| 1. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, None (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Secunda (2020), The Talmud's Red Fence: Menstrual Impurity and Difference in Babylonian Judaism and its Sasanian Context , 164 |
| 2. Hebrew Bible, Job, 4.14.7-4.14.9 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 340 |
3. Homer, Iliad, 3.415, 16.514-16.516 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus •ammianus marcellinus, Found in books: Edmonds (2019), Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World, 204; Masterson (2016), Man to Man: Desire, Homosociality, and Authority in Late-Roman Manhood. 83 | 3.415. / and hate thee, even as now I love thee wondrously; and lest I devise grievous hatred between both, Trojans alike and Danaans; then wouldst thou perish of an evil fate. So spake she, and Helen, sprung from Zeus, was seized with fear; and she went, wrapping herself in her bright shining mantle, 16.514. / And with his hand he caught and pressed his arm, for his wound tormented him, the wound that Teucer, while warding off destruction from his comrades, had dealt him with his arrow as he rushed upon the high wall. Then in prayer he spake to Apollo, that smiteth afar:Hear me, O king that art haply in the rich land of Lycia 16.515. / or haply in Troy, but everywhere hast power to hearken unto a man that is in sorrow, even as now sorrow is come upon me. For I have this grievous wound and mine arm on this side and on that is shot through with sharp pangs, nor can the blood be staunched; and my shoulder is made heavy with the wound, 16.516. / or haply in Troy, but everywhere hast power to hearken unto a man that is in sorrow, even as now sorrow is come upon me. For I have this grievous wound and mine arm on this side and on that is shot through with sharp pangs, nor can the blood be staunched; and my shoulder is made heavy with the wound, |
|
| 4. Homer, Odyssey, 1.174, 9.113-9.115, 9.190-9.192, 9.315, 18.113 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus, •ammianus marcellinus, res gestae Found in books: Edmonds (2019), Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World, 204; Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 247 |
5. Herodotus, Histories, 1.215-1.216, 4.2-4.82, 6.2-6.5 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 269, 279 | 1.215. These Massagetae are like the Scythians in their dress and way of life. They are both cavalry and infantry (having some of each kind), and spearmen and archers; and it is their custom to carry battle-axes. They always use gold and bronze; all their spear-points and arrow-heads and battle-axes are bronze and the adornment of their headgear and belts and girdles is gold. ,They equip their horses similarly, protecting their chests with bronze breastplates and putting gold on reins, bits, and cheekplates. But they never use iron and silver, for there is none at all in their country, but gold and bronze abound. 1.216. Now for their customs: each man marries a wife, but the wives are common to all. The Greeks say this is a Scythian custom; it is not, but a custom of the Massagetae. There, when a man desires a woman, he hangs his quiver before her wagon, and has intercourse with her without fear. ,Though they fix no certain term to life, yet when a man is very old all his family meet together and kill him, with beasts of the flock besides, then boil the flesh and feast on it. ,This is held to be the happiest death; when a man dies of an illness, they do not eat him, but bury him in the earth, and lament that he did not live to be killed. They never plant seed; their fare is their livestock and the fish which they take in abundance from the Araxes. ,Their drink is milk. The sun is the only god whom they worship; they sacrifice horses to him; the reasoning is that he is the swiftest of the gods, and therefore they give him the swiftest of mortal things. 4.2. Now the Scythians blind all their slaves, because of the milk they drink; and this is how they get it: taking tubes of bone very much like flutes, they insert these into the genitalia of the mares and blow into them, some blowing while others milk. According to them, their reason for doing this is that blowing makes the mare's veins swell and her udder drop. ,When done milking, they pour the milk into deep wooden buckets, and make their slaves stand around the buckets and shake the milk; they draw off what stands on the surface and value this most; what lies at the bottom is less valued. This is why the Scythians blind all prisoners whom they take: for they do not cultivate the soil, but are nomads. 4.3. So it came about that a younger generation grew up, born of these slaves and the women; and when the youths learned of their parentage, they came out to fight the Scythians returning from Media. ,First they barred the way to their country by digging a wide trench from the Tauric mountains to the broadest part of the Maeetian lake; and then, when the Scythians tried to force a passage, they camped opposite them and engaged them in battle. ,There were many fights, and the Scythians could gain no advantage; at last one of them said, “Men of Scythia , look at what we are doing! We are fighting our own slaves; they kill us, and we grow fewer; we kill them, and shall have fewer slaves. ,Now, then, my opinion is that we should drop our spears and bows, and meet them with horsewhips in our hands. As long as they see us armed, they imagine that they are our equals and the sons of our equals; let them see us with whips and no weapons, and they will perceive that they are our slaves; and taking this to heart they will not face our attack.” 4.4. The Scythians heard this and acted on it; and their enemies, stunned by what they saw, did not think of fighting, but fled. Thus, the Scythians ruled Asia and were driven out again by the Medes, and returned to their own country in such a way. Desiring to punish them for what they had done, Darius assembled an army against them. 4.5. The Scythians say that their nation is the youngest in the world, and that it came into being in this way. A man whose name was Targitaüs appeared in this country, which was then desolate. They say that his parents were Zeus and a daughter of the Borysthenes river (I do not believe the story, but it is told). ,Such was Targitaüs' lineage; and he had three sons: Lipoxaïs, Arpoxaïs, and Colaxaïs, youngest of the three. ,In the time of their rule (the story goes) certain implements—namely, a plough, a yoke, a sword, and a flask, all of gold—fell down from the sky into Scythia . The eldest of them, seeing these, approached them meaning to take them; but the gold began to burn as he neared, and he stopped. ,Then the second approached, and the gold did as before. When these two had been driven back by the burning gold, the youngest brother approached and the burning stopped, and he took the gold to his own house. In view of this, the elder brothers agreed to give all the royal power to the youngest. 4.6. Lipoxaïs, it is said, was the father of the Scythian clan called Auchatae; Arpoxaïs, the second brother, of those called Katiari and Traspians; the youngest, who was king, of those called Paralatae. ,All these together bear the name of Skoloti, after their king; “Scythians” is the name given them by Greeks. This, then, is the Scythians' account of their origin, 4.7. and they say that neither more nor less than a thousand years in all passed from the time of their first king Targitaüs to the entry of Darius into their country. The kings guard this sacred gold very closely, and every year offer solemn sacrifices of propitiation to it. ,Whoever falls asleep at this festival in the open air, having the sacred gold with him, is said by the Scythians not to live out the year; for which reason (they say) as much land as he can ride round in one day is given to him. Because of the great size of the country, the lordships that Colaxaïs established for his sons were three, one of which, where they keep the gold, was the greatest. ,Above and north of the neighbors of their country no one (they say) can see or travel further, because of showers of feathers; for earth and sky are full of feathers, and these hinder sight. 4.8. This is what the Scythians say about themselves and the country north of them. But the story told by the Greeks who live in Pontus is as follows. Heracles, driving the cattle of Geryones, came to this land, which was then desolate, but is now inhabited by the Scythians. ,Geryones lived west of the Pontus , settled in the island called by the Greeks Erythea, on the shore of Ocean near Gadira, outside the pillars of Heracles. As for Ocean, the Greeks say that it flows around the whole world from where the sun rises, but they cannot prove that this is so. ,Heracles came from there to the country now called Scythia , where, encountering wintry and frosty weather, he drew his lion's skin over him and fell asleep, and while he slept his mares, which were grazing yoked to the chariot, were spirited away by divine fortune. 4.9. When Heracles awoke, he searched for them, visiting every part of the country, until at last he came to the land called the Woodland, and there he found in a cave a creature of double form that was half maiden and half serpent; above the buttocks she was a woman, below them a snake. ,When he saw her he was astonished, and asked her if she had seen his mares straying; she said that she had them, and would not return them to him before he had intercourse with her; Heracles did, in hope of this reward. ,But though he was anxious to take the horses and go, she delayed returning them, so that she might have Heracles with her for as long as possible; at last she gave them back, telling him, “These mares came, and I kept them safe here for you, and you have paid me for keeping them, for I have three sons by you. ,Now tell me what I am to do when they are grown up: shall I keep them here (since I am queen of this country), or shall I send them away to you?” Thus she inquired, and then (it is said) Heracles answered: ,“When you see the boys are grown up, do as follows and you will do rightly: whichever of them you see bending this bow and wearing this belt so, make him an inhabitant of this land; but whoever falls short of these accomplishments that I require, send him away out of the country. Do so and you shall yourself have comfort, and my will shall be done.” 4.10. So he drew one of his bows (for until then Heracles always carried two), and showed her the belt, and gave her the bow and the belt, that had a golden vessel on the end of its clasp; and, having given them, he departed. But when the sons born to her were grown men, she gave them names, calling one of them Agathyrsus and the next Gelonus and the youngest Scythes; furthermore, remembering the instructions, she did as she was told. ,Two of her sons, Agathyrsus and Gelonus, were cast out by their mother and left the country, unable to fulfill the requirements set; but Scythes, the youngest, fulfilled them and so stayed in the land. ,From Scythes son of Heracles comes the whole line of the kings of Scythia ; and it is because of the vessel that the Scythians carry vessels on their belts to this day. This alone his mother did for Scythes. This is what the Greek dwellers in Pontus say. 4.11. There is yet another story, to which account I myself especially incline. It is to this effect. The nomadic Scythians inhabiting Asia , when hard pressed in war by the Massagetae, fled across the Araxes river to the Cimmerian country (for the country which the Scythians now inhabit is said to have belonged to the Cimmerians before), ,and the Cimmerians, at the advance of the Scythians, deliberated as men threatened by a great force should. Opinions were divided; both were strongly held, but that of the princes was the more honorable; for the people believed that their part was to withdraw and that there was no need to risk their lives for the dust of the earth; but the princes were for fighting to defend their country against the attackers. ,Neither side could persuade the other, neither the people the princes nor the princes the people; the one party planned to depart without fighting and leave the country to their enemies, but the princes were determined to lie dead in their own country and not to flee with the people, for they considered how happy their situation had been and what ills were likely to come upon them if they fled from their native land. ,Having made up their minds, the princes separated into two equal bands and fought with each other until they were all killed by each other's hands; then the Cimmerian people buried them by the Tyras river, where their tombs are still to be seen, and having buried them left the land; and the Scythians came and took possession of the country left empty. 4.12. And to this day there are Cimmerian walls in Scythia , and a Cimmerian ferry, and there is a country Cimmeria and a strait named Cimmerian. ,Furthermore, it is evident that the Cimmerians in their flight from the Scythians into Asia also made a colony on the peninsula where the Greek city of Sinope has since been founded; and it is clear that the Scythians pursued them and invaded Media, missing their way; ,for the Cimmerians always fled along the coast, and the Scythians pursued with the Caucasus on their right until they came into the Median land, turning inland on their way. That is the other story current among Greeks and foreigners alike. 4.13. There is also a story related in a poem by Aristeas son of Caüstrobius, a man of Proconnesus . This Aristeas, possessed by Phoebus, visited the Issedones; beyond these (he said) live the one-eyed Arimaspians, beyond whom are the griffins that guard gold, and beyond these again the Hyperboreans, whose territory reaches to the sea. ,Except for the Hyperboreans, all these nations (and first the Arimaspians) are always at war with their neighbors; the Issedones were pushed from their lands by the Arimaspians, and the Scythians by the Issedones, and the Cimmerians, living by the southern sea, were hard pressed by the Scythians and left their country. Thus Aristeas' story does not agree with the Scythian account about this country. 4.14. Where Aristeas who wrote this came from, I have already said; I will tell the story that I heard about him at Proconnesus and Cyzicus . It is said that this Aristeas, who was as well-born as any of his townsfolk, went into a fuller's shop at Proconnesus and there died; the owner shut his shop and went away to tell the dead man's relatives, ,and the report of Aristeas' death being spread about in the city was disputed by a man of Cyzicus , who had come from the town of Artace, and said that he had met Aristeas going toward Cyzicus and spoken with him. While he argued vehemently, the relatives of the dead man came to the fuller's shop with all that was necessary for burial; ,but when the place was opened, there was no Aristeas there, dead or alive. But in the seventh year after that, Aristeas appeared at Proconnesus and made that poem which the Greeks now call the title Arimaspea /title , after which he vanished once again. 4.15. Such is the tale told in these two towns. But this, I know, happened to the Metapontines in Italy , two hundred and forty years after the second disappearance of Aristeas, as reckoning made at Proconnesus and Metapontum shows me: ,Aristeas, so the Metapontines say, appeared in their country and told them to set up an altar to Apollo, and set beside it a statue bearing the name of Aristeas the Proconnesian; for, he said, Apollo had come to their country alone of all Italian lands, and he—the man who was now Aristeas, but then when he followed the god had been a crow—had come with him. ,After saying this, he vanished. The Metapontines, so they say, sent to Delphi and asked the god what the vision of the man could mean; and the Pythian priestess told them to obey the vision, saying that their fortune would be better. ,They did as instructed. And now there stands beside the image of Apollo a statue bearing the name of Aristeas; a grove of bay-trees surrounds it; the image is set in the marketplace. Let it suffice that I have said this much about Aristeas. 4.16. As for the land of which my history has begun to speak, no one exactly knows what lies north of it; for I can find out from no one who claims to know as an eyewitness. For even Aristeas, whom I recently mentioned—even he did not claim to have gone beyond the Issedones, even though a poet; but he spoke by hearsay of what lay north, saying that the Issedones had told him. ,But all that we have been able to learn for certain by report of the farthest lands shall be told. 4.17. North of the port of the Borysthenites, which lies midway along the coast of Scythia , the first inhabitants are the Callippidae, who are Scythian Greeks; and beyond them another tribe called Alazones; these and the Callippidae, though in other ways they live like the Scythians, plant and eat grain, onions, garlic, lentils, and millet. ,Above the Alazones live Scythian farmers, who plant grain not to eat but to sell; north of these, the Neuri; north of the Neuri, the land is uninhabited so far as we know. 4.18. These are the tribes by the Hypanis river, west of the Borysthenes . But on the other side of the Borysthenes , the tribe nearest to the sea is the tribe of the Woodlands; and north of these live Scythian farmers, whom the Greek colonists on the Hypanis river (who call themselves Olbiopolitae) call Borystheneïtae. ,These farming Scythians inhabit a land stretching east a three days' journey to a river called Panticapes, and north as far as an eleven days' voyage up the Borysthenes ; and north of these the land is desolate for a long way; ,after the desolation is the country of the Man-eaters, who are a nation apart and by no means Scythian; and beyond them is true desolation, where no nation of men lives, as far as we know. 4.19. But to the east of these farming Scythians, across the Panticapes river, you are in the land of nomadic Scythians, who plant nothing, nor plough; and all these lands except the Woodlands are bare of trees. These nomads inhabit a country to the east that stretches fourteen days' journey to the Gerrus river. 4.20. Across the Gerrus are those lands called Royal, where the best and most numerous of the Scythians are, who consider all other Scythians their slaves; their territory stretches south to the Tauric land, and east to the trench that was dug by the sons of the blind men, and to the port called The Cliffs on the Maeetian lake; and part of it stretches to the Tanaïs river. ,North of the Royal Scythians live the Blackcloaks, who are of another and not a Scythian stock; and beyond the Blackcloaks the land is all marshes and uninhabited by men, so far as we know. 4.21. Across the Tanaïs it is no longer Scythia; the first of the districts belongs to the Sauromatae, whose country begins at the inner end of the Maeetian lake and stretches fifteen days' journey north, and is quite bare of both wild and cultivated trees. Above these in the second district, the Budini inhabit a country thickly overgrown with trees of all kinds. 4.22. North of the Budini the land is uninhabited for seven days' journey; after this desolation, and somewhat more toward the east wind, live the Thyssagetae, a numerous and a separate nation, who live by hunting. ,Adjoining these and in the same country live the people called Iyrkae; these also live by hunting, in the way that I will describe. The hunter climbs a tree, and sits there concealed; for trees grow thickly all over the land; and each man has his horse at hand, trained to flatten on its belly for the sake of lowness, and his dog; and when he sees the quarry from the tree, he shoots with the bow and mounts his horse and pursues it, and the dog follows close behind. ,Beyond these and somewhat to the east live Scythians again, who revolted from the Royal Scythians and came to this country. 4.23. As for the countryside of these Scythians, all the land mentioned up to this point is level and its soil deep; but thereafter it is stony and rough. ,After a long journey through this rough country, there are men inhabiting the foothills of high mountains, who are said to be bald from birth (male and female alike) and snub-nosed and with long beards; they speak their own language, and wear Scythian clothing, and their food comes from trees. ,The tree by which they live is called “Pontic”; it is about the size of a fig-tree, and bears a fruit as big as a bean, with a stone in it. When this fruit is ripe, they strain it through cloth, and a thick black liquid comes from it, which they call “aschu”; they lick this up or drink it mixed with milk, and from the thickest lees of it they make cakes, and eat them. ,They have few cattle, for the pasture in their land is not good. They each live under a tree, covering it in winter with a white felt cloth, but using no felt in summer. ,These people are wronged by no man, for they are said to be sacred; nor have they any weapon of war. They judge the quarrels between their neighbors; furthermore, whatever banished man has taken refuge with them is wronged by no one. They are called Argippeans. 4.24. Now as far as the land of these bald men, we have full knowledge of the country and the nations on the near side of them; for some of the Scythians make their way to them, from whom it is easy to get knowledge, and from some of the Greeks, too, from the Borysthenes port and the other ports of Pontus; such Scythians as visit them transact their business with seven interpreters and in seven languages. 4.25. As far as these men this country is known, then, but what lies north of the bald men no one can say with exact knowledge; for high and impassable mountains bar the way, and no one crosses them. These bald men say (although I do not believe them) that the mountains are inhabited by men with goats' feet, and that beyond these are men who sleep for six months of the twelve. This I cannot accept as true at all. ,But the country east of the bald-heads is known for certain to be inhabited by the Issedones; however, of what lies north either of the bald-heads or the Issedones we have no knowledge, except what comes from the report of these latter. 