that day used to call Nous, either because they admired that comprehension of his, which proved of such surpassing greatness in the investigation of nature; or because he was the first to enthrone in the universe, not Chance, nor yet Necessity, as the source of its orderly arrangement, but Mind (Nous) pure and simple, which distinguishes and sets apart, in the midst of an otherwise chaotic mass, the substances which have like elements. |
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| 38. Favorinus of Arles, Fragments, 81 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae Found in books: Horkey (2019) 64 |
| 39. Sextus, Against The Mathematicians, 7.117, 9.2, 9.27 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae Found in books: Horkey (2019) 62, 73, 83 |
| 40. Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation To The Greeks, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae, Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 72 |
| 41. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 2.14 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae, Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 62 |
| 42. Minucius Felix, Octavius, 17 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae, Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 201 |
| 43. Galen, On The Use of Parts, 1.3, 1.9-1.10, 3.8, 6.12-6.13, 6.20, 7.14, 11.8-11.9, 12.6 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae, Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 202, 299, 303, 304 |
| 44. Irenaeus, Refutation of All Heresies, 1.8.12 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae, Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 59 |
| 45. Hippolytus, Refutation of All Heresies, 1.8.12, 1.13.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae, •anaxagoras of clazomenae Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 59; Horkey (2019) 64 |
| 46. Aelian, Varia Historia, 15.21 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae, Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 53 |
| 47. Lactantius, De Opificio Dei, 2.7-2.9, 6.1, 10.22-10.24 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae, Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 131, 202 |
48. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 2.9, 7.32-7.33, 8.76, 9.31, 9.34-9.35, 9.46-9.47 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae, •anaxagoras of clazomenae Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 59; Horkey (2019) 37, 64, 65, 67, 73 | 2.9. In the beginning the stars moved in the sky as in a revolving dome, so that the celestial pole which is always visible was vertically overhead; but subsequently the pole took its inclined position. He held the Milky Way to be a reflection of the light of stars which are not shone upon by the sun; comets to be a conjunction of planets which emit flames; shooting-stars to be a sort of sparks thrown off by the air. He held that winds arise when the air is rarefied by the sun's heat; that thunder is a clashing together of the clouds, lightning their violent friction; an earthquake a subsidence of air into the earth.Animals were produced from moisture, heat, and an earthy substance; later the species were propagated by generation from one another, males from the right side, females from the left. 7.32. Hence he had been well trained even before he left his native place. And thus it came about that on his arrival at Athens he attached himself to Crates. And it seems, he adds, that, when the rest were at a loss how to express their views, Zeno framed a definition of the end. They say that he was in the habit of swearing by capers just as Socrates used to swear by the dog. Some there are, and among them Cassius the Sceptic and his disciples, who accuse Zeno at length. Their first count is that in the beginning of his Republic he pronounced the ordinary education useless: the next is that he applies to all men who are not virtuous the opprobrious epithets of foemen, enemies, slaves, and aliens to one another, parents to children, brothers to brothers, friends to friends. 7.33. Again, in the Republic, making an invidious contrast, he declares the good alone to be true citizens or friends or kindred or free men; and accordingly in the view of the Stoics parents and children are enemies, not being wise. Again, it is objected, in the Republic he lays down community of wives, and at line 200 prohibits the building of sanctuaries, law-courts and gymnasia in cities; while as regards a currency he writes that we should not think it need be introduced either for purposes of exchange or for travelling abroad. Further, he bids men and women wear the same dress and keep no part of the body entirely covered. 8.76. His doctrines were as follows, that there are four elements, fire, water, earth and air, besides friendship by which these are united, and strife by which they are separated. These are his words:Shining Zeus and life-bringing Hera, Aidoneus and Nestis, who lets flow from her tears the source of mortal life,where by Zeus he means fire, by Hera earth, by Aidoneus air, and by Nestis water.And their continuous change, he says, never ceases, as if this ordering of things were eternal. At all events he goes on:At one time all things uniting in one through Love, at another each carried in a different direction through the hatred born of strife. 