4.26. It is said to be the custom of the Issedones that, whenever a man's father dies, all the nearest of kin bring beasts of the flock and, having killed these and cut up the flesh, they also cut up the dead father of their host, and set out all the flesh mixed together for a feast. ,As for his head, they strip it bare and clean and gild it, and keep it for a sacred relic, to which they offer solemn sacrifice yearly. Every son does this for his father, just like the Greeks in their festivals in honor of the dead. In other respects, these are said to be a law-abiding people, too, and the women to have equal power with the men. 4.27. of these too, then, we have knowledge; but as for what is north of them, it is from the Issedones that the tale comes of the one-eyed men and the griffins that guard gold; this is told by the Scythians, who have heard it from them; and we have taken it as true from the Scythians, and call these people by the Scythian name, Arimaspians; for in the Scythian tongue “arima” is one, and “spou” is the eye. 4.28. All the aforesaid country is exceedingly cold: for eight months of every year there is unbearable frost, and during these you do not make mud by pouring out water but by lighting a fire; the sea freezes, as does all the Cimmerian Bosporus; and the Scythians living on this side of the trench lead armies over the ice, and drive their wagons across to the land of the Sindi. ,So it is winter for eight months, and cold in that country for the four that remain. Here, there is a different sort of winter than the winters in other lands: for in the season for rain scarcely any falls, but all summer it rains unceasingly; ,and when there are thunderstorms in other lands, here there are none, but in summer there are plenty of them; if there is a thunderstorm in winter they are apt to wonder at it as at a portent. And so, too, if there is an earthquake summer or winter, it is considered a portent in Scythia. ,Horses have the endurance to bear the Scythian winter; mules and asses cannot bear it at all; and yet in other lands, while asses and mules can endure frost, horses that stand in it are frostbitten. 4.29. And in my opinion it is for this reason that the hornless kind of cattle grow no horns in Scythia. A verse of Homer in the title Odyssey /title attests to my opinion: cit quote l met="dact" “Libya, the land where lambs are born with horns on their foreheads,” /l /quote bibl Hom. Od. 4.85 /bibl /cit in which it is correctly observed that in hot countries the horns grow quickly, whereas in very cold countries beasts hardly grow horns, or not at all. 4.30. In Scythia, then, this happens because of the cold. But I think it strange (for it was always the way of my history to investigate excurses) that in the whole of Elis no mules can be conceived although the country is not cold, nor is there any evident cause. The Eleans themselves say that it is because of a curse that mules cannot be conceived among them; ,but whenever the season is at hand for the mares to conceive, they drive them into the countries of their neighbors, and then send the asses after them, until the mares are pregt, and then they drive them home again. 4.31. But regarding the feathers of which the Scythians say that the air is full, so thickly that no one can see or traverse the land beyond, I have this opinion. North of that country snow falls continually, though less in summer than in winter, as is to be expected. ,Whoever has seen snow falling thickly near him knows himself my meaning; for snow is like feathers; and because of the winter, which is as I have said, the regions to the north of this continent are uninhabited. I think therefore that in this story of feathers the Scythians and their neighbors only speak of snow figuratively. So, then, I have spoken of those parts that are said to be most distant. 4.32. Concerning the Hyperborean people, neither the Scythians nor any other inhabitants of these lands tell us anything, except perhaps the Issedones. And, I think, even they say nothing; for if they did, then the Scythians, too, would have told, just as they tell of the one-eyed men. But Hesiod speaks of Hyperboreans, and Homer too in his poem title The Heroes' Sons /title , if that is truly the work of Homer. 4.33. But the Delians say much more about them than any others do. They say that offerings wrapped in straw are brought from the Hyperboreans to Scythia; when these have passed Scythia, each nation in turn receives them from its neighbors until they are carried to the Adriatic sea, which is the most westerly limit of their journey; ,from there, they are brought on to the south, the people of Dodona being the first Greeks to receive them. From Dodona they come down to the Melian gulf, and are carried across to Euboea, and one city sends them on to another until they come to Carystus; after this, Andros is left out of their journey, for Carystians carry them to Tenos, and Tenians to Delos. ,Thus (they say) these offerings come to Delos. But on the first journey, the Hyperboreans sent two maidens bearing the offerings, to whom the Delians give the names Hyperoche and Laodice, and five men of their people with them as escort for safe conduct, those who are now called Perpherees and greatly honored at Delos. ,But when those whom they sent never returned, they took it amiss that they should be condemned always to be sending people and not getting them back, and so they carry the offerings, wrapped in straw, to their borders, and tell their neighbors to send them on from their own country to the next; ,and the offerings, it is said, come by this conveyance to Delos. I can say of my own knowledge that there is a custom like these offerings; namely, that when the Thracian and Paeonian women sacrifice to the Royal Artemis, they have straw with them while they sacrifice. 4.34. I know that they do this. The Delian girls and boys cut their hair in honor of these Hyperborean maidens, who died at Delos; the girls before their marriage cut off a tress and lay it on the tomb, wound around a spindle ,(this tomb is at the foot of an olive-tree, on the left hand of the entrance of the temple of Artemis); the Delian boys twine some of their hair around a green stalk, and lay it on the tomb likewise. 4.35. In this way, then, these maidens are honored by the inhabitants of Delos. These same Delians relate that two virgins, Arge and Opis, came from the Hyperboreans by way of the aforesaid peoples to Delos earlier than Hyperoche and Laodice; ,these latter came to bring to Eileithyia the tribute which they had agreed to pay for easing child-bearing; but Arge and Opis, they say, came with the gods themselves, and received honors of their own from the Delians. ,For the women collected gifts for them, calling upon their names in the hymn made for them by Olen of Lycia; it was from Delos that the islanders and Ionians learned to sing hymns to Opis and Arge, calling upon their names and collecting gifts (this Olen, after coming from Lycia, also made the other and ancient hymns that are sung at Delos). ,Furthermore, they say that when the thighbones are burnt in sacrifice on the altar, the ashes are all cast on the burial-place of Opis and Arge, behind the temple of Artemis, looking east, nearest the refectory of the people of Ceos. 4.36. I have said this much of the Hyperboreans, and let it suffice; for I do not tell the story of that Abaris, alleged to be a Hyperborean, who carried the arrow over the whole world, fasting all the while. But if there are men beyond the north wind, then there are others beyond the south. ,And I laugh to see how many have before now drawn maps of the world, not one of them reasonably; for they draw the world as round as if fashioned by compasses, encircled by the Ocean river, and Asia and Europe of a like extent. For myself, I will in a few words indicate the extent of the two, and how each should be drawn. 4.37. The land where the Persians live extends to the southern sea which is called Red; beyond these to the north are the Medes, and beyond the Medes the Saspires, and beyond the Saspires the Colchians, whose country extends to the northern sea into which the Phasis river flows; so these four nations live between the one sea and the other. 4.38. But west of this region two peninsulas stretch out from it into the sea, which I will now describe. ,On the north side one of the peninsulas begins at the Phasis and stretches seaward along the Pontus and the Hellespont, as far as Sigeum in the Troad; on the south side, the same peninsula has a seacoast beginning at the Myriandric gulf that is near Phoenicia, and stretching seaward as far as the Triopian headland. On this peninsula live thirty nations. 4.39. This is the first peninsula. But the second, beginning with Persia, stretches to the Red Sea, and is Persian land; and next, the neighboring land of Assyria; and after Assyria, Arabia; this peninsula ends (not truly but only by common consent) at the Arabian Gulf, to which Darius brought a canal from the Nile. ,Now from the Persian country to Phoenicia there is a wide and vast tract of land; and from Phoenicia this peninsula runs beside our sea by way of the Syrian Palestine and Egypt, which is at the end of it; in this peninsula there are just three nations. 4.40. So much for the parts of Asia west of the Persians. But what is beyond the Persians, and Medes, and Saspires, and Colchians, east and toward the rising sun, this is bounded on the one hand by the Red Sea, and to the north by the Caspian Sea and the Araxes river, which flows toward the sun's rising. ,As far as India, Asia is an inhabited land; but thereafter, all to the east is desolation, nor can anyone say what kind of land is there. 4.41. Such is Asia, and such its extent. But Libya is on this second peninsula; for Libya comes next after Egypt. The Egyptian part of this peninsula is narrow; for from our sea to the Red Sea it is a distance of a hundred and twenty-five miles; that is, a thousand stades; but after this narrow part, the peninsula which is called Libya is very broad. 4.42. I wonder, then, at those who have mapped out and divided the world into Libya, Asia, and Europe; for the difference between them is great, seeing that in length Europe stretches along both the others together, and it appears to me to be wider beyond all comparison. ,For Libya shows clearly that it is bounded by the sea, except where it borders on Asia. Necos king of Egypt first discovered this and made it known. When he had finished digging the canal which leads from the Nile to the Arabian Gulf, he sent Phoenicians in ships, instructing them to sail on their return voyage past the Pillars of Heracles until they came into the northern sea and so to Egypt. ,So the Phoenicians set out from the Red Sea and sailed the southern sea; whenever autumn came they would put in and plant the land in whatever part of Libya they had reached, and there await the harvest; ,then, having gathered the crop, they sailed on, so that after two years had passed, it was in the third that they rounded the pillars of Heracles and came to Egypt. There they said (what some may believe, though I do not) that in sailing around Libya they had the sun on their right hand. 4.43. Thus was the first knowledge of Libya gained. The next story is that of the Carthaginians: for as for Sataspes son of Teaspes, an Achaemenid, he did not sail around Libya, although he was sent for that purpose; but he feared the length and loneliness of the voyage and so returned without accomplishing the task laid upon him by his mother. ,For he had raped the virgin daughter of Zopyrus son of Megabyzus; and when on this charge he was to be impaled by King Xerxes, Sataspes' mother, who was Darius' sister, interceded for his life, saying that she would impose a heavier punishment on him than Xerxes; ,for he would be compelled to sail around Libya, until he completed his voyage and came to the Arabian Gulf. Xerxes agreed to this, and Sataspes went to Egypt where he received a ship and a crew from the Egyptians, and sailed past the Pillars of Heracles. ,Having sailed out beyond them, and rounded the Libyan promontory called Solois, he sailed south; but when he had been many months sailing over the sea, and always more before him, he turned back and made sail for Egypt. ,Coming to King Xerxes from there, he related in his narrative that, when he was farthest distant, he sailed by a country of little men, who wore palm-leaf clothing; these, whenever he and his men put in to land with their ship, left their towns and fled to the hills; he and his men did no harm when they landed, and took nothing from the people except cattle. ,As to his not sailing completely around Libya, the reason (he said) was that the ship could move no farther, but was stopped. But Xerxes did not believe that Sataspes spoke the truth, and, as the task appointed was unfulfilled, he impaled him, punishing him on the charge first brought against him. ,This Sataspes had a eunuch, who as soon as he heard of his master's death escaped to Samos, with a great hoard of wealth, of which a man of Samos got possession. I know the man's name but deliberately omit it. 4.44. But as to Asia, most of it was discovered by Darius. There is a river, Indus, second of all rivers in the production of crocodiles. Darius, desiring to know where this Indus empties into the sea, sent ships manned by Scylax, a man of Caryanda, and others whose word he trusted; ,these set out from the city of Caspatyrus and the Pactyic country, and sailed down the river toward the east and the sunrise until they came to the sea; and voyaging over the sea west, they came in the thirtieth month to that place from which the Egyptian king sent the above-mentioned Phoenicians to sail around Libya. ,After this circumnavigation, Darius subjugated the Indians and made use of this sea. Thus it was discovered that Asia, except the parts toward the rising sun, was in other respects like Libya. 4.45. But it is plain that none have obtained knowledge of Europe's eastern or northern regions, so as to be able say if it is bounded by seas; its length is known to be enough to stretch along both Asia and Libya. ,I cannot guess for what reason the earth, which is one, has three names, all women's, and why the boundary lines set for it are the Egyptian Nile river and the Colchian Phasis river (though some say that the Maeetian Tanaïs river and the Cimmerian Ferries are boundaries); and I cannot learn the names of those who divided the world, or where they got the names which they used. ,For Libya is said by most Greeks to be named after a native woman of that name, and Asia after the wife of Prometheus; yet the Lydians claim a share in the latter name, saying that Asia was not named after Prometheus' wife Asia, but after Asies, the son of Cotys, who was the son of Manes, and that from him the Asiad clan at Sardis also takes its name. ,But as for Europe, no men have any knowledge whether it is bounded by seas or not, or where it got its name, nor is it clear who gave the name, unless we say that the land took its name from the Tyrian Europa, having been (it would seem) before then nameless like the rest. ,But it is plain that this woman was of Asiatic birth, and never came to this land which the Greeks now call Europe, but only from Phoenicia to Crete and from Crete to Lycia. Thus much I have said of these matters, and let it suffice; we will use the names established by custom. 4.46. Nowhere are men so ignorant as in the lands by the Euxine Pontus (excluding the Scythian nation) into which Darius led his army. For we cannot show that any nation within the region of the Pontus has any cleverness, nor do we know of (overlooking the Scythian nation and Anacharsis) any notable man born there. ,But the Scythian race has made the cleverest discovery that we know in what is the most important of all human affairs; I do not praise the Scythians in all respects, but in this, the most important: that they have contrived that no one who attacks them can escape, and no one can catch them if they do not want to be found. ,For when men have no established cities or forts, but are all nomads and mounted archers, not living by tilling the soil but by raising cattle and carrying their dwellings on wagons, how can they not be invincible and unapproachable? 4.47. They have made this discovery in a land that suits their purpose and has rivers that are their allies; for their country is flat and grassy and well-watered, and rivers run through it not very many fewer in number than the canals of Egypt. ,As many of them as are famous and can be entered from the sea, I shall name. There is the Ister, which has five mouths, and the Tyras, and Hypanis, and Borysthenes, and Panticapes, and Hypacuris, and Gerrhus, and Tanaïs. Their courses are as I shall indicate. 4.48. The Ister, the greatest of all rivers which we know, flows with the same volume in summer and winter; it is most westerly Scythian river of all, and the greatest because other rivers are its tributaries. ,Those that make it great, five flowing through the Scythian country, are these: the river called by Scythians Porata and by Greeks Pyretus, and besides this the Tiarantus, the Ararus, the Naparis, and the Ordessus. ,The first-named of these rivers is a great stream flowing east and uniting its waters with the Ister; the second, the Tiarantus, is more westerly and smaller; the Ararus, Naparis, and Ordessus flow between these two and pour their waters into the Ister. 4.49. These are the native-born Scythian rivers that help to swell it; but the Maris river, which commingles with the Ister, flows from the Agathyrsi. The Atlas, Auras, and Tibisis, three other great rivers that pour into it, flow north from the heights of Haemus. The Athrys, the Noes, and the Artanes flow into the Ister from the country of the Crobyzi in Thrace; the Cius river, which cuts through the middle of Haemus, from the Paeonians and the mountain range of Rhodope. ,The Angrus river flows north from Illyria into the Triballic plain and the Brongus river, and the Brongus into the Ister, which receives these two great rivers into itself. The Carpis and another river called Alpis also flow northward, from the country north of the Ombrici, to flow into it; ,for the Ister traverses the whole of Europe, rising among the Celts, who are the most westerly dwellers in Europe, except for the Cynetes, and flowing thus clean across Europe it issues forth along the borders of Scythia. 4.50. With these rivers aforesaid, and many others, too, as its tributaries, the Ister becomes the greatest river of all, while river for river the Nile surpasses it in volume, since that owes its volume of water to no tributary river or spring. ,But the Ister is always the same height in summer and winter, the reason for which, I think, is this. In winter it is of its customary size, or only a little greater than is natural to it, for in that country in winter there is very little rain, but snow everywhere. ,In the summer, the abundant snow that has fallen in winter melts and pours from all sides into the Ister; so this snow-melt pours into the river and helps to swell it and much violent rain besides, as the summer is the season of rain. ,And in proportion as the sun draws to itself more water in summer than in winter, the water that commingles with the Ister is many times more abundant in summer than it is in winter; these opposites keep the balance true, so that the volume of the river appears always the same. 4.51. One of the rivers of the Scythians, then, is the Ister. The next is the Tyras; this comes from the north, flowing at first out of a great lake, which is the boundary between the Scythian and the Neurian countries; at the mouth of the river there is a settlement of Greeks, who are called Tyritae. 4.52. The third river is the Hypanis; this comes from Scythia, flowing out of a great lake, around which wild, white horses graze. This lake is truly called the mother of the Hypanis. ,Here, then, the Hypanis rises; for five days' journey its waters are shallow and still sweet; after that for four days' journey seaward it is amazingly bitter, ,for a spring runs into it so bitter that although its volume is small its admixture taints the Hypanis, one of the few great rivers of the world. This spring is on the border between the farming Scythians and the Alazones; the name of it and of the place where it rises is in Scythian Exampaeus; in the Greek tongue, Sacred Ways. ,The Tyras and the Hypanis draw near together in the Alazones' country; after that they flow apart, the intervening space growing wider. 4.53. The fourth is the Borysthenes river. This is the next greatest after the Ister, and the most productive, in our judgment, not only of the Scythian but of all rivers, except the Egyptian Nile, with which no other river can be compared. ,But of the rest, the Borysthenes is the most productive; it provides the finest and best-nurturing pasture lands for beasts, and the fish in it are beyond all in their excellence and abundance. Its water is most sweet to drink, flowing with a clear current, whereas the other rivers are turbid. There is excellent soil on its banks, and very rich grass where the land is not planted; ,and self-formed crusts of salt abound at its mouth; it provides great spineless fish, called sturgeons, for salting, and many other wonderful things besides. ,Its course is from the north, and it is known as far as the Gerrhan land; that is, for forty days' voyage; beyond that, no one can say through what nations it flows; but it is plain that it flows through desolate country to the land of the farming Scythians, who live beside it for a ten days' voyage. ,This is the only river, besides the Nile, whose source I cannot identify; nor, I think, can any Greek. When the Borysthenes comes near the sea, the Hypanis mingles with it, running into the same marsh; ,the land between these rivers, where the land projects like a ship's beak, is called Hippolaus' promontory; a temple of Demeter stands there. The settlement of the Borystheneïtae is beyond the temple, on the Hypanis. 4.54. This is the produce of these rivers, and after these there is a fifth river called Panticapas; this also flows from the north out of a lake, and the land between it and the Borysthenes is inhabited by the farming Scythians; it flows into the woodland country, after passing which it mingles with the Borysthenes. 4.55. The sixth is the Hypacuris river, which rises from a lake, and flowing through the midst of the nomadic Scythians flows out near the city of Carcine, bordering on its right the Woodland and the region called the Racecourse of Achilles . 4.56. The seventh river, the Gerrhus, separates from the Borysthenes at about the place which is the end of our knowledge of that river; at this place it separates, and has the same name as the place itself, Gerrhus; then in its course to the sea it divides the country of the Nomads and the country of the Royal Scythians, and empties into the Hypacuris. 4.57. The eighth is the Tanaïs river; in its upper course, this begins by flowing out of a great lake, and enters a yet greater lake called the Maeetian, which divides the Royal Scythians from the Sauromatae; another river, called Hyrgis, is a tributary of this Tanaïs. 4.58. These are the rivers of note with which the Scythians are provided. For rearing cattle, the grass growing in Scythia is the most productive of bile of all pastures which we know; that this is so can be judged by opening up the bodies of the cattle. 4.59. The most important things are thus provided them. It remains now to show the customs which are established among them. The only gods whom they propitiate are these: Hestia in particular, and secondly Zeus and Earth, whom they believe to be the wife of Zeus; after these, Apollo, and the Heavenly Aphrodite, and Heracles, and Ares. All the Scythians worship these as gods; the Scythians called Royal sacrifice to Poseidon also. ,In the Scythian tongue, Hestia is called Tabiti; Zeus (in my judgment most correctly so called) Papaeus; Earth is Apia; Apollo Goetosyrus; the Heavenly Aphrodite Argimpasa; Poseidon Thagimasadas. It is their practice to make images and altars and shrines for Ares, but for no other god. 4.60. In all their sacred rites they follow the same method of sacrifice; this is how it is offered. The victim stands with its forefeet shackled together; the sacrificer stands behind the beast, and throws it down by pulling the end of the rope; ,as the victim falls, he invokes whatever god it is to whom he sacrifices. Then, throwing a noose around the beast's neck, he thrusts in a stick and twists it and so strangles the victim, lighting no fire nor offering the first-fruits, nor pouring any libation; and having strangled and skinned the beast, he sets about cooking it. 4.61. Now as the Scythian land is quite bare of wood, this is how they contrive to cook the meat. When they have skinned the victims, they strip the meat from the bones and throw it into the cauldrons of the country, if they have them: these are most like Lesbian bowls, except that they are much bigger; they throw the meat into these, then, and cook it by lighting a fire beneath with the bones of the victims. But if they have no cauldron, then they put all the meat into the victims' stomachs, adding water, and make a fire of the bones beneath, ,which burn nicely; the stomachs easily hold the meat when it is stripped from the bones; thus a steer serves to cook itself, and every other victim does likewise. When the flesh is cooked, the sacrificer takes the first-fruits of the flesh and the entrails and casts them before him. They use all grazing animals for sacrifice, but mainly horses. 4.62. This is their way of sacrificing to other gods and these are the beasts offered; but their sacrifices to Ares are of this sort. Every district in each of the governments has a structure sacred to Ares; namely, a pile of bundles of sticks three eighths of a mile wide and long, but of a lesser height, on the top of which there is a flattened four-sided surface; three of its sides are sheer, but the fourth can be ascended. ,Every year a hundred and fifty wagon-loads of sticks are heaped upon this; for the storms of winter always make it sink down. On this sacred pile an ancient scimitar of iron is set for each people: their image of Ares. They bring yearly sacrifice of sheep and goats and horses to this scimitar, offering to these symbols even more than they do to the other gods. ,of enemies that they take alive, they sacrifice one man in every hundred, not as they sacrifice sheep and goats, but differently. They pour wine on the men's heads and cut their throats over a bowl; then they carry the blood up on to the pile of sticks and pour it on the scimitar. ,They carry the blood up above, but down below by the sacred pile they cut off all the slain men's right arms and hands and throw these into the air, and depart when they have sacrificed the rest of the victims; the arm lies where it has fallen, and the body apart from it. 4.63. These then are their established rites of sacrifice; but these Scythians make no offerings of swine; nor are they willing for the most part to rear them in their country. 4.64. As to war, these are their customs. A Scythian drinks the blood of the first man whom he has taken down. He carries the heads of all whom he has slain in the battle to his king; for if he brings a head, he receives a share of the booty taken, but not otherwise. ,He scalps the head by making a cut around it by the ears, then grasping the scalp and shaking the head off. Then he scrapes out the flesh with the rib of a steer, and kneads the skin with his hands, and having made it supple he keeps it for a hand towel, fastening it to the bridle of the horse which he himself rides, and taking pride in it; for he who has most scalps for hand towels is judged the best man. ,Many Scythians even make garments to wear out of these scalps, sewing them together like coats of skin. Many too take off the skin, nails and all, from their dead enemies' right hands, and make coverings for their quivers;the human skin was, as it turned out, thick and shining, the brightest and whitest skin of all, one might say. ,Many flay the skin from the whole body, too, and carry it about on horseback stretched on a wooden frame. 4.65. The heads themselves, not all of them but those of their bitterest enemies, they treat this way. Each saws off all the part beneath the eyebrows, and cleans the rest. If he is a poor man, then he covers the outside with a piece of raw hide, and so makes use of it; but if he is rich, he covers the head with the raw hide, and gilds the inside of it and uses it for a drinking-cup. ,Such a cup a man also makes out of the head of his own kinsman with whom he has been feuding, and whom he has defeated in single combat before the king; and if guests whom he honors visit him he will serve them with these heads, and show how the dead were his kinsfolk who fought him and were beaten by him; this they call manly valor. 4.66. Furthermore, once a year each governor of a province brews a bowl of wine in his own province, which those Scythians who have slain enemies drink; those who have not achieved this do not taste this wine but sit apart dishonored; and this they consider a very great disgrace; but as many as have slain not one but many enemies have two cups apiece and drink out of both. 4.67. There are many diviners among the Scythians, who divine by means of many willow wands as I will show. They bring great bundles of wands, which they lay on the ground and unfasten, and utter their divinations as they lay the rods down one by one; and while still speaking, they gather up the rods once more and place them together again; ,this manner of divination is hereditary among them. The Enarees, who are hermaphrodites, say that Aphrodite gave them the art of divination, which they practise by means of lime-tree bark. They cut this bark into three portions, and prophesy while they braid and unbraid these in their fingers. 4.68. Whenever the king of the Scythians falls ill, he sends for the three most reputable diviners, who prophesy in the aforesaid way; and they generally tell him that such and such a man (naming whoever it may be of the people) has sworn falsely by the king's hearth; ,for when the Scythians will swear their mightiest oath, it is by the king's hearth that they are accustomed to swear. Immediately, the man whom they allege to have sworn falsely is seized and brought in, and when he comes the diviners accuse him, saying that their divination shows him to have sworn falsely by the king's hearth, and that this is the cause of the king's sickness; and the man vehemently denies that he has sworn falsely. ,When he denies it, the king sends for twice as many diviners: and if they too, consulting their art, prove him guilty of perjury, then he is instantly beheaded, and his goods are divided among the first diviners; ,but if the later diviners acquit him, then other diviners come, and yet again others. If the greater number of them acquit the man, it is decreed that the first diviners themselves be put to death. 4.69. And this is how they die. Men yoke oxen to a wagon laden with sticks and tie the diviners up in these, fettering their legs and binding their hands behind them and gagging them; then they set fire to the sticks and drive the oxen away, stampeding them. ,often the oxen are burnt to death with the diviners, and often the yoke-pole of their wagon is burnt through and the oxen escape with a scorching. They burn their diviners for other reasons, too, in the way described, calling them false prophets. ,When the king puts them to death, he does not leave the sons alive either, but kills all the males of the family; the females he does not harm. 4.70. As for giving sworn pledges to those who are to receive them, this is the Scythian way: they take blood from the parties to the agreement by making a little cut in the body with an awl or a knife, and pour it mixed with wine into a big earthenware bowl, into which they then dip a scimitar and arrows and an axe and a javelin; and when this is done those swearing the agreement, and the most honorable of their followers, drink the blood after solemn curses. 4.71. The burial-places of the kings are in the land of the Gerrhi, which is the end of the navigation of the Borysthenes. Whenever their king has died, the Scythians dig a great four-cornered pit in the ground there; when this is ready, they take up the dead man—his body enclosed in wax, his belly cut open and cleaned and filled with cut marsh-plants and frankincense, and parsley and anise seed, and sewn up again—and transport him on a wagon to another tribe. ,Then those who receive the dead man on his arrival do the same as do the Royal Scythians: that is, they cut off a part of their ears, shave their heads, make cuts around their arms, tear their foreheads and noses, and pierce their left hands with arrows. ,From there, the escorts transport the king's body on the wagon to another of the tribes that they rule, and those to whom they have already come follow them; and having carried the dead man to all in turn, they are at the place of burial, in the country of the Gerrhi, the farthest distant tribe of all under their rule. ,Then, having laid the body on a couch in the tomb, they plant spears on each side of the body and lay wooden planks across them, which they then roof over with braided osiers; in the open space which is left in the tomb they bury one of the king's concubines, his cupbearer, his cook, his groom, his squire, and his messenger, after strangling them, besides horses, and first-fruits of everything else, and golden cups; for the Scythians do not use silver or bronze. ,Having done this, they all build a great barrow of earth, vying eagerly with one another to make this as great as possible. 4.72. After a year has past, they next do as follows. They take the most trusted of the rest of the king's servants (and these are native-born Scythians, for only those whom he tells to do so serve the king, and none of the Scythians have servants bought by money) ,and strangle fifty of these and fifty of their best horses and empty and clean the bellies of them all, fill them with chaff, and sew them up again. ,Then they fasten half of a wheel to two posts, the hollow upward, and the other half to another pair of posts, until many posts thus prepared are planted in the ground, and, after driving thick stakes lengthways through the horses' bodies to their necks, they place the horses up on the wheels ,so that the wheel in front supports the horse's forequarters and the wheel behind takes the weight of the belly by the hindquarters, and the forelegs and hindlegs hang free; and putting bridles and bits in the horses' mouths, they stretch the bridles to the front and fasten them with pegs. ,Then they take each one of the fifty strangled young men and mount him on the horse; their way of doing it is to drive an upright stake through each body passing up alongside the spine to the neck leaving enough of the stake projecting below to be fixed in a hole made in the other stake, which passes through the horse. So having set horsemen of this fashion around the tomb, they ride away. 4.73. This is the way they bury their kings. All other Scythians, when they die, are laid in wagons and carried about among their friends by their nearest of kin; each receives them and entertains the retinue hospitably, setting before the dead man about as much of the fare as he serves to the rest. All but the kings are carried about like this for forty days and then buried. ,After the burial the Scythians cleanse themselves as follows: they anoint and wash their heads and, for their bodies, set up three poles leaning together to a point and cover these over with wool mats; then, in the space so enclosed to the best of their ability, they make a pit in the center beneath the poles and the mats and throw red-hot stones into it. 4.74. They have hemp growing in their country, very like flax, except that the hemp is much thicker and taller. This grows both of itself and also by their cultivation, and the Thracians even make garments of it which are very like linen; no one, unless he were an expert in hemp, could determine whether they were hempen or linen; whoever has never seen hemp before will think the garment linen. 4.75. The Scythians then take the seed of this hemp and, crawling in under the mats, throw it on the red-hot stones, where it smoulders and sends forth such fumes that no Greek vapor-bath could surpass it. ,The Scythians howl in their joy at the vapor-bath. This serves them instead of bathing, for they never wash their bodies with water. ,But their women pound cypress and cedar and frankincense wood on a rough stone, adding water also, and with the thick stuff thus pounded they anoint their bodies and faces, as a result of which not only does a fragrant scent come from them, but when on the second day they take off the ointment, their skin becomes clear and shining. 4.76. But as regards foreign customs, the Scythians (like others) very much shun practising those of any other country, and particularly of Hellas, as was proved in the case of Anacharsis and also of Scyles. ,For when Anacharsis was coming back to the Scythian country after having seen much of the world in his travels and given many examples of his wisdom, he sailed through the Hellespont and put in at Cyzicus; ,where, finding the Cyzicenes celebrating the feast of the Mother of the Gods with great ceremony, he vowed to this same Mother that if he returned to his own country safe and sound he would sacrifice to her as he saw the Cyzicenes doing, and establish a nightly rite of worship. ,So when he came to Scythia, he hid himself in the country called Woodland (which is beside the Race of Achilles, and is all overgrown with every kind of timber); hidden there, Anacharsis celebrated the goddess' ritual with exactness, carrying a small drum and hanging images about himself. ,Then some Scythian saw him doing this and told the king, Saulius; who, coming to the place himself and seeing Anacharsis performing these rites, shot an arrow at him and killed him. And now the Scythians, if they are asked about Anacharsis, say they have no knowledge of him; this is because he left his country for Hellas and followed the customs of strangers. ,But according to what I heard from Tymnes, the deputy for Ariapithes, Anacharsis was an uncle of Idanthyrsus king of Scythia, and he was the son of Gnurus, son of Lycus, son of Spargapithes. Now if Anacharsis was truly of this family, then let him know he was slain by his own brother; for Idanthyrsus was the son of Saulius, and it was Saulius who killed Anacharsis. 4.77. It is true that I have heard another story told by the Peloponnesians; namely, that Anacharsis had been sent by the king of Scythia and had been a student of the ways of Hellas, and after his return told the king who sent him that all Greeks were keen for every kind of learning, except the Lacedaemonians; but that these were the only Greeks who spoke and listened with discretion. ,But this is a tale pointlessly invented by the Greeks themselves; and be this as it may, the man was put to death as I have said. 4.78. This, then, was how Anacharsis fared, owing to his foreign ways and consorting with Greeks; and a great many years afterward, Scyles, son of Ariapithes, suffered a like fate. Scyles was one of the sons born to Ariapithes, king of Scythia; but his mother was of Istria, and not native-born; and she taught him to speak and read Greek. ,As time passed, Ariapithes was treacherously killed by Spargapithes, king of the Agathyrsi, and Scyles inherited the kingship and his father's wife, a Scythian woman whose name was Opoea, and she bore Scyles a son, Oricus. ,So Scyles was king of Scythia; but he was in no way content with the Scythian way of life, and was much more inclined to Greek ways, from the upbringing that he had received. So this is what he would do: he would lead the Scythian army to the city of the Borysthenites (who say that they are Milesians), and when he arrived there would leave his army in the suburb of the city, ,while he himself, entering within the walls and shutting the gates, would take off his Scythian apparel and put on Greek dress; and in it he would go among the townsfolk unattended by spearmen or any others (who would guard the gates, lest any Scythian see him wearing this apparel), and in every way follow the Greek manner of life, and worship the gods according to Greek usage. ,When he had spent a month or more like this, he would put on Scythian dress and leave the city. He did this often; and he built a house in Borysthenes, and married a wife of the people of the country and brought her there. 4.79. But when things had to turn out badly for him, they did so for this reason: he conceived a desire to be initiated into the rites of the Bacchic Dionysus; and when he was about to begin the sacred mysteries, he saw the greatest vision. ,He had in the city of the Borysthenites a spacious house, grand and costly (the same house I just mentioned), all surrounded by sphinxes and griffins worked in white marble; this house was struck by a thunderbolt. And though the house burnt to the ground, Scyles none the less performed the rite to the end. ,Now the Scythians reproach the Greeks for this Bacchic revelling, saying that it is not reasonable to set up a god who leads men to madness. ,So when Scyles had been initiated into the Bacchic rite, some one of the Borysthenites scoffed at the Scythians: “You laugh at us, Scythians, because we play the Bacchant and the god possesses us; but now this deity has possessed your own king, so that he plays the Bacchant and is maddened by the god. If you will not believe me, follow me now and I will show him to you.” ,The leading men among the Scythians followed him, and the Borysthenite brought them up secretly onto a tower; from which, when Scyles passed by with his company of worshippers, they saw him playing the Bacchant; thinking it a great misfortune, they left the city and told the whole army what they had seen. 4.80. After this Scyles rode off to his own place; but the Scythians rebelled against him, setting up his brother Octamasades, son of the daughter of Teres, for their king. ,Scyles, learning what had happened concerning him and the reason why it had happened, fled into Thrace; and when Octamasades heard this he led his army there. But when he was beside the Ister, the Thracians barred his way; and when the armies were about to engage, Sitalces sent this message to Octamasades: ,“Why should we try each other's strength? You are my sister's son, and you have my brother with you; give him back to me, and I will give up your Scyles to you; and let us not endanger our armies.” ,Such was the offer Sitalces sent to him; for Sitalces' brother had fled from him and was with Octamasades. The Scythian agreed to this, and took his brother Scyles, giving up his own uncle to Sitalces. ,Sitalces then took his brother and carried him away, but Octamasades beheaded Scyles on the spot. This is how closely the Scythians guard their customs, and these are the penalties they inflict on those who add foreign customs to their own. 4.81. How numerous the Scythians are, I was not able to learn exactly, and the accounts that I heard did not tally, some saying that they are very numerous, and some that they are few, so far as they are true Scythians. ,But this much they let me see for myself: there is a region between the Borysthenes and Hypanis rivers, whose name is Exampaeus; this is the land that I mentioned when I said that there is a spring of salt water in it, whose water makes the Hypanis unfit to drink. ,In this region is a bronze vessel, as much as six times greater than the cauldron dedicated by Pausanias son of Cleombrotus at the entrance of the Pontus. ,For anyone who has not yet seen the latter, I will make my meaning plain: the Scythian bronze vessel easily contains five thousand four hundred gallons, and it is of six fingers' thickness. This vessel (so the people of the country said) was made out of arrowheads. ,For their king, whose name was Ariantas, desiring to know the census of the Scythians, commanded every Scythian to bring him the point from an arrow, threatening death to all who did not. ,So a vast number of arrow-heads was brought, and he decided to make and leave a memorial out of them; and he made of these this bronze vessel, and set it up in this country Exampaeus. This much I heard about the number of the Scythians. 4.82. As for marvels, there are none in the land, except that it has by far the greatest and the most numerous rivers in the world; and over and above the rivers and the great extent of the plains there is one most marvellous thing for me to mention: they show a footprint of Heracles by the Tyras river stamped on rock, like the mark of a man's foot, but forty inches in length. Having described this, I will now return to the story which I began to tell. 6.2. Thus spoke Artaphrenes regarding the revolt. Histiaeus was frightened by Artaphrenes' understanding of the matter and fled the next night to the sea, for he had deceived Darius by promising to subdue Sardo, the greatest of the islands, while secretly intending to make himself leader of the Ionians in their war against Darius. ,Crossing over to Chios, he was taken and bound by the Chians, because they judged him to have been sent by Darius to make trouble for them. But when they learned the whole story of his hostility to the king, they set him free. 6.3. Then Histiaeus was asked by the Ionians why he had so zealously ordered Aristagoras to revolt from the king and done the Ionians such great harm. He did not at all reveal the true reason to them, telling them instead that king Darius had planned to remove the Phoenicians and settle them in Ionia, and the Ionians in Phoenicia; for this reason, he said, he had sent the order. The king had made no such plan, but Histiaeus wanted to frighten the Ionians. 6.4. Then Histiaeus, using Hermippus, a man of Atarneus, as messenger, sent letters to the Persians at Sardis, because they had previously talked with him about revolt. But Hermippus did not give the letters to the men to whom he was sent, and went and delivered them to Artaphrenes instead. ,Artaphrenes, learning all that was afoot, bade Hermippus carry Histiaeus' letters to those for whom he was bringing them, and give him those which the Persians sent in answer to Histiaeus. Thus these men became known, and then Artaphrenes put many Persians to death. 6.5. So troubles arose in Sardis. Since he failed in this hope, the Chians brought Histiaeus back to Miletus at his own request. But the Milesians were glad enough to be rid of Aristagoras himself, and they had no wish to receive another tyrant into their country now that they had tasted freedom. ,When Histiaeus tried to force his way into Miletus by night, he was wounded in the thigh by a Milesian. Since he was thrust out from his own city, he went back to Chios; when he could not persuade the Chians to give him ships, he then crossed over to Mytilene and persuaded the Lesbians to give him ships. ,They manned eight triremes, and sailed with Histiaeus to Byzantium; there they encamped, and seized all the ships that were sailing out of the Euxine, except when the crews consented to serve Histiaeus. |