9.31. He declares the All to be unlimited, as already stated; but of the All part is full and part empty, and these he calls elements. Out of them arise the worlds unlimited in number and into them they are dissolved. This is how the worlds are formed. In a given section many atoms of all manner of shapes are carried from the unlimited into the vast empty space. These collect together and form a single vortex, in which they jostle against each other and, circling round in every possible way, separate off, by like atoms joining like. And, the atoms being so numerous that they can no longer revolve in equilibrium, the light ones pass into the empty space outside, as if they were being winnowed; the remainder keep together and, becoming entangled, go on their circuit together, and form a primary spherical system. 9.34. 7. DEMOCRITUSDemocritus was the son of Hegesistratus, though some say of Athenocritus, and others again of Damasippus. He was a native of Abdera or, according to some, of Miletus. He was a pupil of certain Magians and Chaldaeans. For when King Xerxes was entertained by the father of Democritus he left men in charge, as, in fact, is stated by Herodotus; and from these men, while still a boy, he learned theology and astronomy. Afterwards he met Leucippus and, according to some, Anaxagoras, being forty years younger than the latter. But Favorinus in his Miscellaneous History tells us that Democritus, speaking of Anaxagoras, declared that his views on the sun and the moon were not original but of great antiquity, and that he had simply stolen them. 9.35. Democritus also pulled to pieces the views of Anaxagoras on cosmogony and on mind, having a spite against him, because Anaxagoras did not take to him. If this be so, how could he have been his pupil, as some suggest?According to Demetrius in his book on Men of the Same Name and Antisthenes in his Successions of Philosophers, he travelled into Egypt to learn geometry from the priests, and he also went into Persia to visit the Chaldaeans as well as to the Red Sea. Some say that he associated with the Gymnosophists in India and went to Aethiopia. Also that, being the third son, he divided the family property. Most authorities will have it that he chose the smaller portion, which was in money, because he had need of this to pay the cost of travel; besides, his brothers were crafty enough to foresee that this would be his choice. 9.46. The ethical works are the following:I. Pythagoras.of the Disposition of the Wise Man.of those in Hades.Tritogeneia (so called because three things, on which all mortal life depends, come from her).II. of Manly Excellence, or of Virtue.Amalthea's Horn (the Horn of Plenty).of Tranquillity.Ethical Commentaries: the work on Wellbeing is not to be found.So much for the ethical works.The physical works are these:III. The Great Diacosmos (which the school of Theophrastus attribute to Leucippus).The Lesser Diacosmos.Description of the World.On the Planets.IV. of Nature, one book.of the Nature of Man, or of Flesh, a second book on Nature.of Reason.of the Senses (some editors combine these two under the title of the Soul).V. of Flavours.of Colours. 9.47. of the Different Shapes (of Atoms).of Changes of Shape.VI. Confirmations (summaries of the aforesaid works).On Images, or On Foreknowledge of the Future.On Logic, or Criterion of Thought, three books.Problems.So much for the physical works.The following fall under no head:Causes of Celestial Phenomena.Causes of Phenomena in the Air.Causes on the Earth's Surface.Causes concerned with Fire and Things in Fire.Causes concerned with Sounds.Causes concerned with Seeds, Plants and Fruits.Causes concerned with Animals, three books.Miscellaneous Causes.Concerning the Magnet.These works have not been arranged.The mathematical works are these:VII. On a Difference in an Angle, or On Contact with the Circle or the Sphere.On Geometry.Geometrica.Numbers.VIII. On Irrational Lines and Solids, two books.Extensions (Projections). |
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| 49. Lactantius, De Ira Dei, 7.3, 10.22 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae, Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 202 |
| 50. Basil of Caesarea, Homilia Exhortatoria Ad Sanctum Baptisma, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Horkey (2019) 37 |
| 51. Empedocles (Cont.), Fr., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 65 |
| 52. Epicurus, Ep. 2, 39, 38 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 131 |
| 53. Proclus, Prolegomena, 60 Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae, Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 54 |
| 54. Heraclitus Lesbius, Fragments, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Horkey (2019) 71 |
| 55. Theodoret of Cyrus, Prol., 133 Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae Found in books: Horkey (2019) 270 |
| 56. Theodore of Mopsuesta, In Hag., 46 Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae Found in books: Horkey (2019) 270 |
| 57. Quodvultdeus, Temp. Barb., 25.1-25.8, 35.3-35.8, 152.15, 152.21-152.25, 156.21-156.29 Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae Found in books: Horkey (2019) 63, 64, 68 |
| 58. Simplicius of Cilicia, In Aristotelis Physicorum Libros Commentaria, 34.18-34.27, 156.13, 327.26, 460.4 (missingth cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •anaxagoras of clazomenae, Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 56, 57, 59, 61 |
| 59. Anaxagoras of Clazomenae, Fr., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 59 |