|
| 6. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Masterson (2016), Man to Man: Desire, Homosociality, and Authority in Late-Roman Manhood. 47 |
7. Plato, Symposium, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Masterson (2016), Man to Man: Desire, Homosociality, and Authority in Late-Roman Manhood. 47| 215a. ψεύσομαι. ἐὰν μέντοι ἀναμιμνῃσκόμενος ἄλλο ἄλλοθεν λέγω, μηδὲν θαυμάσῃς· οὐ γάρ τι ῥᾴδιον τὴν σὴν ἀτοπίαν ὧδʼ ἔχοντι εὐπόρως καὶ ἐφεξῆς καταριθμῆσαι. | 215a. have the goodness to take me up short and say that there I am lying; for I will not lie if I can help it. Still, you are not to be surprised if I tell my reminiscences at haphazard; it is anything but easy for a man in my condition to give a fluent and regular enumeration of your oddities. Alcibiades’ praise of Socrates The way I shall take, gentlemen, in my praise of Socrates, is by similitudes. Probably he will think I do this for derision; but I choose my similitude for the sake of truth, not of ridicule. For I say |
|
8. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.97.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 269, 279| 1.97.2. ἔγραψα δὲ αὐτὰ καὶ τὴν ἐκβολὴν τοῦ λόγου ἐποιησάμην διὰ τόδε, ὅτι τοῖς πρὸ ἐμοῦ ἅπασιν ἐκλιπὲς τοῦτο ἦν τὸ χωρίον καὶ ἢ τὰ πρὸ τῶν Μηδικῶν Ἑλληνικὰ ξυνετίθεσαν ἢ αὐτὰ τὰ Μηδικά: τούτων δὲ ὅσπερ καὶ ἥψατο ἐν τῇ Ἀττικῇ ξυγγραφῇ Ἑλλάνικος, βραχέως τε καὶ τοῖς χρόνοις οὐκ ἀκριβῶς ἐπεμνήσθη. ἅμα δὲ καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀπόδειξιν ἔχει τῆς τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐν οἵῳ τρόπῳ κατέστη. | 1.97.2. My excuse for relating these events, and for venturing on this digression, is that this passage of history has been omitted by all my predecessors, who have confined themselves either to Hellenic history before the Median war, or to the Median war itself. Hellanicus, it is true, did touch on these events in his Athenian history; but he is somewhat concise and not accurate in his dates. Besides, the history of these events contains an explanation of the growth of the Athenian empire. |
|
| 9. Aristotle, Poetics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 81 |
10. Septuagint, Tobit, 6.1 (4th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 43 | 6.1. Now as they proceeded on their way they came at evening to the Tigris river and camped there. |
|
| 11. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 5.12.4, 7.21 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 73; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 11 |
| 12. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.1.59-2.1.60 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 155 |
| 13. Cicero, On Old Age, 14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 197 |
| 14. Cicero, Pro Cluentio, 25 (67-8) (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus, res gestae Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 234, 235 |
| 15. Cicero, Pro Marcello, 4.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 151 |
| 16. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 93 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 155 |
17. Hebrew Bible, Daniel, 9.26 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 19| 9.26. "וְאַחֲרֵי הַשָּׁבֻעִים שִׁשִּׁים וּשְׁנַיִם יִכָּרֵת מָשִׁיחַ וְאֵין לוֹ וְהָעִיר וְהַקֹּדֶשׁ יַשְׁחִית עַם נָגִיד הַבָּא וְקִצּוֹ בַשֶּׁטֶף וְעַד קֵץ מִלְחָמָה נֶחֱרֶצֶת שֹׁמֵמוֹת׃", | 9.26. "And after the threescore and two weeks shall an anointed one be cut off, and be no more; and the people of a prince that shall come shall destroy the city and the sanctuary; but his end shall be with a flood; and unto the end of the war desolations are determined.", |
|
18. Polybius, Histories, 2.56, 3.13.6, 3.14.1, 3.35.6, 3.40.2, 3.41.8, 3.66.5, 3.78.5, 3.91.10, 6.4.11, 9.4.7, 9.6.2, 10.5.2, 10.5.4, 10.6.8, 10.8.5, 10.9.6, 10.19.3-10.19.7, 11.21.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 54; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 11, 148| 3.13.6. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα χρησάμενος ἐνεργοῖς ἅμα καὶ καταπληκτικαῖς προσβολαῖς ταχέως ἐκράτησε τῆς πόλεως. οὗ συμβάντος οἱ λοιποὶ γενόμενοι καταπλαγεῖς ἐνέδωκαν αὑτοὺς τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις. 3.14.1. γάσατο ταῖς δυνάμεσι. τῷ δʼ ἐπιγινομένῳ θέρει πάλιν ὁρμήσας ἐπὶ τοὺς Οὐακκαίους Ἑλμαντικὴν μὲν ἐξ ἐφόδου ποιησάμενος προσβολὰς κατέσχεν, Ἀρβουκάλην δὲ διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τῆς πόλεως καὶ τὸ πλῆθος, ἔτι δὲ τὴν γενναιότητα τῶν οἰκητόρων μετὰ πολλῆς ταλαιπωρίας πολιορκήσας κατὰ κράτος εἷλε. 3.35.6. εἰς δὲ τὴν οἰκείαν ἀπέλυσε τοὺς ἴσους τοῖς προειρημένοις, βουλόμενος αὐτούς τε τούτους εὔνους ἀπολιπεῖν, τοῖς τε λοιποῖς ὑποδεικνύων ἐλπίδα τῆς εἰς οἶκον ἐπανόδου καὶ τοῖς μεθʼ ἑαυτοῦ μὲν στρατευομένοις, οὐχ ἧττον δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἐν οἴκῳ μένουσι τῶν Ἰβήρων, ἵνα προθύμως ἐξορμῶσι πάντες, ἄν ποτέ τις ἐπικουρίας χρεία γένηται παρʼ αὐτῶν. 3.40.2. Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς διακούσαντες μὲν τῶν ἐξαποσταλέντων εἰς Καρχηδόνα πρεσβευτῶν τὰ δεδογμένα καὶ τοὺς ῥηθέντας λόγους, προσπεσόντος δὲ θᾶττον ἢ προσεδόκων Ἀννίβαν διαβεβηκέναι τὸν Ἴβηρα ποταμὸν μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως, προεχειρίσαντο πέμπειν μετὰ στρατοπέδων Πόπλιον μὲν Κορνήλιον εἰς Ἰβηρίαν, Τεβέριον δὲ Σεμπρώνιον εἰς Λιβύην. 3.41.8. ὁ δὲ Πόπλιος, διασαφηθέντος αὐτῷ παρεῖναι τοὺς ὑπεναντίους, τὰ μὲν ἀπιστῶν διὰ τὸ τάχος τῆς παρουσίας, τὰ δὲ βουλόμενος εἰδέναι τὴν ἀκρίβειαν, αὐτὸς μὲν ἀνελάμβανε τὰς δυνάμεις ἐκ τοῦ πλοῦ καὶ διενοεῖτο μετὰ τῶν χιλιάρχων ποίοις χρηστέον τῶν τόπων καὶ συμμικτέον τοῖς ὑπεναντίοις· 3.66.5. τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἀκούων ἤδη πολὺ προειληφέναι, μεταβαλόμενος αὖθις εἰς τἀναντία παρὰ τὸν ποταμὸν ἐποιεῖτο τὴν πορείαν, σπεύδων ἐπὶ τόπον εὐγεφύρωτον ἀφικέσθαι τοῦ Πάδου. 3.78.5. θεωρῶν δὲ τοὺς Κελτοὺς δυσχεραίνοντας ἐπὶ τῷ τὸν πόλεμον ἐν τῇ παρʼ αὑτῶν χώρᾳ λαμβάνειν τὴν τριβήν, σπεύδοντας δὲ καὶ μετεώρους ὄντας εἰς τὴν πολεμίαν, προφάσει μὲν διὰ τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ὀργήν, τὸ δὲ πλεῖον διὰ τὰς ὠφελείας, ἔκρινε τὴν ταχίστην ἀναζευγνύειν καὶ συνεκπληροῦν τὰς τῶν δυνάμεων ὁρμάς. 3.91.10. διόπερ ἔμελλον εἰς ταῦτα καταστρατοπεδεύσαντες ὥσπερ εἰς θέατρον οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι καταπλήξεσθαι μὲν τῷ παραλόγῳ πάντας, ἐκθεατριεῖν δὲ τοὺς πολεμίους φυγομαχοῦντας, αὐτοὶ δʼ ἐξ ὁμολόγου φανήσεσθαι τῶν ὑπαίθρων κρατοῦντες. 6.4.11. γνοίη δʼ ἄν τις σαφέστατα περὶ τούτων ὡς ἀληθῶς ἐστιν οἷα δὴ νῦν εἶπον, ἐπὶ τὰς ἑκάστων κατὰ φύσιν ἀρχὰς καὶ γενέσεις καὶ μεταβολὰς ἐπιστήσας. 9.4.7. ὑπέλαβε γάρ, εἰ λαθραίαν ποιησάμενος τὴν πορείαν αἰφνιδίως ἐπιφανείη τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Ῥώμην τόποις, ἴσως μὲν ἂν καὶ περὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀνύσασθαί τι τῶν χρησίμων, ἐκπλήξας τῷ παραδόξῳ τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας· 9.6.2. ἅτε τοῦ πράγματος αἰφνιδίου μὲν ὄντος καὶ τελέως ἀνελπίστου διὰ τὸ μηδέποτε τὸν Ἀννίβαν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἀπηρκέναι τῆς πόλεως, ὑποτρεχούσης δέ τινος ἅμα καὶ τοιαύτης ἐννοίας ὡς οὐχ οἷόν τε τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐγγίσαι καὶ καταθαρρῆσαι μὴ οὐ τῶν περὶ Καπύην στρατοπέδων ἀπολωλότων. 10.5.2. τοῦ δὲ πλήθους καὶ διὰ τὸ παράδοξον καὶ διὰ τὴν προϋπάρχουσαν εὔνοιαν ἐκπληκτικῶς αὐτὸν ἀποδεξαμένου, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα προελθόντος εἰς τὸν ἀποδεδειγμένον τόπον καὶ στάντος παρὰ τὸν ἀδελφόν, 10.5.4. τῇ δὲ μητρὶ τοῦ πράγματος ἄφνω προσπεσόντος, περιχαρὴς οὖσα πρὸς τὰς θύρας ἀπήντα καὶ μετὰ παραστάσεως ἠσπάζετο τοὺς νεανίσκους, 10.6.8. ἦν γὰρ αὐτῷ κεκριμένον πράττειν ὧν μὲν εἶπε πρὸς τοὺς πολλοὺς μηδέν, προύκειτο δὲ πολιορκεῖν ἐξ ἐφόδου τὴν ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ Καρχηδόνα προσαγορευομένην. 10.8.5. τὸ δʼ ἄλλο πλῆθος ὅτι πολὺ μὲν εἴη διαφερόντως ἐν αὐτῇ, πᾶν δὲ δημιουργικὸν καὶ βάναυσον καὶ θαλαττουργὸν καὶ πλεῖστον ἀπέχον πολεμικῆς ἐμπειρίας, ὃ κατὰ τῆς πόλεως ὑπελάμβανεν εἶναι, παραδόξου γενομένης ἐπιφανείας. 10.9.6. αὐτὸς δὲ τὰς πεζικὰς δυνάμεις ἀναλαβὼν ἐποιεῖτο τὴν πορείαν μετὰ σπουδῆς. εἶχε δὲ τὸ μὲν τῶν πεζῶν πλῆθος εἰς δισμυρίους καὶ πεντακισχιλίους, ἱππεῖς δʼ εἰς δισχιλίους καὶ πεντακοσίους. 10.19.3. κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον νεανίσκοι τινὲς τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐπιτυχόντες παρθένῳ κατὰ τὴν ἀκμὴν καὶ κατὰ τὸ κάλλος διαφερούσῃ τῶν ἄλλων γυναικῶν, καὶ συνιδόντες φιλογύνην ὄντα τὸν Πόπλιον, ἧκον αὐτὴν ἄγοντες καὶ παραστήσαντες ἔφασκον αὐτῷ δωρεῖσθαι τὴν κόρην. 10.19.4. ὁ δὲ καταπλαγεὶς καὶ θαυμάσας τὸ κάλλος, ἰδιώτης μὲν ὢν οὐδεμίαν ἥδιον ἂν ἔφη δέξασθαι ταύτης τῆς δωρεᾶς, στρατηγὸς δʼ ὑπάρχων οὐδʼ ὁποίαν ἧττον, 10.19.5. ὡς μὲν ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, τοῦτʼ αἰνιττόμενος διὰ τῆς ἀποφάσεως, διότι κατὰ μὲν τὰς ἀναπαύσεις ἐνίοτε καὶ ῥᾳθυμίας ἐν τῷ ζῆν ἡδίστας τοῖς νέοις ἀπολαύσεις τὰ τοιαῦτα παρέχεται καὶ διατριβάς, ἐν δὲ τοῖς τοῦ πράττειν καιροῖς μέγιστα γίνεται καὶ κατὰ σῶμα καὶ κατὰ ψυχὴν ἐμπόδια τοῖς χρωμένοις. 10.19.6. τοῖς μὲν οὖν νεανίσκοις ἔφη χάριν ἔχειν, τὸν δὲ τῆς παρθένου πατέρα καλέσας καὶ δοὺς αὐτὴν ἐκ χειρὸς ἐκέλευε συνοικίζειν ᾧ ποτʼ ἂν προαιρῆται τῶν πολιτῶν. 10.19.7. διʼ ὧν καὶ τὰ τῆς ἐγκρατείας καὶ τὰ τῆς μετριότητος ἐμφαίνων μεγάλην ἀποδοχὴν ἐνειργάζετο τοῖς ὑποταττομένοις. ταῦτα δὲ διοικησάμενος, 11.21.3. ὧν ἀνυπονοήτως ἐμπεσόντων πολλοὶ μὲν ἐν ταῖς ἀρχαῖς ἀναστρέφοντες διὰ τὸ παράδοξον τῆς ἐπιφανείας τῆς ἄφνω τῶν ἱππέων ἀπέπεσον, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ συμβάλλοντες τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐμάχοντο γενναίως. | 2.56. 1. Since, among those authors who were contemporaries of Aratus, Phylarchus, who on many points is at variance and in contradiction with him, is by some received as trustworthy,,2. it will be useful or rather necessary for me, as I have chosen to rely on Aratus' narrative for the history of the Cleomenic war, not to leave the question of their relative credibility undiscussed, so that truth and falsehood in their writings may no longer be of equal authority.,3. In general Phylarchus through his whole work makes many random and careless statements;,4. but while perhaps it is not necessary for me at present to criticize in detail the rest of these, I must minutely examine such as relate to events occurring in the period with which I am now dealing, that of the Cleomenic war.,5. This partial examination will however be quite sufficient to convey an idea of the general purpose and character of his work.,6. Wishing, for instance, to insist on the cruelty of Antigonus and the Macedonians and also on that of Aratus and the Achaeans, he tells us that the Mantineans, when they surrendered, were exposed to terrible sufferings and that such were the misfortunes that overtook this, the most ancient and greatest city in Arcadia, as to impress deeply and move to tears all the Greeks.,7. In his eagerness to arouse the pity and attention of his readers he treats us to a picture of clinging women with their hair dishevelled and their breasts bare, or again of crowds of both sexes together with their children and aged parents weeping and lamenting as they are led away to slavery.,8. This sort of thing he keeps up throughout his history, always trying to bring horrors vividly before our eyes.,9. Leaving aside the ignoble and womanish character of such a treatment of his subject, let us consider how far it is proper or serviceable to history.,10. A historical author should not try to thrill his readers by such exaggerated pictures, nor should he, like a tragic poet, try to imagine the probable utterances of his characters or reckon up all the consequences probably incidental to the occurrences with which he deals, but simply record what really happened and what really was said, however commonplace.,11. For the object of tragedy is not the same as that of history but quite the opposite. The tragic poet should thrill and charm his audience for the moment by the verisimilitude of the words he puts into his characters' mouths, but it is the task of the historian to instruct and convince for all time serious students by the truth of the facts and the speeches he narrates,,12. since in the one case it is the probable that takes precedence, even if it be untrue, in the other it is the truth, the purpose being to confer benefit on learners.,13. Apart from this, Phylarchus simply narrates most of such catastrophes and does not even suggest their causes or the nature of these causes, without which it is impossible in any case to feel either legitimate pity or proper anger.,14. Who, for instance, does not think it an outrage for a free man to be beaten? but if this happen to one who was the first to resort to violence, we consider that he got only his desert, while where it is done for the purpose of correction or discipline, those who strike free men are not only excused but deemed worthy of thanks and praise.,15. Again, to kill a citizen is considered the greatest of crimes and that deserving the highest penalty, but obviously he who kills a thief or adulterer is left untouched, and the slayer of a traitor or tyrant everywhere meets with honour and distinction.,16. So in every such case the final criterion of good and evil lies not in what is done, but in the different reasons and different purposes of the doer. 3.13.6. encamped there and soon made himself master of it by a series of vigorous and formidable assaults, upon which the rest of the tribe were overawed and submitted to the Carthaginians. 3.14.1. Next summer he made a fresh attack on the Vaccaei, assaulted and took Hermandica at the first onset, but Arbacala being a very large city with a numerous and brave population, he had to lay siege to it and only took it by assault after much pains. 3.35.6. He dismissed at the same time an equal number of troops to their homes, with the view of leaving them well disposed to himself and encouraging the hope of a safe return in the rest of the Spaniards, not only those who were serving with him, but those who remained at home, so that if he ever had to call on them for reinforcements, they might all readily respond. 3.40.2. the Romans, having received from the envoys they had sent to Carthage an account of the decision arrived at, and the speeches made there, and on news reaching them sooner than they had expected that Hannibal had crossed the Ebro with his army, determined to send, with their legions, the Consuls Publius Cornelius Scipio to Spain and Tiberius Sempronius Longus to Africa. 3.41.8. Publius, when the arrival of the enemy was reported to him, being partly incredulous owing to the cupidity of their advance and partly desirous of ascertaining the exact truth â while he himself was refreshing his troops after their voyage and consulting with his Tribunes in what place it would be wisest to offer battle to the enemy â 3.66.5. and on hearing that the rest of the Romans were far in advance of him he now wheeled round and marched in the opposite direction up the Po with the object of reaching a place where it was easy to bridge it. 3.78.5. Observing that the Celts were dissatisfied at the prosecution of the war in their own territory, but were eagerly looking forward to an invasion of that of the enemy, professedly owing to their hatred of the Romans, but as a fact chiefly in hope of booty, he decided to be on the move as soon as possible and satisfy the desire of his troops. 3.91.10. The Carthaginians, then, by quartering themselves in this plain made of it a kind of theatre, in which they were sure to create a deep impression on all by their unexpected appearance, giving a spectacular exhibition of the timidity of their enemy and themselves demonstrating indisputably that they were in command of the country. 6.4.11. The truth of what I have just said will be quite clear to anyone who pays due attention to such beginnings, origins, and changes as are in each case natural. 9.4.7. For he thought that if by a secret march he could appear suddenly before Rome, he might possibly by the surprise and dismay he would cause among the inhabitants manage to gain some advantage against that city itself; 9.6.2. the thing being so sudden and so entirely unexpected, as Hannibal had never before been so close to the city. Besides this, a suspicion prevailed that the enemy would never have approached so near and displayed such audacity if the legions before Capua had not been destroyed. 10.5.2. The people, owing to the unexpectedness of the sight and owing to his previous popularity, received him with enthusiastic surprise, and afterwards when he went on to the station appointed for candidates and stood by his brother they not only conferred the office on Publius but on his brother too for his sake, and both appeared at their house elected aediles. 10.5.4. When the news suddenly reached his mother's ears, she met them overjoyed at the door and embraced the young men with deep emotion, so that from this circumstance all who had heard of the dreams believed that Publius communed with the gods not only in his sleep, but still more in reality and by day. 10.6.8. The fact was, he had decided not to do any of the things he had publicly announced, but to invest suddenly the town in Spain to which they had given the name of Carthage. 10.8.5. while the remaining population was exceedingly large but composed of artisans, tradesmen, and sailors, men very far from having any military experience. This he considered to be a thing that would tell against the city, if he appeared suddenly before it. 10.9.6. while he himself with his land forces marched rapidly against it. He had about twenty-five thousand infantry and two thousand five hundred horse. 10.19.3. It was at this time that some young Romans came across a girl of surpassing bloom and beauty, and being aware that Scipio was fond of women brought her to him and introduced her, saying that they wished to make a present of the damsel to him. 10.19.4. He was overcome and astonished by her beauty, but he told them that had he been in a private position, no present would have been more welcome to him, but as he was the General it would be the least welcome of any, 10.19.5. giving them to understand, I suppose, by this answer that sometimes, during seasons of repose and leisure in our life, such things afford young men most delightful enjoyment and entertainment, but that in times of activity they are most prejudicial to the body and the mind alike of those who indulge in them. 10.19.6. So he expressed his gratitude to the young men, but called the girl's father and delivering her over to him at once bade him give her in marriage to whomever of the citizens he preferred. 10.19.7. The self-restraint and moderation he displayed on this occasion secured him the warm approbation of his troops. 11.21.3. Surprised by this unexpected attack many of the Carthaginians as they wheeled sharply round at the unexpected sight, lost their seats, but the rest met the enemy and fought bravely. |
|
19. Cicero, Republic, 1.58, 2.3, 2.21, 3.34 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 148| 1.58. Sed, si vis, Laeli, dabo tibi testes nec nimis antiquos nec ullo modo barbaros. L. Istos, inquit, volo. S. Videsne igitur minus quadringentorum annorum esse hanc urbem, ut sine regibus sit? L. Vero minus. S. Quid ergo? haec quadringentorum annorum aetas ut urbis et civitatis num valde longa est? L. Ista vero, inquit, adulta vix. S. Ergo his annis quadringentis Romae rex erat? L. Et superbus quidem. S. Quid supra? L. Iustissimus, et deinceps retro usque ad Romulum, qui ab hoc tempore anno sescentesimo rex erat. S. Ergo ne iste quidem pervetus? L. Minime ac prope senescente iam Graecia. S. Cedo, num, Scipio, barbarorum Romulus rex fuit? L. Si, ut Graeci dicunt omnis aut Graios esse aut barbaros, vereor, ne barbarorum rex fuerit; sin id nomen moribus dandum est, non linguis, non Graecos minus barbaros quam Romanos puto. Et Scipio: Atqui ad hoc, de quo agitur, non quaerimus gentem, ingenia quaerimus. Si enim et prudentes homines et non veteres reges habere voluerunt, utor neque perantiquis neque inhumanis ac feris testibus. 2.3. Quam ob rem, ut ille solebat, ita nunc mea repetet oratio populi originem; libenter enim etiam verbo utor Catonis. Facilius autem, quod est propositum, consequar, si nostram rem publicam vobis et nascentem et crescentem et adultam et iam firmam atque robustam ostendero, quam si mihi aliquam, ut apud Platonem Socrates, ipse finxero. 2.21. Videtisne igitur unius viri consilio non solum ortum novum populum neque ut in cunabulis vagientem relictum, sed adultum iam et paene puberem? Tum Laelius: Nos vero videmus, et te quidem ingressum ratione ad disputandum nova, quae nusquam est in Graecorum libris. Nam princeps ille, quo nemo in scribendo praestantior fuit, aream sibi sumsit, in qua civitatem extrueret arbitratu suo, praeclaram ille quidem fortasse, sed a vita hominum abhorrentem et moribus, 3.34. August. C.D. 22.6 nullum bellum suscipi a civitate optima nisi aut pro fide aut pro salute. 3.34. Sed his poenis quas etiam stultissimi sentiunt, egestate, exilio, vinculis, verberibus, elabuntur saepe privati oblata mortis celeritate, civitatibus autem mors ipsa poena est, quae videtur a poena singulos vindicare; debet enim constituta sic esse civitas, ut aeterna sit. Itaque nullus interitus est rei publicae naturalis ut hominis, in quo mors non modo necessaria est, verum etiam optanda persaepe. Civitas autem cum tollitur, deletur, extinguitur, simile est quodam modo, ut parva magnis conferamus, ac si omnis hic mundus intereat et concidat. | |
|
20. Cicero, De Oratore, 2.100-2.102 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 73| 2.100. Hoc in ludo non praecipitur; faciles enim causae ad pueros deferuntur; lex peregrinum vetat in murum ascendere; ascendit; hostis reppulit: accusatur. Nihil est negoti eius modi causam cognoscere; recte igitur nihil de causa discenda praecipiunt; haec est enim in ludo causarum formula fere. At vero in foro tabulae testimonia, pacta conventa stipulationes, cognationes adfinitates, decreta responsa, vita denique eorum, qui in causa versantur, tota cognoscenda est; quarum rerum neglegentia plerasque causas et maxime privatas—sunt 2.101. enim multo saepe obscuriores—videmus amitti. Ita non nulli, dum operam suam multam existimari volunt, ut toto foro volitare et a causa ad causam ire videantur, causas dicunt incognitas; in quo est illa quidem magna offensio vel neglegentiae, susceptis rebus, vel perfidiae, receptis; sed etiam illa maior opinione, quod nemo potest de ea re, quam non novit, non turpissime dicere: ita dum inertiae vituperationem, quae maior est, contemnunt, adsequuntur etiam illam, quam magis ipsi fugiunt, tarditatis. 2.102. Equidem soleo dare operam, ut de sua quisque re me ipse doceat et ut ne quis alius adsit, quo liberius loquatur, et agere adversari causam, ut ille agat suam et quicquid de sua re cogitarit in medium proferat: itaque cum ille discessit, tris personas unus sustineo summa animi aequitate, meam, adversari, iudicis. Qui locus est talis, ut plus habeat adiumenti quam incommodi, hunc iudico esse dicendum; ubi plus mali quam boni reperio, id totum abiudico atque eicio. | |
|
| 21. Cicero, On Laws, 2.28 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 387 |
| 22. Cicero, In Catilinam, 4.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 11 |
| 23. Cicero, Orator, 169 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 81 |
24. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 17.13, 19.6-19.8, 20.71 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 11 | 17.13. 1. So while the city was being taken, many and varied were the scenes of destruction within the walls. Enraged by the arrogance of the Theban proclamation, the Macedonians pressed upon them more furiously than is usual in war, and shrieking curses flung themselves on the wretched people, slaying all whom they met without sparing any.,2. The Thebans, for their part, clinging desperately to their forlorn hope of victory, counted their lives as nothing and when they met a foeman, grappled with him and drew his blows upon themselves. In the capture of the city, no Theban was seen begging the Macedonians to spare his life, nor did they in ignoble fashion fall and cling to the knees of their conquerors.,3. But neither did the agony of courage elicit pity from the foe nor did the day's length suffice for the cruelty of their vengeance. All the city was pillaged. Everywhere boys and girls were dragged into captivity as they wailed piteously the names of their mothers. In sum, households were seized with all their members, and the city's enslavement was complete.,4. of the men who remained, some, wounded and dying, grappled with the foe and were slain themselves as they destroyed their enemy; others, supported only by a shattered spear, went to meet their assailants and, in their supreme struggle, held freedom dearer than life.,5. As the slaughter mounted and every corner of the city was piled high with corpses, no one could have failed to pity the plight of the unfortunates. For even Greeks â Thespians, Plataeans and Orchomenians and some others hostile to the Thebans who had joined the king in the campaign â invaded the city along with him and now demonstrated their own hatred amid the calamities of the unfortunate victims.,6. So it was that many terrible things befell the city. Greeks were mercilessly slain by Greeks, relatives were butchered by their own relatives, and even a common dialect induced no pity. In the end, when night finally intervened, the houses had been plundered and children and women and aged persons who had fled into the temples were torn from sanctuary and subjected to outrage without limit. 19.6. 1. Agathocles, who was greedy for power, had many advantages for the accomplishment of his design. Not only as general was he in command of the army, but moreover, when news came that some rebels were assembling an army in the interior near Erbita, without rousing suspicion he obtained authority to enrol as soldiers what men he chose.,2. Thus by feigning a campaign against Erbita he enrolled in the army the men of Morgantina and the other cities of the interior who had previously served with him against the Carthaginians.,3. All these were very firmly attached to Agathocles, having received many benefits from him during the campaigns, but they were unceasingly hostile to the Six Hundred, who had been magistrates of the oligarchy in Syracuse, and hated the populace in general because they were forced to carry out its orders. These soldiers numbered about three thousand, being both by inclination and by deliberate choice most suitable tools for the overthrow of the democracy. To them he added those of the citizens who because of poverty and envy were hostile to the pretensions of the powerful.,4. As soon as he had everything ready, he ordered the soldiers to report at daybreak at the Timoleontium; and he himself summoned Peisarchus and Diocles, who were regarded as the leaders of the society of the Six Hundred, as if he wished to consult them on some matter of common interest. When they had come bringing with them some forty of their friends, Agathocles, pretending that he himself was being plotted against, arrested all of them, accused them before the soldiers, saying that he was being seized by the Six Hundred because of his sympathy for the common people, and bewailed his fate.,5. When, however, the mob was aroused and with a shout urged him not to delay but to inflict the just penalty on the wrongdoers out of hand, he gave orders to the trumpeters to give the signal for battle and to the soldiers to kill the guilty persons and to plunder the property of the Six Hundred and their supporters.,6. All rushed out to take part in the plunder, and the city was filled with confusion and great calamity; for the members of the aristocratic class, not knowing the destruction that had been ordained for them, were dashing out of their homes into the streets in their eagerness to learn the cause of the tumult, and the soldiers, made savage both by greed and by anger, kept killing these men who, in their ignorance of the situation, were presenting their bodies bare of any arms that would protect them. 19.7. 1. The narrow passages were severally occupied by soldiers, and the victims were murdered, some in the streets, some in their houses. Many, too, against whom there had been no charge whatever, were slain when they sought to learn the cause of the massacre. For the armed mob having seized power did not distinguish between friend and foe, but the man from whom it had concluded most profit was to be gained, him it regarded as an enemy.,2. Therefore one could see the whole city filled with outrage, slaughter, and all manner of lawlessness. For some men because of long-existing hatred abstained from no form of insult against the objects of their enmity now that they had the opportunity to accomplish whatever seemed to gratify their rage; others, thinking by the slaughter of the wealthy to redress their own poverty, left no means untried for their destruction.,3. Some broke down the doors of houses, others mounted to the housetops on ladders, still others struggled against men who were defending themselves from the roofs; not even to those who fled into the temples did their prayers to the gods bring safety, but reverence due the gods was overthrown by men.,4. In time of peace and in their own city Greeks dared commit these crimes against Greeks, relatives against kinsfolk, respecting neither common humanity nor solemn compacts nor gods, crimes such that there is no one â I do not say no friend but not even any deadly enemy if he but have a spark of compassion in his soul â who would not pity the fate of the victims. 19.8. 1. All the gates of the city were closed, and more than four thousand persons were slain on that day whose only crime was to be of gentler birth than the others. of those who fled, some who rushed for the gates were arrested, while others who cast themselves from the walls escaped to the neighbouring cities; some, however, who in panic cast themselves down before they looked, crashed headlong to their doom.,2. The number of those who were driven from their native city was more than six thousand, most of whom fled to the people of Acragas where they were accorded proper care.,3. The party of Agathocles spent the day in the murder of their fellow citizens, nor did they abstain from outrage and crime against women, but they thought that those who had escaped death would be sufficiently punished by the violation of their kindred. For it was reasonable to suppose that the husbands and fathers would suffer something worse than death when they thought of the violence done their wives and the shame inflicted upon their unmarried daughters.,4. We must keep our accounts of these events free from the artificially tragic tone that is habitual with historians, chiefly because of our pity for the victims, but also because no one of our readers has a desire to hear all the details when his own understanding can readily supply them.,5. For men who by day in the streets and throughout the market place were bold to butcher those who had done no harm need no writer to set forth what they did at night when by themselves in the homes, and how they conducted themselves toward orphaned maidens and toward women who were bereft of any to defend them and had fallen into the absolute power of their direst enemies.,6. As for Agathocles, when two days had passed, since he was now sated with the slaughter of his fellow citizens, after gathering together the prisoners, he let Deinocrates go because of their former friendship, but of the others he killed those who were most bitterly hostile and exiled the rest. 20.71. 1. When with all speed Agathocles had crossed from Libya into Sicily, he summoned a part of his army and went to the city of Segesta, which was an ally. Because he was in need of money, he forced the well-toâdo to deliver to him the greater part of their property, the city at that time having a population of about ten thousand.,2. Since many were angry at this and were holding meetings, he charged the people of Segesta with conspiring against him and visited the city with terrible disasters. For instance, the poorest of the people he brought to a place outside the city beside the river Scamander and slaughtered them; but those who were believed to have more property he examined under torture and compelled each to tell him how much wealth he had; and some of them he broke on the wheel, others he placed bound in the catapults and shot forth, and by applying knucklebones with violence to some, he caused them severe pain.,3. He also invented another torture similar to the bull of Phalaris: that is, he prepared a brazen bed that had the form of a human body and was surrounded on every side by bars; on this he fixed those who were being tortured and roasted them alive, the contrivance being superior to the bull in this respect, that those who perishing in anguish were visible.,4. As for the wealthy women, he tortured some of them by crushing their ankles with iron pincers, he cut off the breasts of others, and by placing bricks on the lower part of the backs of those who were pregt, he forced the expulsion of the foetus by the pressure. While the tyrant in this way was seeking all the wealth, great panic prevailed throughout the city, some burning themselves up along with their houses, and others gaining release from life by hanging.,5. Thus Segesta, encountering a single day of disaster, suffered the loss of all her men from youth upward. Agathocles then took the maidens and children across to Italy and sold them to the Bruttians, leaving not even the name of the city; but he changed the name to Dicaeopolis and gave it as dwelling to the deserters. |
|
| 25. Horace, Sermones, 2.7.11 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •advocates, ammianus marcellinus types of Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 15 |
| 26. Ovid, Tristia, 3.11.39-3.11.54 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 43 |
| 27. Propertius, Elegies, 3.4.1-3.4.6 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 340 |
28. Anon., Rhetorica Ad Herennium, 4.14 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 209 | 4.14. of the Simple type of style, which is brought down to the most ordinary speech of every day, the following will serve as an example: "Now our friend happened to enter the baths, and, after washing, was beginning to be rubbed down. Then, just as he decided to go down into the pool, suddenly this fellow turned up. 'Say, young chap,' said he, 'you slaveboys have just beat me; you must make it good.' The young man grew red, for at his age he was not used to being hailed by a stranger. This creature started to shout the same words, and more, in a louder voice. With difficulty the youth replied: 'Well, but let me look into the matter.' Right then the fellow cries out in that tone of his that might well force blushes from any one; this is how aggressive and harsh it is â a tone certainly not practised in the neighbourhood of the Sundial, I would say, but backstage, and in places of that kind. The young man was embarrassed. And no wonder, for his ears still rang with the scoldings of his tutor, and he was not used to abusive language of this kind. For where would he have seen a buffoon, with not a blush left, who thought of himself as having no good name to lose, so that he could do anything he liked without damage to his reputation?" |
|
| 29. Sallust, Catiline, 5.9 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 266, 279 |
| 30. Sallust, Iugurtha, 18-19, 79, 17 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 266, 279 |
| 31. Horace, Odes, 3.29 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 11 |
| 32. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 5.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 387 |
| 33. Anon., Sibylline Oracles, 3.158-3.161 (1st cent. BCE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 13 |
| 34. Livy, Per., 41 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 197 |
| 35. Livy, History, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 266 |
36. New Testament, Mark, 13.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 19| 13.2. καὶ ὁ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτῷ Βλέπεις ταύτας τὰς μεγάλας οἰκοδομάς; οὐ μὴ ἀφεθῇ ὧδε λίθος ἐπὶ λίθον ὃς οὐ μὴ καταλυθῇ . | 13.2. Jesus said to him, "Do you see these great buildings? There will not be left here one stone on another, which will not be thrown down." |
|
37. New Testament, Matthew, 24.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 19| 24.2. ὁ δὲ ἀποκριθεὶς εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Οὐ βλέπετε ταῦτα πάντα; ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν, οὐ μὴ ἀφεθῇ ὧδε λίθος ἐπὶ λίθον ὃς οὐ καταλυθήσεται. | 24.2. But he answered them, "Don't you see all of these things? Most assuredly I tell you, there will not be left here one stone on another, that will not be thrown down." |
|
| 38. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 28, 27 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 221 |
39. Plutarch, Cato The Elder, 19.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 155| 19.4. καίτοι πρότερον αὐτὸς κατεγέλα τῶν ἀγαπώντων τὰ τοιαῦτα, καὶ λανθάνειν αὐτοὺς ἔλεγεν ἐπὶ χαλκέων καὶ ζωγράφων ἔργοις μέγα φρονοῦντας, αὐτοῦ δὲ καλλίστας εἰκόνας ἐν ταῖς ψυχαῖς περιφέρειν τοὺς πολίτας πρὸς δὲ τοὺς θαυμάζοντας, ὅτι πολλῶν ἀδόξων ἀνδριάντας ἐχόντων ἐκεῖνος οὐκ ἔχει μᾶλλον γὰρ, ἔφη, βούλομαι ζητεῖσθαι, διὰ τί μου ἀνδριὰς οὐ κεῖται ἢ διὰ τί κεῖται | 19.4. |
|
| 40. Plutarch, Moralia, 198 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 155 |
| 41. Frontinus, Strategemata, 2.11.5-2.11.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 54 |
| 42. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.337, 6.438-6.830 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus •ammianus marcellinus, Found in books: Edmonds (2019), Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World, 84; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 43 |
43. New Testament, Luke, 14.23, 19.44 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 19; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 222| 14.23. καὶ εἶπεν ὁ κύριος πρὸς τὸν δοῦλον Ἔξελθε εἰς τὰς ὁδοὺς καὶ φραγμοὺς καὶ ἀνάγκασον εἰσελθεῖν, ἵνα γεμισθῇ μου ὁ οἶκος· 19.44. καὶ ἐδαφιοῦσίν σε καὶ τὰ τέκνα σου ἐν σοί, καὶ οὐκ ἀφήσουσιν λίθον ἐπὶ λίθον ἐν σοί, ἀνθʼ ὧν οὐκ ἔγνως τὸν καιρὸν τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς σου. | 14.23. "The lord said to the servant, 'Go out into the highways and hedges, and compel them to come in, that my house may be filled. 19.44. and will dash you and your children within you to the ground. They will not leave in you one stone on another, because you didn't know the time of your visitation." |
|
44. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.61, 1.328, 1.512, 6.98-6.110, 7.323-7.350 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 24 | 1.61. 5. And now Antiochus was so angry at what he had suffered from Simeon, that he made an expedition into Judea, and sat down before Jerusalem and besieged Hyrcanus; but Hyrcanus opened the sepulchre of David, who was the richest of all kings, and took thence about three thousand talents in money, and induced Antiochus, by the promise of three thousand talents, to raise the siege. Moreover, he was the first of the Jews that had money enough, and began to hire foreign auxiliaries also. 1.328. 3. Now when Herod was at Daphne, by Antioch, he had some dreams which clearly foreboded his brother’s death; and as he leaped out of his bed in a disturbed manner, there came messengers that acquainted him with that calamity. So when he had lamented this misfortune for a while, he put off the main part of his mourning, and made haste to march against his enemies; 1.512. In like manner did all the king’s kindred, by his command, make glorious presents to Archelaus; and so he was conducted on his way by Herod and his nobility as far as Antioch. 6.98. At these words of his a great sadness and silence were observed among the people. But the tyrant himself cast many reproaches upon Josephus, with imprecations besides; and at last added this withal, that he did never fear the taking of the city, because it was God’s own city. 6.99. In answer to which, Josephus said thus, with a loud voice:—“To be sure, thou hast kept this city wonderfully pure for God’s sake; the temple also continues entirely unpolluted! Nor hast thou been guilty of any impiety against him, for whose assistance thou hopest! He still receives his accustomed sacrifices! 6.100. Vile wretch that thou art! if anyone should deprive thee of thy daily food, thou wouldst esteem him to be an enemy to thee; but thou hopest to have that God for thy supporter in this war whom thou hast deprived of his everlasting worship; 6.101. and thou imputest those sins to the Romans, who to this very time take care to have our laws observed, and almost compel these sacrifices to be still offered to God, which have by thy means been intermitted! 6.102. Who is there that can avoid groans and lamentations at the amazing change that is made in this city? since very foreigners and enemies do now correct that impiety which thou hast occasioned; while thou, who art a Jew, and wast educated in our laws, art become a greater enemy to them than the others. 6.103. But still, John, it is never dishonorable to repent, and amend what hath been done amiss, even at the last extremity. Thou hast an instance before thee in Jechoniah, the king of the Jews, if thou hast a mind to save the city, 6.104. who, when the king of Babylon made war against him, did of his own accord go out of this city before it was taken, and did undergo a voluntary captivity with his family, that the sanctuary might not be delivered up to the enemy, and that he might not see the house of God set on fire; 6.105. on which account he is celebrated among all the Jews, in their sacred memorials, and his memory is become immortal, and will be conveyed fresh down to our posterity through all ages. 6.106. This, John, is an excellent example in such a time of danger, and I dare venture to promise that the Romans shall still forgive thee. 6.107. And take notice that I, who make this exhortation to thee, am one of thine own nation; I, who am a Jew, do make this promise to thee. And it will become thee to consider who I am that give thee this counsel, and whence I am derived; for while I am alive I shall never be in such slavery, as to forego my own kindred, or forget the laws of our forefathers. 6.108. Thou hast indignation at me again, and makest a clamor at me, and reproachest me; indeed, I cannot deny that I am worthy of worse treatment than all this amounts to, because, in opposition to fate, I make this kind invitation to thee, and endeavor to force deliverance upon those whom God hath condemned. 6.109. And who is there that does not know what the writings of the ancient prophets contain in them,—and particularly that oracle which is just now going to be fulfilled upon this miserable city? For they foretold that this city should be then taken when somebody shall begin the slaughter of his own countrymen. 6.110. And are not both the city and the entire temple now full of the dead bodies of your countrymen? It is God, therefore, it is God himself who is bringing on this fire, to purge that city and temple by means of the Romans, and is going to pluck up this city, which is full of your pollutions.” 7.323. “Since we, long ago, my generous friends, resolved never to be servants to the Romans, nor to any other than to God himself, who alone is the true and just Lord of mankind, the time is now come that obliges us to make that resolution true in practice. 7.324. And let us not at this time bring a reproach upon ourselves for self-contradiction, while we formerly would not undergo slavery, though it were then without danger, but must now, together with slavery, choose such punishments also as are intolerable; I mean this, upon the supposition that the Romans once reduce us under their power while we are alive. We were the very first that revolted from them, and we are the last that fight against them; 7.325. and I cannot but esteem it as a favor that God hath granted us, that it is still in our power to die bravely, and in a state of freedom, which hath not been the case of others, who were conquered unexpectedly. 7.326. It is very plain that we shall be taken within a day’s time; but it is still an eligible thing to die after a glorious manner, together with our dearest friends. This is what our enemies themselves cannot by any means hinder, although they be very desirous to take us alive. Nor can we propose to ourselves any more to fight them, and beat them. 7.327. It had been proper indeed for us to have conjectured at the purpose of God much sooner, and at the very first, when we were so desirous of defending our liberty, and when we received such sore treatment from one another, and worse treatment from our enemies, and to have been sensible that the same God, who had of old taken the Jewish nation into his favor, had now condemned them to destruction; 7.328. for had he either continued favorable, or been but in a lesser degree displeased with us, he had not overlooked the destruction of so many men, or delivered his most holy city to be burnt and demolished by our enemies. 7.329. To be sure we weakly hoped to have preserved ourselves, and ourselves alone, still in a state of freedom, as if we had been guilty of no sins ourselves against God, nor been partners with those of others; we also taught other men to preserve their liberty. 7.330. Wherefore, consider how God hath convinced us that our hopes were in vain, by bringing such distress upon us in the desperate state we are now in, and which is beyond all our expectations; 7.331. for the nature of this fortress which was in itself unconquerable, hath not proved a means of our deliverance; and even while we have still great abundance of food, and a great quantity of arms, and other necessaries more than we want, we are openly deprived by God himself of all hope of deliverance; 7.332. for that fire which was driven upon our enemies did not of its own accord turn back upon the wall which we had built; this was the effect of God’s anger against us for our manifold sins, which we have been guilty of in a most insolent and extravagant manner with regard to our own countrymen; 7.333. the punishments of which let us not receive from the Romans, but from God himself, as executed by our own hands; for these will be more moderate than the other. 7.334. Let our wives die before they are abused, and our children before they have tasted of slavery; and after we have slain them, let us bestow that glorious benefit upon one another mutually, and preserve ourselves in freedom, as an excellent funeral monument for us. 7.335. But first let us destroy our money and the fortress by fire; for I am well assured that this will be a great grief to the Romans, that they shall not be able to seize upon our bodies, and shall fail of our wealth also; 7.336. and let us spare nothing but our provisions; for they will be a testimonial when we are dead that we were not subdued for want of necessaries, but that, according to our original resolution, we have preferred death before slavery.” 7.337. 7. This was Eleazar’s speech to them. Yet did not the opinions of all the auditors acquiesce therein; but although some of them were very zealous to put his advice in practice, and were in a manner filled with pleasure at it, and thought death to be a good thing, 7.338. yet had those that were most effeminate a commiseration for their wives and families; and when these men were especially moved by the prospect of their own certain death, they looked wistfully at one another, and by the tears that were in their eyes declared their dissent from his opinion. 7.339. When Eleazar saw these people in such fear, and that their souls were dejected at so prodigious a proposal, he was afraid lest perhaps these effeminate persons should, by their lamentations and tears, enfeeble those that heard what he had said courageously; 7.340. o he did not leave off exhorting them, but stirred up himself, and recollecting proper arguments for raising their courage, he undertook to speak more briskly and fully to them, and that concerning the immortality of the soul. 7.341. So he made a lamentable groan, and fixing his eyes intently on those that wept, he spake thus:—“Truly, I was greatly mistaken when I thought to be assisting to brave men who struggled hard for their liberty, and to such as were resolved either to live with honor, or else to die; 7.342. but I find that you are such people as are no better than others, either in virtue or in courage, and are afraid of dying, though you be delivered thereby from the greatest miseries, while you ought to make no delay in this matter, nor to await anyone to give you good advice; 7.343. for the laws of our country, and of God himself, have from ancient times, and as soon as ever we could use our reason, continually taught us, and our forefathers have corroborated the same doctrine by their actions, and by their bravery of mind, that it is life that is a calamity to men, and not death; 7.344. for this last affords our souls their liberty, and sends them by a removal into their own place of purity, where they are to be insensible of all sorts of misery; for while souls are tied down to a mortal body, they are partakers of its miseries; and really, to speak the truth, they are themselves dead; for the union of what is divine to what is mortal is disagreeable. 7.345. It is true, the power of the soul is great, even when it is imprisoned in a mortal body; for by moving it after a way that is invisible, it makes the body a sensible instrument, and causes it to advance further in its actions than mortal nature could otherwise do. 7.346. However, when it is freed from that weight which draws it down to the earth and is connected with it, it obtains its own proper place, and does then become a partaker of that blessed power, and those abilities, which are then every way incapable of being hindered in their operations. It continues invisible, indeed, to the eyes of men, as does God himself; 7.347. for certainly it is not itself seen while it is in the body; for it is there after an invisible manner, and when it is freed from it, it is still not seen. It is this soul which hath one nature, and that an incorruptible one also; but yet it is the cause of the change that is made in the body; 7.348. for whatsoever it be which the soul touches, that lives and flourishes; and from whatsoever it is removed, that withers away and dies; such a degree is there in it of immortality. 7.349. Let me produce the state of sleep as a most evident demonstration of the truth of what I say; wherein souls, when the body does not distract them, have the sweetest rest depending on themselves, and conversing with God, by their alliance to him; they then go everywhere, and foretell many futurities beforehand. 7.350. And why are we afraid of death, while we are pleased with the rest that we have in sleep? And how absurd a thing is it to pursue after liberty while we are alive, and yet to envy it to ourselves where it will be eternal! |
|
| 45. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 115 |
| 46. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 16.1-16.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 155 |
| 47. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 6.1.32, 10.1.118, 12.10.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus •ammianus marcellinus, roman historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 115; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 155 |
48. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 1.26.1-1.26.2, 4.19.6 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 54| 1.26.1. Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ ἄρας ἐκ Φασηλίδος μέρος μέν τι τῆς στρατιᾶς διὰ τῶν ἀρῶν πέμπει ἐπὶ Πέργης, ᾗ ὡδοποιήκεσαν αὐτῷ οἱ Θρᾷκες χαλεπὴν ἄλλως καὶ μακρὰν οὖσαν τὴν πάροδον· αὐτὸς δὲ παρὰ τὴν θάλασσαν διὰ τοῦ αἰγιαλοῦ ἦγε τοὺς ἀμφʼ αὑτόν. ἔστι δὲ ταύτῃ ἡ ὁδὸς οὐκ ἄλλως ὅτι μὴ τῶν ἀπʼ ἄρκτου ἀνέμων πνεόντων· εἰ δὲ νότοι κατέχοιεν, ἀπόρως ἔχει διὰ τοῦ αἰγιαλοῦ ὁδοιπορεῖν. 1.26.2. τῷ δὲ ἐκ νότων σκληροὶ βορραῖ ἐπιπνεύσαντες, οὐκ ἄνευ τοῦ θείου, ὡς αὐτός τε καὶ οἱ ἀμφʼ αὐτὸν ἐξηγοῦντο, εὐμαρῆ καὶ ταχεῖαν τὴν πάροδον παρέσχον. ἐκ Πέργης δὲ ὡς προῄει, ἐντυγχάνουσιν αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν πρέσβεις Ἀσπενδίων αὐτοκράτορες, τὴν μὲν πόλιν ἐνδιδόντες, φρουρὰν δὲ μὴ εἰσάγειν δεόμενοι. 4.19.6. καὶ τοῦτο ἐγὼ Ἀλεξάνδρου τὸ ἔργον ἐπαινῶ μᾶλλόν τι ἢ μέμφομαι. καίτοι τῆς γε Δαρείου γυναικός, ἣ καλλίστη δὴ ἐλέγετο τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ γυναικῶν, ἢ οὐκ ἦλθεν ἐς ἐπιθυμίαν ἢ καρτερὸς αὐτὸς αὑτοῦ ἐγένετο, νέος τε ὢν καὶ τὰ μάλιστα ἐν ἀκμῇ τῆς εὐτυχίας, ὁπότε ὑβρίζουσιν οἱ ἄνθρωποι· ὁ δὲ κατῃδέσθη τε καὶ ἐφείσατο, σωφροσύνῃ τε πολλῇ διαχρώμενος καὶ δόξης ἅμα ἀγαθῆς οὐκ ἀτόπῳ ἐφέσει. | |
|
| 49. Suetonius, Claudius, 1.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 302 |
| 50. Seneca The Younger, Hercules Furens, 657, 656 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 11 |
| 51. Appian, Civil Wars, 2.101 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 155 |
| 52. Suetonius, Domitianus, 3.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 155 |
| 53. Suetonius, Iulius, 1.44 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 17 |
| 54. Tacitus, Germania (De Origine Et Situ Germanorum), 9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Woolf (2011). Tales of the Barbarians: Ethnography and Empire in the Roman West. 105 |
55. Tacitus, Annals, 1.6.1, 2.64, 2.83.1-2.83.2, 4.33.4, 13.1.1, 15.12.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 302; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 64; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 279| 2.64. Simul nuntiato regem Artaxian Armeniis a Germanico datum, decrevere patres ut Germanicus atque Drusus ovantes urbem introirent. structi et arcus circum latera templi Martis Vltoris cum effigie Caesarum, laetiore Tiberio quia pacem sapientia firmaverat quam si bellum per acies confecisset. igitur Rhescuporim quoque, Thraeciae regem, astu adgreditur. omnem eam nationem Rhoemetalces tenuerat; quo defuncto Augustus partem Thraecum Rhescuporidi fratri eius, partem filio Cotyi permisit. in ea divisione arva et urbes et vicina Graecis Cotyi, quod incultum ferox adnexum hostibus, Rhescuporidi cessit: ipsorumque regum ingenia, illi mite et amoenum, huic atrox avidum et societatis impatiens erat. sed primo subdola concordia egere: mox Rhescuporis egredi finis, vertere in se Cotyi data et resistenti vim facere, cunctanter sub Augusto, quem auctorem utriusque regni, si sperneretur, vindicem metuebat. enimvero audita mutatione principis immittere latronum globos, excindere castella, causas bello. | 2.64. As news had come at the same time that Germanicus had presented the throne of Armenia to Artaxias, the senate resolved that he and Drusus should receive an ovation upon entering the capital. In addition, arches bearing the effigy of the two Caesars were erected on each side of the temple of Mars the Avenger; while Tiberius showed more pleasure at having kept the peace by diplomacy than if he had concluded a war by a series of stricken fields. Accordingly, he now brought his cunning to bear against Rhescuporis, the king of Thrace. The whole of that country had been subject to Rhoemetalces; after whose death Augustus conferred one half on his brother Rhescuporis, the other on his son Cotys. By this partition the agricultural lands, the town, and the districts adjoining the Greek cities fell to Cotys; the remainder, â a sterile soil, a wild population, with enemies at the very door, â to Rhescuporis. So, too, with the character of the kings: one was gentle and genial; the other, sullen, grasping, and intolerant of partnership. At the first, however, they acted with a deceptive show of concord; then Rhescuporis began to overstep his frontiers, to appropriate districts allotted to Cotys, and to meet opposition with force: hesitantly during the lifetime of Augustus, whom he feared as the creator of both kingdoms and, if slighted, their avenger. The moment, however, that he heard of the change of sovereigns, he began to throw predatory bands across the border, to demolish fortresses, and to sow the seeds of war. |
|
56. Tacitus, Histories, 3.51 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 13, 95 | 3.51. I have it from the best authorities that the victors had come to disregard the difference between right and wrong so completely that a common soldier declared that he had killed his brother in the last battle and actually asked the generals for a reward. The common dictates of humanity did not permit them to honour such a murder or military policy to punish it. They put off the soldier on the ground that he deserved a reward greater than could be repaid at once; nor is anything further told concerning the case. And yet a similar crime had happened in civil war before. In the struggle against Cinna on the Janiculum, as Sisenna relates, one of Pompey's soldiers killed his own brother and then, on realizing his crime, committed suicide. So much livelier among our ancestors was repentance for guilt as well as glory in virtuous action. Such deeds as this and others like them, drawn from our earlier history, I shall not improperly insert in my work whenever the theme or situation demands examples of the right or solace for the wrong. |
|
| 57. Palestinian Talmud, Makkot, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 42 |
| 58. Tertullian, To The Heathen, 2.17.18 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 13 |
| 59. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 2.28-2.30 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus, Found in books: Edmonds (2019), Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World, 84 |
60. Anon., Leviticus Rabba, 26.1 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 42| 26.1. אֱמֹר אֶל הַכֹּהֲנִים בְּנֵי אַהֲרֹן (ויקרא כא, א), רַבִּי תַּנְחוּם בְּרַבִּי חֲנִילָאי פָּתַח (תהלים יב, ז): אִמְרוֹת ה' אֲמָרוֹת טְהֹרוֹת, אִמְרוֹת ה' אֲמָרוֹת טְהוֹרוֹת אִמְרוֹת בָּשָׂר וָדָם אֵינָן אֲמָרוֹת טְהוֹרוֹת, בְּנֹהַג שֶׁבָּעוֹלָם מֶלֶךְ בָּשָׂר וָדָם נִכְנַס לִמְדִינָה כָּל בְּנֵי הַמְּדִינָה מְקַלְּסִין אוֹתוֹ וְעָרַב לוֹ קִלּוּסָן, אָמַר לָהֶם לְמָחָר אֲנִי בּוֹנֶה לָכֶם דִּימוֹסִיאוֹת וּמֶרְחֲצָאוֹת, לְמָחָר אֲנִי מַכְנִיס לָכֶם אַמָּה שֶׁל מַיִם, יָשַׁן לוֹ וְלֹא עָמַד, הֵיכָן הוּא וְהֵיכָן אִמְרוֹתָיו, אֲבָל הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא אֵינוֹ כֵן, אֶלָּא (ירמיה י, י): וַה' אֱלֹהִים אֱמֶת, לָמָּה הוּא אֱמֶת אָמַר רַבִּי אָבִין (ירמיה י, י): שֶׁהוּא אֱלֹהִים חַיִּים וּמֶלֶךְ עוֹלָם, אֲמָרוֹת טְהֹרוֹת רַבִּי יוּדָן בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן, וְרַבִּי בֶּרֶכְיָה בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי אֶלְעָזָר, וְרַבִּי יַעֲקֹב דִּכְפַר חָנִין, וְאָמְרִין לָהּ בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי יְהוֹשֻׁעַ בֶּן לֵוִי, מָצִינוּ שֶׁעִקֵּם הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא שְׁמוֹנֶה אוֹתִיּוֹת וְלֹא הוֹצִיא דָּבָר מְגֻנֶּה מִפִּיו, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (בראשית ז, ח): מִן הַבְּהֵמָה הַטְּהוֹרָה וּמִן הַבְּהֵמָה אֲשֶׁר אֵינֶנָּה טְהֹרָה, וּבְמָקוֹם אַחֵר עִקֵּם שְׁתַּיִם וְשָׁלשׁ תֵּבוֹת בַּתּוֹרָה כְּדֵי שֶׁלֹּא לְהוֹצִיא דָּבָר שֶׁל טֻמְאָה מִתּוֹךְ פִּיו, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (בראשית ז, ב): מִכֹּל הַבְּהֵמָה אֲשֶׁר לֹא טְהֹרָה, [הטמאה] [אשר טמאה היא] אֵינוֹ אוֹמֵר, אֶלָּא אֲשֶׁר לֹא טְהֹרָה הִוא, אָמַר רַבִּי יוּדָן בֶּן מְנַשֶּׁה אַף כְּשֶׁבָּא לִפְתֹּחַ לָהֶם בְּסִימָנֵי בְּהֵמָה טְמֵאָה, לֹא פָּתַח אֶלָּא בְּטַהֲרָה, (ויקרא יא, ד): אֶת הַגָּמָל כִּי לֹא מַפְרִיס פַּרְסָה הוּא, אֵין כְּתִיב כָּאן, אֶלָּא כִּי מַעֲלֵה גֵרָה, (ויקרא יא, ה): אֶת הַשָּׁפָן כִּי לֹא מַפְרִיס פַּרְסָה הוּא אֵינוֹ אוֹמֵר, אֶלָּא כִּי מַעֲלֵה גֵרָה, וְכֵן הָאַרְנֶבֶת וְכֵן הַחֲזִיר. | |
|
| 61. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 35.35-35.36 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 333 |
| 62. Gellius, Attic Nights, 6.13.3, 7.8, 17.6.1, 20.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus •ammianus marcellinus, roman historian Found in books: Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 54; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 115; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 197 |
| 63. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 7.6.11 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus, roman historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 115 |
| 64. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 7.6.11 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus, roman historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 115 |
| 65. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 72.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 156 |
| 66. Lucian, Nigrinus, 34 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 209 |
| 67. Polyaenus, Stratagems, 2.14.1-2.14.3, 12.28.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 269, 279 |
| 68. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 1.14.1-1.14.7, 1.16.1, 2.4.5, 4.12.3, 5.3.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 250 |
69. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 49.43.1-49.43.5, 52.36.2-52.36.4, 54.1.1-54.1.4, 55.2.3, 69.8.1, 75.2.3-75.2.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus, •ammianus marcellinus •ammianus marcellinus, roman historian Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 117, 302, 387; Edmonds (2019), Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World, 389; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 115 | 49.43.1. The next year Agrippa agreed to be made aedile, and without taking anything from the public treasury repaired all the public buildings and all the streets, cleaned out the sewers, and sailed through them underground into the Tiber. 49.43.2. And seeing that in the circus men made mistakes about the number of laps completed, he set up the dolphins and egg-shaped objects, so that by their aid the number of times the course had been circled might be clearly shown. Furthermore he distributed olive-oil and salt to all, 49.43.3. and furnished the baths free of charge throughout the year for the use of both men and women; and in connection with the many festivals of all kinds which he gave â on such a scale, in fact, that the children of senators also performed the equestrian games called "Troy" â he hired the barbers, so that no one should be at any expense for their services. 49.43.4. Finally he rained upon the heads of the people in the theatre tickets that were good for money in one case, for cloths in another, and again for something else, and he also set out immense quantities of various wares for all comers and allowed the people to scramble for these things. 49.43.5. Besides doing this Agrippa drove the astrologers and charlatans from the city. During these same days a decree was passed that no one belonging to the senatorial class should be tried for piracy, and so those who were under any charge at the time were set free, and some were given a free hand to practice their villainy in the future. 52.36.2. Those who attempt to distort our religion with strange rites you should abhor and punish, not merely for the sake of the gods (since if a man despises these he will not pay honour to any other being), but because such men, by bringing in new divinities in place of the old, persuade many to adopt foreign practices, from which spring up conspiracies, factions, and cabals, which are far from profitable to a monarchy. Do not, therefore, permit anybody to be an atheist or a sorcerer. 52.36.3. Soothsaying, to be sure, is a necessary art, and you should by all means appoint some men to be diviners and augurs, to whom those will resort who wish to consult them on any matter; that there ought to be no workers in magic at all. For such men, by speaking the truth sometimes, but generally falsehood, often encourage a great many to attempt revolutions. 52.36.4. The same thing is done also by many who pretend to be philosophers; hence I advise you to be on your guard against them, too. Do not, because you have had experience of good and honourable men like Areius and Athenodorus, believe that all the rest who claim to be philosophers are like them; for infinite harm, both to communities and to individuals, is worked by certain men who but use this profession as a screen. 54.1.1. The following year, in which Marcus Marcellus and Lucius Arruntius were consuls, the city was again submerged by the overflowing of the river, and many objects were struck by thunderbolts, especially the statues in (Opens in another window)')" onMouseOut="nd();" the Pantheon, so that the spear even fell from the hand of Augustus. 54.1.2. The pestilence raged throughout all Italy so that no one tilled the land, and I suppose that the same was the case in foreign parts. The Romans, therefore, reduced to dire straits by the disease and by the consequent famine, believed that these woes had come upon them for no other reason than that they did not have Augustus for consul at this time also. 54.1.3. They accordingly wished to elect him dictator, and shutting the senators up in their meeting-place, they forced them to vote this measure by threatening to burn down the building over their heads. Next they took the twenty-four rods and approached Augustus, begging him to consent both to being named dictator and to becoming commissioner of the grain supply, as Pompey had once done. 54.1.4. He accepted the latter duty under compulsion, and ordered that two men should be chosen annually, from among those who had served as praetors not less than five years previously in every case, to attend to the distribution of the grain. As for the dictatorship, however, he did not accept the office, but went so far as to rend his garments when he found himself unable to restrain the people in any other way, either by argument or by entreaty; 55.2.3. The body was borne to the Campus Martius by the knights, both those who belonged strictly to the equestrian order and those who were of senatorial family; then it was given to the flames and the ashes were deposited in the (Opens in another window)')" onMouseOut="nd();" sepulchre of Augustus. Drusus, together with his sons, received the title of Germanicus, and he was given the further honours of statues, an arch, and a cenotaph on the bank of the Rhine itself. 69.8.1. This is a kind of preface, of a summary nature, that I have been giving in regard to his character. I shall also relate in detail all the events that require mention. 75.2.3. then, indeed, some others likewise drank and were refreshed. Afterwards Severus reached Nisibis, and tarrying there himself, sent Lateranus, Candidus, and Laetus in various directions among the barbarians named; and these generals upon reaching their goals proceeded to lay waste barbarians' land and to capture their cities. 75.2.4. While Severus was pluming himself on this achievement, as if he surpassed all mankind in both understanding and bravery, a most incredible thing happened. A certain robber named Claudius, who was overrunning Judaea and Syria and was being very vigorously pursued in consequence, came to him one day with some horsemen, like some military tribune, and saluted and kissed him; and he was neither discovered at the time nor caught later. |
|
70. Athenagoras, Apology Or Embassy For The Christians, 30 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 387 | 30. For if detestable and god-hated men had the reputation of being gods, and the daughter of Derceto, Semiramis, a lascivious and blood-stained woman, was esteemed a Syria goddess; and if, on account of Derceto, the Syrians worship doves and Semiramis (for, a thing impossible, a woman was changed into a dove: the story is in Ctesias), what wonder if some should be called gods by their people on the ground of their rule and sovereignty (the Sibyl, of whom Plato also makes mention, says:- It was the generation then the tenth, of men endow'd with speech, since forth the flood Had burst upon the men of former times, And Kronos, Japetus, and Titan reigned, Whom men, of Ouranos and Gaïa Proclaimed the noblest sons, and named them so, Because of men endowed with gift of speech They were the first); and others for their strength, as Heracles and Perseus; and others for their art, as Asclepius? Those, therefore, to whom either the subjects gave honour or the rulers themselves [assumed it], obtained the name, some from fear, others from revenge. Thus Antinous, through the benevolence of your ancestors towards their subjects, came to be regarded as a god. But those who came after adopted the worship without examination. The Cretans always lie; for they, O king, Have built a tomb to you who art not dead. Though you believe, O Callimachus, in the nativity of Zeus, you do not believe in his sepulchre; and while you think to obscure the truth, you in fact proclaim him dead, even to those who are ignorant; and if you see the cave, you call to mind the childbirth of Rhea; but when you see the coffin, you throw a shadow over his death, not considering that the unbegotten God alone is eternal. For either the tales told by the multitude and the poets about the gods are unworthy of credit, and the reverence shown them is superfluous (for those do not exist, the tales concerning whom are untrue); or if the births, the amours, the murders, the thefts, the castrations, the thunderbolts, are true, they no longer exist, having ceased to be since they were born, having previously had no being. And on what principle must we believe some things and disbelieve others, when the poets have written their stories in order to gain greater veneration for them? For surely those through whom they have got to be considered gods, and who have striven to represent their deeds as worthy of reverence, cannot have invented their sufferings. That, therefore, we are not atheists, acknowledging as we do God the Maker of this universe and His Logos, has been proved according to my ability, if not according to the importance of the subject. |
|
| 71. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 280 |
72. Babylonian Talmud, Berachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Secunda (2014), The Iranian Talmud: Reading the Bavli in Its Sasanian Context. 164; Secunda (2020), The Talmud's Red Fence: Menstrual Impurity and Difference in Babylonian Judaism and its Sasanian Context , 164| 17b. אין פרץ שלא תהא סיעתנו כסיעתו של דוד שיצא ממנו אחיתופל ואין יוצאת שלא תהא סיעתנו כסיעתו של שאול שיצא ממנו דואג האדומי ואין צוחה שלא תהא סיעתנו כסיעתו של אלישע שיצא ממנו גחזי ברחובותינו שלא יהא לנו בן או תלמיד שמקדיח תבשילו ברבים: (ישעיהו מו, יב),שמעו אלי אבירי לב הרחוקים מצדקה רב ושמואל ואמרי לה רבי יוחנן ורבי אלעזר חד אמר כל העולם כולו נזונין בצדקה והם נזונין בזרוע וחד אמר כל העולם כולו נזונין בזכותם והם אפילו בזכות עצמן אין נזונין כדרב יהודה אמר רב,דאמר רב יהודה אמר רב בכל יום ויום בת קול יוצאת מהר חורב ואומרת כל העולם כולו נזונין בשביל חנינא בני וחנינא בני די לו בקב חרובין מערב שבת לערב שבת,ופליגא דרב יהודה דאמר רב יהודה מאן אבירי לב גובאי טפשאי אמר רב יוסף תדע דהא לא איגייר גיורא מינייהו,אמר רב אשי בני מתא מחסיא אבירי לב נינהו דקא חזו יקרא דאורייתא תרי זמני בשתא ולא קמגייר גיורא מינייהו:,חתן אם רוצה לקרות וכו':,למימרא דרבן שמעון בן גמליאל חייש ליוהרא ורבנן לא חיישי ליוהרא והא איפכא שמעינן להו דתנן מקום שנהגו לעשות מלאכה בתשעה באב עושין מקום שנהגו שלא לעשות אין עושין וכל מקום תלמידי חכמים בטלים רבן שמעון בן גמליאל אומר לעולם יעשה כל אדם את עצמו כתלמיד חכם,קשיא דרבנן אדרבנן קשיא דרבן שמעון בן גמליאל אדרבן שמעון בן גמליאל,אמר רבי יוחנן מוחלפת השיטה רב שישא בריה דרב אידי אמר לעולם לא תחליף דרבנן אדרבנן לא קשיא ק"ש כיון דכ"ע קא קרו ואיהו נמי קרי לא מיחזי כיוהרא הכא כיון דכולי עלמא עבדי מלאכה ואיהו לא קא עביד מיחזי כיוהרא,דרבן שמעון בן גמליאל אדרבן שמעון בן גמליאל לא קשיא התם בכונה תליא מילתא ואנן סהדי דלא מצי לכווני דעתיה אבל הכא הרואה אומר מלאכה הוא דאין לו פוק חזי כמה בטלני איכא בשוקא:, br br big strongהדרן עלך היה קורא /strong /big br br,מתני׳ big strongמי /strong /big שמתו מוטל לפניו פטור מק"ש ומן התפלה ומן התפילין ומכל מצות האמורות בתורה,נושאי המטה וחלופיהן וחלופי חלופיהן את שלפני המטה ואת שלאחר המטה את שלפני המטה צורך בהם פטורים ואת שלאחר המטה צורך בהם חייבין ואלו ואלו פטורים מן התפלה,קברו את המת וחזרו אם יכולין להתחיל ולגמור עד שלא יגיעו לשורה יתחילו ואם לאו לא יתחילו,העומדים בשורה הפנימיים פטורים והחיצונים חייבים (נשים ועבדים וקטנים פטורים מק"ש ומן התפילין וחייבין בתפלה ובמזוזה ובברכת המזון):, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big מוטל לפניו אין ושאינו מוטל לפניו לא,ורמינהי מי שמתו מוטל לפניו אוכל בבית אחר ואם אין לו בית אחר אוכל בבית חבירו ואם אין לו בית חבירו עושה מחיצה ואוכל ואם אין לו דבר לעשות מחיצה מחזיר פניו ואוכל ואינו מיסב ואוכל ואינו אוכל בשר ואינו שותה יין ואינו מברך ואינו מזמן | 17b. b “There is no breach”; that our faction /b of Sages b should not be like the faction of David, from which Ahitophel emerged, /b who caused a breach in the kingdom of David. br b “And no going forth”; that our faction should not be like the faction of Saul, from which Doeg the Edomite emerged, /b who set forth on an evil path. br b “And no outcry”; that our faction should not be like the faction of Elisha, from which Geihazi emerged. /b br b “In our open places”; that we should not have a child or student who overcooks his food in public, /b i.e., who sins in public and causes others to sin, b as /b in the well-known case of b Jesus the Nazarene. /b ,Having cited a dispute with regard to the interpretation of a verse where we are uncertain whether the dispute is between Rav and Shmuel or Rabbi Yoḥa and Rabbi Elazar, the Gemara cites another verse with regard to which there is a similar dispute. It is said: b “Hear Me, stubborn-hearted who are far from charity” /b (Isaiah 46:12). While both agree that the verse refers to the righteous, b Rav and Shmuel, and some say Rabbi Yoḥa and Rabbi Elazar, /b disagreed as to how to interpret the verse. b One said: The entire world is sustained by /b God’s b charity, /b not because it deserves to exist, b while /b the righteous who are far from God’s charity b are sustained by force, /b as due to their own good deeds they have the right to demand their sustece. b And one said: The entire world is sustained by the merit /b of b their /b righteousness, b while they are not sustained /b at all, b not even by their own merit, in accordance with /b the statement that b Rav Yehuda /b said that b Rav said. /b , b As Rav Yehuda said /b that b Rav said: Every day a Divine Voice emerges from Mount Horeb and says: The entire world is sustained by /b the merit of b Ḥanina /b ben Dosa, b my son, and /b for b Ḥanina, my son, a i kav /i of carobs is sufficient /b to sustain him for an entire week, b from /b one b Shabbat eve to /b the next b Shabbat eve. /b , b And /b this exegesis b disagrees with /b the opinion of b Rav Yehuda, as Rav Yehuda said, who are the stubborn-hearted? /b They are the b foolish /b heathens b of Gova’ei. Rav Yosef said: Know /b that this is so, b as no convert has ever converted from their /b ranks.,Similarly, b Rav Ashi said: /b The heathen residents b of /b the city b Mata Meḥasya are the stubborn-hearted, as they witness the glory of the Torah twice a year /b at the i kalla /i gatherings in Adar and Elul, when thousands of people congregate and study Torah i en masse /i , b yet no convert has ever converted from their /b ranks.,We learned in our mishna that b if a groom wishes to recite /b i Shema /i on the first night of his marriage, he may do so, and Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel prohibited doing so because of the appearance of presumptuousness.,The Gemara asks: b Is that to say that Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel is concerned about presumptuousness and the Rabbis are not concerned about presumptuousness? Didn’t we learn /b that b they /b say b the opposite? As we learned /b in a mishna: b A place where they were accustomed to perform labor on Ninth of Av, one /b may b perform /b labor. b A place where they were accustomed not to perform /b labor on Ninth of Av, b one /b may b not perform /b labor. b And everywhere, Torah scholars are idle /b and do not perform labor. b Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel says: /b With regard to performing labor on the Ninth of Av, b one should always conduct himself as a Torah scholar. /b ,If so, b there is a contradiction between /b the statement of b the Rabbis /b here b and /b the statement of b the Rabbis /b there. And, b there is a contradiction between /b the statement of b Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel /b here b and /b the statement of b Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel /b there., b Rabbi Yoḥa said: The attribution /b of the opinions b is reversed /b in one of the sources in the interest of avoiding contradiction. b Rav Sheisha, son of Rav Idi, said: Actually, /b you need b not reverse /b the opinions, as the contradiction between the statement of b the Rabbis /b here b and /b the statement of b the Rabbis /b there b is not difficult. /b In the case of b the recitation of i Shema /i /b on his wedding night, b since everyone is reciting /b i Shema /i b and he is also reciting /b i Shema /i , he is not conspicuous and b it does not appear as presumptuousness. Here, /b in the case of the Ninth of Av, however, b since everyone is performing labor and he is not performing labor, /b his idleness is conspicuous and b appears as presumptuousness. /b ,So too, the contradiction b between /b the statement of b Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel /b here b and /b the statement of b Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel /b there b is not difficult. There, /b in the case of the recitation of i Shema /i on his wedding night, b the matter is dependent upon his /b capacity to b concentrate, /b and b it is clear to all /b that b he is unable to concentrate. /b Reciting i Shema /i under those circumstances is a display of presumptuousness. b But here, /b in the case of the Ninth of Av, b one who sees /b him idle b says: It is /b because b he has no labor /b to perform. b Go out and see how many idle people there are in the marketplace, /b even on days when one is permitted to work. Consequently, his idleness is not conspicuous.,, strong MISHNA: /strong b One whose deceased /b relative b is laid out /b unburied b before him is exempt from the recitation of i Shema /i , from /b the i Amida /i b prayer, and from /b the mitzva to don b phylacteries, as well as all /b positive b mitzvot mentioned in the Torah, /b until the deceased has been buried.,With regard to b the pallbearers and their replacements and the replacements of their replacements, those /b located b before the bier /b who have not yet carried the deceased b and those /b located b after the bier. Those before the bier who are needed /b to carry the bier b are exempt /b from reciting i Shema /i ; b while those after the bier, /b even if b they are /b still b needed /b to carry it, since they have already carried the deceased, they are b obligated /b to recite i Shema /i . However, both b these and those are exempt from /b reciting the i Amida /i b prayer, /b since they are preoccupied and are unable to focus and pray with the appropriate intent.,After b they buried the deceased and returned, if they /b have sufficient time to b begin /b to recite i Shema /i b and conclude before they arrive at the row, /b formed by those who attended the burial, through which the bereaved family will pass in order to receive consolation, b they should begin. If /b they do b not /b have sufficient time to conclude reciting the entire i Shema /i , then b they should not begin. /b ,And b those standing in the row, those /b in the b interior /b row, directly before whom the mourners will pass and who will console them, b are exempt /b from reciting i Shema /i , while b those /b in the b exterior /b row, who stand there only to show their respect, b are obligated /b to recite i Shema /i . b Women, slaves and minors are exempt from the recitation of i Shema /i and from phylacteries, but are obligated in prayer, i mezuza /i and Grace after Meals. /b , strong GEMARA: /strong We learned in the mishna that one whose deceased relative is laid out before him is exempt from the recitation of i Shema /i and other positive mitzvot. The Gemara deduces: When the corpse is b laid out before him, yes, /b he is exempt, but when the corpse is b not /b physically b laid out before him, no, /b he is not exempt from these mitzvot.,The Gemara b raises a contradiction /b from a i baraita /i : b One whose deceased /b relative b is laid out before him eats in another room. If he does not have another room, he eats in the house of a friend. If he does not have a friend’s house /b available, b he makes a partition /b between him and the deceased b and eats. If he does not have material /b with which b to make a partition, he averts his face /b from the dead and b eats. And /b in any case, b he does not recline while he eats, /b as reclining is characteristic of a festive meal. b Furthermore, he neither eats meat nor drinks wine, and does not recite /b a b blessing /b before eating, b and does not /b recite the formula to b invite /b the participants in the meal to join together in the Grace after Meals [ i zimmun /i ], i.e., he is exempt from the obligation of Grace after Meals. |
|
73. Babylonian Talmud, Yevamot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Secunda (2020), The Talmud's Red Fence: Menstrual Impurity and Difference in Babylonian Judaism and its Sasanian Context , 164| 16b. קפסיק ותני מבין העובדי כוכבים ואפי' מן תרמוד ואמר רבי יוחנן זאת אומרת מקבלין גרים מתרמוד,וכי תימא זאת ולא ס"ל והא אמר רבי יוחנן הלכה כסתם משנה אמוראי נינהו ואליבא דר' יוחנן,מתרמוד מאי טעמא לא פליגי בה רבי יוחנן וסביא חד אמר משום עבדי שלמה וחד אמר משום בנות ירושלים,בשלמא למ"ד משום עבדי שלמה קסבר עובד כוכבים ועבד הבא על בת ישראל הולד ממזר אלא למ"ד משום בנות ירושלים מאי היא פליגי בה רב יוסף ורבנן ותרוייהו משמיה דרבה בר בר חנה,חד אמר תריסר אלפי גברי ושיתא אלפי קשתויי וחד אמר תריסר אלפי גברי ומנייהו שיתא אלפי קשתויי בשעה שנכנסו עובדי כוכבים להיכל הכל נפנו על כסף וזהב והם נפנו על בנות ירושלים שנאמר (איכה ה, יא) נשים בציון ענו בתולות בערי יהודה,אמר רבי שמואל בר נחמני אמר רבי יונתן פסוק זה שר העולם אמרו (תהלים לז, כה) נער הייתי גם זקנתי מאן אמריה אילימא קודשא בריך הוא מי איכא זקנה קמיה ואלא דוד אמריה מי קשיש כולי האי אלא ש"מ שר העולם אמרו,ואמר רבי שמואל בר נחמני אמר רבי יונתן מאי דכתיב (איכה א, י) ידו פרש צר על כל מחמדיה זה עמון ומואב בשעה שנכנסו עובדי כוכבים להיכל הכל נפנו על כסף וזהב והם נפנו על ס"ת אמרו זה שכתוב בו (דברים כג, ד) לא יבא עמוני ומואבי בקהל ה' ישרף באש,(איכה א, יז) צוה ה' ליעקב סביביו צריו אמר רב כגון הומניא לפום נהרא,אמר רב יהודה א"ר אסי עובד כוכבים שקידש בזמן הזה חוששין לקדושין שמא מעשרת השבטים הוא והא כל דפריש מרובא פריש,בדוכתא דקביעי דאמר רבי אבא בר כהנא (מלכים ב יח, יא) וינחם בחלח ובחבור נהר גוזן וערי מדי חלח זה חלזון וחבור | 16b. The i tanna /i b concluded and taught: /b All stains from b among the gentiles /b are pure, from which it may be inferred: b And even from Tarmod. /b This indicates that in all places inhabited by gentiles there is no need to be concerned about stains. b And Rabbi Yoḥa said: That is to say, one accept converts from Tarmod /b without concern that they might be Jewish, albeit i mamzerim /i . This contradicts the previous opinion attributed to Rabbi Yoḥa that converts from the Tarmodim are not accepted., b And if you would say /b that Rabbi Yoḥa specifically emphasized: b That /b is to say, i.e., he meant that this conclusion may be logically inferred from the mishna, b and /b yet b he /b himself b does not hold /b by b this /b opinion, b but didn’t Rabbi Yoḥa state /b a principle that the b i halakha /i is in accordance with /b the ruling of b an unattributed mishna, /b as is the case here? The Gemara answers: b They are i amora’im /i , and /b they disagree b in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi Yoḥa. /b Some Sages said in Rabbi Yoḥa’s name that the Tarmodim are unfit, while others maintain that they are fit.,§ The Gemara asks: b And what is the reason /b that the Sages do b not /b accept converts b from Tarmod? Rabbi Yoḥa and the Elders disagree /b about b this /b matter. Although they concur that converts from Tarmod are not accepted, they disagree with regard to the reason. b One /b of them b said /b that it is b due to the servants of /b King b Solomon. /b Solomon built a city in Tarmod (see I Kings 9:18), and his gentile servants, taking advantage of their status and power, married Jewish women unlawfully. Therefore, it is possible that the inhabitants of Tarmod and their descendants are i mamzerim /i . b And /b the other b one said /b that it is b due to the daughters of Jerusalem, /b who were taken captive and raped and gave birth to children among the gentiles.,The Gemara comments: b Granted, according to the one who said /b that it is b due to the servants of Solomon, /b this is logical, as b he holds /b that in the case of b a gentile or a slave who had intercourse with a Jewish woman, the offspring is a i mamzer /i . /b Accordingly, as the servants of Solomon were slaves and they engaged in intercourse with Jewish women, their children are considered i mamzerim /i . b However, according to the one who said /b that it is b due to the daughters of Jerusalem, what is /b the reason that the concern applied specifically to Tarmod and no other cities? b Rav Yosef and the Rabbis disagree /b with regard to b this /b question, b and both /b stated their opinions b in the name of Rabba bar bar Ḥana. /b ,The Gemara elaborates: b One /b of them b said /b that b twelve thousand men and six thousand archers /b came from Tarmod, b and /b the other b one said /b that there were b twelve thousand men, of whom six thousand /b were b archers. When the gentiles entered the Sanctuary /b during the conquest of Jerusalem, they b all turned to /b plunder the b silver and the gold /b they saw there, b but /b the warriors of Tarmod b turned to the daughters of Jerusalem, as it is stated: “They have ravished the women in Zion, the maidens in the cities of Judah” /b (Lamentations 5:11). According to the opinion that children born of relations between gentiles and Jewish women are i mamzerim /i , all the children born to these women are i mamzerim /i .,§ In relation to a verse cited earlier, b Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani said /b that b Rabbi Yonatan said: This verse was stated by the ministering angel /b appointed over b the world: “I have been young, and now am old; /b yet I have not seen the righteous forsaken, nor his seed begging bread” (Psalms 37:25). b Who said this? If we say /b that it was b the Holy One, Blessed be He, is there old age before Him? /b Could God possibly say: “I have been young, and now am old”? b And rather, /b one could say that b David /b himself b said it, /b from his own experience; but b was he indeed so old? /b After all, David died at the age of seventy. b Rather, conclude from this /b that b the ministering angel /b appointed over b the world said it, /b as he can speak both of youth and old age, and it is he who reported his observations from around the world., b And Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani /b further b said /b that b Rabbi Yonatan said: What is /b the meaning of that b which is written: “The adversary has spread out his hand upon all her treasures; /b for she has seen that the heathens have entered into her Temple, concerning which You commanded that they should not enter into Your congregation” (Lamentations 1:10)? b This /b is referring to b Ammon and Moab. /b How so? b When the gentiles entered the Sanctuary, all turned to /b plunder b the silver and the gold, and /b the soldiers from Ammon and Moab b turned to the scrolls of Torah /b to destroy them. b They said: /b Is b this /b the scroll b in which it is written: “An Ammonite and a Moabite shall not enter into the assembly of the Lord” /b (Deuteronomy 23:4)? b Let it be burnt by fire. /b ,With regard to the Ammonites, the Gemara cites another verse: b “The Lord has commanded against Jacob that they who are round about him should be his adversaries” /b (Lamentations 1:17). b Rav said: For an example /b of this, there is the city b Homanya /b in relation b to /b the city b Pum Nahara, /b as the descendants of the Ammonites live in Homanya, and they harass the Jews of Pum Nahara.,§ b Rav Yehuda said /b that b Rav Asi said: /b With regard to b a gentile who betrothed /b a Jewish woman b nowadays, we are concerned that the betrothal /b might be valid, despite the fact that a betrothal of a gentile is meaningless, b lest he be from the ten tribes /b of Israel who intermingled with the gentiles. The Gemara raises an objection: b But /b there is an important principle in i halakha /i that b any /b item b separated, /b i.e., not fixed in its place, is presumed to have been b separated from the majority. /b In this case, it can be assumed that any individual singled out from the gentiles belongs to the majority of gentiles and has no Jewish roots at all.,The Gemara responds: Rav Yehuda means that there is a concern only with regard to those who came from b the permanent /b dwelling b places /b of the ten tribes. b As Rabbi Abba bar Kahana said /b that the verse states about those exiled from Samaria: b “And he put them in Halah, and in Habor, on the river of Gozan, and in the cities of the Medes” /b (I Kings 18:11). Rabbi Abba bar Kahana proceeded to identify these places. b Halah; this is /b the place called b Ḥalzon. And Habor; /b |
|
74. Babylonian Talmud, Shabbat, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 42| 33b. על המעשר ר' אלעזר בר' יוסי אומר על לשון הרע אמר רבא ואיתימא ריב"ל מאי קראה (תהלים סג, יב) והמלך ישמח באלהים יתהלל כל הנשבע בו כי יסכר פי דוברי שקר,איבעיא להו רבי אלעזר ברבי יוסי על לשון הרע קאמר או דילמא אף על לשון הרע נמי קאמר ת"ש כשנכנסו רבותינו לכרם ביבנה היה שם רבי יהודה ור' אלעזר בר' יוסי ור"ש נשאלה שאלה זו בפניהם מכה זו מפני מה מתחלת בבני מעיים וגומרת בפה נענה רבי יהודה ברבי אלעאי ראש המדברים בכל מקום ואמר אע"פ שכליות יועצות ולב מבין ולשון מחתך פה גומר נענה רבי אלעזר ברבי יוסי ואמר מפני שאוכלין בה דברים טמאין דברים טמאים סלקא דעתך אלא שאוכלין בה דברים שאינן מתוקנים נענה ר' שמעון ואמר בעון ביטול תורה,אמרו לו נשים יוכיחו שמבטלות את בעליהן נכרים יוכיחו שמבטלין את ישראל תינוקות יוכיחו שמבטלין את אביהן תינוקות של בית רבן יוכיחו,התם כדרבי גוריון דאמר רבי גוריון ואיתימא רב יוסף ברבי שמעיה בזמן שהצדיקים בדור צדיקים נתפסים על הדור אין צדיקים בדור תינוקות של בית רבן נתפסים על הדור א"ר יצחק בר זעירי ואמרי לה א"ר שמעון בן נזירא מאי קראה (שיר השירים א, ח) אם לא תדעי לך היפה בנשים צאי לך בעקבי הצאן וגו' ואמרינן גדיים הממושכנין על הרועים ש"מ אף על לשון הרע נמי קאמר ש"מ,ואמאי קרו ליה ראש המדברים בכל מקום דיתבי רבי יהודה ורבי יוסי ורבי שמעון ויתיב יהודה בן גרים גבייהו פתח ר' יהודה ואמר כמה נאים מעשיהן של אומה זו תקנו שווקים תקנו גשרים תקנו מרחצאות ר' יוסי שתק נענה רשב"י ואמר כל מה שתקנו לא תקנו אלא לצורך עצמן תקנו שווקין להושיב בהן זונות מרחצאות לעדן בהן עצמן גשרים ליטול מהן מכס הלך יהודה בן גרים וסיפר דבריהם ונשמעו למלכות אמרו יהודה שעילה יתעלה יוסי ששתק יגלה לציפורי שמעון שגינה יהרג,אזל הוא ובריה טשו בי מדרשא כל יומא הוה מייתי להו דביתהו ריפתא וכוזא דמיא וכרכי כי תקיף גזירתא א"ל לבריה נשים דעתן קלה עליהן דילמא מצערי לה ומגליא לן אזלו טשו במערתא איתרחיש ניסא איברי להו חרובא ועינא דמיא והוו משלחי מנייהו והוו יתבי עד צוארייהו בחלא כולי יומא גרסי בעידן צלויי לבשו מיכסו ומצלו והדר משלחי מנייהו כי היכי דלא ליבלו איתבו תריסר שני במערתא אתא אליהו וקם אפיתחא דמערתא אמר מאן לודעיה לבר יוחי דמית קיסר ובטיל גזירתיה,נפקו חזו אינשי דקא כרבי וזרעי אמר מניחין חיי עולם ועוסקין בחיי שעה כל מקום שנותנין עיניהן מיד נשרף יצתה בת קול ואמרה להם להחריב עולמי יצאתם חיזרו למערתכם הדור אזול איתיבו תריסר ירחי שתא אמרי משפט רשעים בגיהנם י"ב חדש יצתה בת קול ואמרה צאו ממערתכם נפקו כל היכא דהוה מחי ר' אלעזר הוה מסי ר"ש אמר לו בני די לעולם אני ואתה,בהדי פניא דמעלי שבתא חזו ההוא סבא דהוה נקיט תרי מדאני אסא ורהיט בין השמשות אמרו ליה הני למה לך אמר להו לכבוד שבת ותיסגי לך בחד חד כנגד (שמות כ, ז) זכור וחד כנגד (דברים ה, יא) שמור א"ל לבריה חזי כמה חביבין מצות על ישראל יתיב דעתייהו,שמע ר' פנחס בן יאיר חתניה ונפק לאפיה עייליה לבי בניה הוה קא אריך ליה לבישריה חזי דהוה ביה פילי בגופיה הוה קא בכי וקא נתרו דמעת עיניה וקמצוחא ליה א"ל אוי לי שראיתיך בכך א"ל אשריך שראיתני בכך שאילמלא לא ראיתני בכך לא מצאת בי כך דמעיקרא כי הוה מקשי ר"ש בן יוחי קושיא הוה מפרק ליה ר' פנחס בן יאיר תריסר פירוקי לסוף כי הוה מקשי ר"פ בן יאיר קושיא הוה מפרק ליה רשב"י עשרין וארבעה פירוקי,אמר הואיל ואיתרחיש ניסא איזיל אתקין מילתא דכתיב (בראשית לג, יח) ויבא יעקב שלם ואמר רב שלם בגופו שלם בממונו שלם בתורתו (בראשית לג, יח) ויחן את פני העיר אמר רב מטבע תיקן להם ושמואל אמר שווקים תיקן להם ור' יוחנן אמר מרחצאות תיקן להם אמר איכא מילתא דבעי לתקוני אמרו ליה איכא דוכתא דאית ביה ספק טומאה | 33b. b for /b neglecting to separate b tithes. Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Yosei, says: /b i Askara /i comes as punishment for b slander. Rava said, and some say /b that it was b Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi /b who said it: b What is the verse /b that alludes to this? b “But the king shall rejoice in God; every one that swears by Him shall glory; for the mouth of them that speak lies shall be stopped” /b (Psalms 63:12). The punishment for lying is that the mouth will be stopped. i Askara /i affects the mouth along with other parts of the body., b A dilemma was raised before /b those who were sitting in the study hall: Did b Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Yosei, say /b that i askara /i comes as punishment only b for slander, or perhaps he said /b it was b also for slander? Come /b and b hear /b a resolution to this dilemma from that which was taught in a i baraita /i : b When our Sages entered the vineyard in Yavne, Rabbi Yehuda, and Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Yosei, and Rabbi Shimon were there, and a question was asked before them /b with regard to b this plague /b of i askara /i : b Why does it begin in the intestines and end in the mouth? Rabbi Yehuda, son of Rabbi Ila’i, /b who was b the head of the speakers in every place, responded and said: Even though the kidneys advise, and the heart understands, and the tongue shapes /b the voice that emerges from the mouth, still, b the mouth completes /b the formation of the voice. Therefore, the disease begins in the same place that slander begins and it ends in the mouth. b Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Yosei, responded and said: /b This disease ends in the mouth b because one eats with it non-kosher things. /b They immediately wondered about this: b Does it enter your mind /b to say that i askara /i is caused by eating b non-kosher food? /b Are those who eat non-kosher food so numerous? b Rather, /b it comes as a punishment b for eating /b foods b that were not /b ritually b prepared, /b i.e., were not tithed. b Rabbi Shimon responded and said: /b This disease comes as a punishment b for the sin of dereliction in /b the study of b Torah. /b , b They said to him: Women will prove /b that dereliction in the study of Torah is not the cause, as they are not obligated to study Torah and, nevertheless, they contract i askara /i . He answered them: They are punished because b they cause their husbands to be idle /b from the study of Torah. They said to him: b Gentiles will prove /b that this is not the cause, as they also contract i askara /i even though they are not obligated to study Torah. He answered them: They are also punished because b they cause Israel to be idle /b from the study of Torah. They said to him: b Children will prove /b that this is not the cause, for they are not at all obligated to study Torah and they also suffer from i askara /i . He answered them: They are punished because b they cause their fathers to be idle /b from the study of Torah. They said to him: b School children will prove /b that this is not the cause, as they study Torah and, nevertheless, they suffer from i askara /i .,The Gemara answers: b There /b , it must be understood b in accordance with /b the statement of b Rabbi Guryon, /b as b Rabbi Guryon said, and some say /b that it was b Rav Yosef, son of Rabbi Shemaya, /b who said it: b At a time when /b there are b righteous people in the generation, /b the b righteous are seized /b , i.e., they die or suffer, b for /b the sins of b the generation. If there are no righteous people in the generation, school children, /b who are also without sin, b are seized for /b the sins of b the generation /b . b Rabbi Yitzḥak bar Ze’iri said, and some say /b that b Rabbi Shimon ben Nezira said: What is the verse /b that alludes to this? b “If you know not, you fairest among women, go your way forth by the footsteps of the flock /b and feed your kids, beside the shepherds’ tents [ i mishkenot /i ] b ” ( /b Song of Songs 1:8). b And we say /b in explanation of this verse: They are the b lambs that are taken as collateral [ i hamemushkanin /i ], /b which is etymologically similar to the word i mishkenot /i , b in place of the shepherds. /b If the shepherds and leaders of the generation corrupt the multitudes, young children die because of their sins. With regard to the dilemma, b conclude from it /b that Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Yosei, b said /b that the illness of i askara /i b also /b results from b slander, /b as the i baraita /i provides an additional cause of the illness. The Gemara comments: Indeed, b conclude from it. /b ,In this i baraita /i Rabbi Yehuda is described as head of the speakers in every place. The Gemara asks: b And why did they call him head of the speakers in every place? /b The Gemara relates that this resulted due to an incident that took place b when Rabbi Yehuda and Rabbi Yosei and Rabbi Shimon were sitting, and Yehuda, son of converts, sat beside them. Rabbi Yehuda opened and said: How pleasant are the actions of this nation, /b the Romans, as b they established marketplaces, established bridges, /b and b established bathhouses. Rabbi Yosei was silent. Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai responded and said: Everything that they established, they established only for their own purposes. They established marketplaces, to place prostitutes in them; bathhouses, to pamper themselves; /b and b bridges, to collect taxes from /b all who pass over b them. Yehuda, son of converts, went and related their statements /b to his household, b and /b those statements continued to spread until b they were heard by the monarchy. They /b ruled and b said: Yehuda, who elevated /b the Roman regime, b shall be elevated /b and appointed as head of the Sages, the head of the speakers in every place. b Yosei, who remained silent, shall be exiled /b from his home in Judea as punishment, and sent b to /b the city of b Tzippori /b in the Galilee. b And Shimon, who denounced /b the government, b shall be killed. /b ,Rabbi Shimon bar Yoḥai b and his son, /b Rabbi Elazar, b went /b and b hid in the study hall. Every day /b Rabbi Shimon’s b wife would bring them bread and a jug of water and they would eat. When the decree intensified, /b Rabbi Shimon b said to his son: Women are easily impressionable /b and, therefore, there is room for concern b lest /b the authorities b torture her and she reveal our /b whereabouts. b They went and they hid in a cave. A miracle occurred /b and b a carob /b tree b was created for them as well as a spring of water. They would remove their clothes and sit /b covered b in sand up to their necks /b . b They would study /b Torah b all day /b in that manner. b At the time of prayer, they would dress, cover themselves, and pray, and they would again remove their clothes afterward so that they would not become tattered. They sat in the cave for twelve years. Elijah /b the Prophet b came and stood at the entrance to the cave /b and b said: Who will inform bar Yoḥai that /b the b emperor died and his decree has been abrogated? /b , b They emerged /b from the cave, and b saw people who were plowing and sowing. /b Rabbi Shimon bar Yoḥai b said: /b These people b abandon eternal life /b of Torah study b and engage in temporal life /b for their own sustece. The Gemara relates that b every place that /b Rabbi Shimon and his son Rabbi Elazar b directed their eyes was immediately burned. A Divine Voice emerged and said to them: /b Did b you emerge /b from the cave in order b to destroy My world? Return to your cave. They again went /b and b sat /b there b for twelve months. They said: The judgment of the wicked in Gehenna lasts /b for b twelve months. /b Surely their sin was atoned in that time. b A Divine Voice emerged and said /b to them: b Emerge from your cave. They emerged. Everywhere that Rabbi Elazar would strike, Rabbi Shimon would heal. /b Rabbi Shimon b said to /b Rabbi Elazar: b My son, you and I suffice for the /b entire b world, /b as the two of us are engaged in the proper study of Torah., b As the sun was setting on Shabbat eve, they saw an elderly man who was holding two bundles of myrtle branches and running at twilight. They said to him: Why do you have these? He said to them: In honor of Shabbat. /b They said to him: b And let one suffice. /b He answered them: b One /b is b corresponding to: “Remember /b the Shabbat day, to keep it holy” (Exodus 20:8), b and /b one is b corresponding to: “Observe /b the Shabbat day, to keep it holy” (Deuteronomy 5:12). Rabbi Shimon b said to his son: See how beloved the mitzvot are to Israel. Their minds were /b put b at ease /b and they were no longer as upset that people were not engaged in Torah study., b Rabbi Pineḥas ben Ya’ir, /b Rabbi Shimon’s b son-in-law /b , b heard and went out to /b greet b him. He brought him into the bathhouse and /b began b tending to his flesh. He saw that /b Rabbi Shimon b had cracks in /b the skin on b his body. He was crying, and the tears fell from his eyes and caused /b Rabbi Shimon b pain. /b Rabbi Pineḥas b said to /b Rabbi Shimon, his father-in-law: b Woe is me, that I have seen you like this. /b Rabbi Shimon b said to him: Happy are you that you have seen me like this, as had you not seen me like this, you would not have found in me this /b prominence in Torah, b as /b the Gemara relates: b At first, when Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai would raise a difficulty, Rabbi Pineḥas ben Ya’ir would respond /b to his question with b twelve answers. Ultimately, when Rabbi Pineḥas ben Ya’ir would raise a difficulty /b , b Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai would respond /b with b twenty-four answers. /b ,Rabbi Shimon b said: Since a miracle transpired /b for me, b I will go /b and b repair something /b for the sake of others in gratitude for God’s kindness, b as it is written: “And Jacob came whole /b to the city of Shechem, which is in the land of Canaan, when he came from Paddan-aram; and he graced the countece of the city” (Genesis 33:18). b Rav said, /b the meaning of: And Jacob came whole, is: b Whole in his body, whole in his money, whole in his Torah. /b And what did he do? b And he graced the countece of the city; /b he performed gracious acts to benefit the city. b Rav said: /b Jacob b established a currency for them. And Shmuel said: He established marketplaces for them. And Rabbi Yoḥa said: He established bathhouses for them. /b In any event, clearly one for whom a miracle transpires should perform an act of kindness for his neighbors as a sign of gratitude. b He said: Is there something that needs repair? They said to him: There is a place where there is uncertainty with regard to ritual impurity /b |
|
75. Babylonian Talmud, Hulin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Secunda (2014), The Iranian Talmud: Reading the Bavli in Its Sasanian Context. 164; Secunda (2020), The Talmud's Red Fence: Menstrual Impurity and Difference in Babylonian Judaism and its Sasanian Context , 164| 95b. מחוור רישא נפל מיניה אזל אייתי סילתא שדא אסיק תרין אמר רב עבדי נמי הכי אסרינהו ניהליה,אמרי ליה רב כהנא ורב אסי לרב דאיסורא שכיחי דהתירא לא שכיחי אמר להו דאיסורא שכיחי טפי,וכי מכללא מאי פרוותא דעובדי כוכבים הואי תדע דקאמר להו דאיסורא שכיחי טפי,אלא רב היכי אכל בשרא בשעתיה דלא עלים עיניה מיניה איבעית אימא בציירא וחתומא ואי נמי בסימנא כי הא דרבה ב"ר הונא מחתך ליה אתלת קרנתא,רב הוה קאזיל לבי רב חנן חתניה חזי מברא דקאתי לאפיה אמר מברא קאתי לאפי יומא טבא לגו,אזל קם אבבא אודיק בבזעא דדשא חזי חיותא דתליא טרף אבבא נפוק אתו כולי עלמא לאפיה אתא טבחי נמי לא עלים רב עיניה מיניה אמר להו איכו השתא ספיתו להו איסורא לבני ברת לא אכל רב מההוא בישרא,מ"ט אי משום איעלומי הא לא איעלים אלא דנחיש,והאמר רב כל נחש שאינו כאליעזר עבד אברהם וכיונתן בן שאול אינו נחש אלא סעודת הרשות הואי ורב לא מתהני מסעודת הרשות,רב בדיק במברא ושמואל בדיק בספרא רבי יוחנן בדיק בינוקא,כולהו שני דרב הוה כתב ליה רבי יוחנן לקדם רבינו שבבבל כי נח נפשיה הוה כתב לשמואל לקדם חבירינו שבבבל אמר לא ידע לי מידי דרביה אנא כתב שדר ליה עיבורא דשיתין שני אמר השתא חושבנא בעלמא ידע,כתב שדר ליה תליסר גמלי ספקי טריפתא אמר אית לי רב בבבל איזיל איחזייה א"ל לינוקא פסוק לי פסוקיך אמר ליה (שמואל א כח, ג) ושמואל מת אמר ש"מ נח נפשיה דשמואל,ולא היא לא שכיב שמואל אלא כי היכי דלא ליטרח רבי יוחנן,תניא רבי שמעון בן אלעזר אומר בית תינוק ואשה אף על פי שאין נחש יש סימן,אמר ר' אלעזר והוא דאיתחזק תלתא זימני דכתיב (בראשית מב, לו) יוסף איננו ושמעון איננו ואת בנימין תקחו,בעא מיניה רב הונא מרב בחרוזין מהו א"ל אל תהי שוטה בחרוזין הרי זה סימן איכא דאמרי אמר רב הונא אמר רב בחרוזין הרי זה סימן,רב נחמן מנהרדעא איקלע לגבי רב כהנא לפום נהרא במעלי יומא דכפורי אתו עורבי שדו כבדי וכוליתא אמר ליה שקול ואכול האידנא דהיתרא שכיח טפי,רב חייא בר אבין איתבד ליה כרכשא (בי דינא) אתא לקמיה דרב הונא אמר ליה אית לך סימנא בגויה א"ל לא אית לך טביעות עינא בגויה אמר ליה אין אם כן זיל שקול,רב חנינא חוזאה איתבד ליה גבא דבשרא אתא לקמיה דרב נחמן אמר ליה אית לך סימנא בגויה אמר ליה לא אית לך טביעות עינא בגויה אמר ליה אין אם כן זיל שקול,רב נתן בר אביי איתבד ליה קיבורא דתכלתא אתא לקמיה דרב חסדא אמר ליה אית לך סימנא בגויה אמר ליה לא אית לך טביעות עינא בגויה אמר ליה אין אם כן זיל שקול,אמר רבא מרישא הוה אמינא סימנא עדיף מטביעות עינא דהא מהדרינן אבידתא בסימנא | 95b. b cleaning /b the b head /b of an animal in the river. The head b fell from him. He went and brought a basket, cast /b the basket into the river, and b pulled out two /b animal heads. b Rav said /b to him: Does it commonly b happen this /b way that one loses one item and finds two? Just as one of the animal heads is not the one you dropped, it is possible that neither of them is the one you dropped. Therefore, Rav rendered both of b them forbidden to him. /b , b Rav Kahana and Rav Asi said to Rav: /b Is b forbidden /b meat b common /b but b permitted /b meat b not common? /b Most of the meat in this general location is kosher, so why did you forbid the two animal heads? b He said to them: Forbidden /b meat b is more common. /b From this incident the Sages derived that according to Rav, meat that has been obscured from sight becomes forbidden due to the possibility that the meat one finds now was actually deposited by ravens, who transported it from a location where the majority of the meat is forbidden.,The Gemara asks: b And what /b does it matter b if /b this opinion of Rav is known b by inference /b based on this incident, rather than by an explicit statement made by Rav? The Gemara answers: There is room to say that this incident cannot serve as a precedent for a general policy, because that location b was a port of gentiles, /b where most of the meat was non-kosher. b Know /b that this is the case, b as /b Rav b said to /b Rav Kahana and Rav Asi: b Forbidden /b meat b is more common. /b Consequently, it is possible that Rav would not have prohibited the meat in a location where the majority of the meat is kosher.,The Gemara asks: b But how did Rav /b ever b eat meat /b if he holds that meat becomes forbidden if it is unsupervised for even a short time? The Gemara answers: Rav ate meat only b in its time, /b i.e., shortly after it was slaughtered, b when it had not been obscured from his sight /b from the time of the slaughter until he ate it. Alternatively, b if you wish, say /b that Rav ate meat that was b tied and sealed /b in a way that proved it had not been swapped for non-kosher meat. b Or alternatively, /b he ate meat that could be recognized b by a distinguishing mark, like that /b practice of b Rabba bar Rav Huna, /b who would b cut /b meat into pieces b with three corners, /b i.e., triangles, before he would send it to his family members.,The Gemara relates that b Rav was going to the home of Rav Ḥa, his son-in-law. He saw /b that b the ferry was coming toward him /b just when he arrived at the riverbank. b He said: The ferry is coming toward me /b even though I did not arrange for it to come now; this is a sign that b a good day, /b i.e., a festive meal, awaits me b in /b the place where I am going.,After crossing the river on the ferry, Rav b went and stood at the gate /b of Rav Ḥa’s home. b He looked /b through b a crack in the door /b and b saw an animal that was hanging /b and ready to be cooked. b He knocked on the gate, /b and b everyone went out to /b greet b him, /b and b the butchers also came /b out to greet him. b Rav did not remove his eyes from /b the meat that the butchers were preparing. b He said to them: If /b you had eaten the meat based upon the supervision you provided b now, /b you would have b fed forbidden /b meat b to the sons of /b my b daughter /b because no one apart from me was watching the meat when you all came out to greet me. And despite the fact that he had kept the meat in his sight b Rav did not eat from that meat. /b ,The Gemara asks: b What is the reason /b that Rav did not eat the meat? b If /b one suggests that he was concerned b because /b it had been b obscured /b from sight, that cannot be the reason, as Rav kept watching it so that it b was not obscured /b from sight. b Rather, /b Rav did not eat b because he divined, /b i.e., he saw the arrival of the ferry as a good omen. This is prohibited, and therefore Rav penalized himself and abstained from the meat.,The Gemara asks: b But doesn’t Rav say /b that b any divination that is not like /b the divination of b Eliezer, the servant of Abraham, /b when he went to seek a bride for Isaac (see Genesis 24:14), b or like /b the divination of b Jonathan, son of Saul, /b who sought an omen as to whether he and his arms bearer would defeat the Philistines (see I Samuel 14:8–12), b is not divination? /b Since Rav did not rely on the omen in his decision making, he did not violate the prohibition against divination, and there was no reason for him to penalize himself. The Gemara answers: b Rather, /b the reason Rav did not eat the meat is that b it was an optional feast, /b rather than a feast associated with a mitzva, b and Rav would not derive pleasure from an optional feast. /b ,Having mentioned Rav’s reaction to the ferry in the incident cited above, the Gemara states that b Rav would check /b whether to travel based upon b the ferry; /b if it came quickly he would take the ferry, but otherwise he would not. b And Shmuel would check /b what would happen to him b by /b opening b a scroll /b and reading from wherever it was open to. b Rabbi Yoḥa would check /b what was in store for him b by /b asking b a child /b to recite the verse he was learning.,The Gemara relates an incident when Rabbi Yoḥa checked his luck based on a child’s verse. During b all the years /b when b Rav /b lived in Babylonia, b Rabbi Yoḥa, /b who lived in Eretz Yisrael, would b write to him /b and begin with the greeting: b To our Master who is in Babylonia. When /b Rav b died, /b Rabbi Yoḥa b would write to Shmuel /b and begin with the greeting: b To our colleague who is in Babylonia. /b Shmuel b said: Does /b Rabbi Yoḥa b not know /b any b matter in which I am his master? /b Shmuel b wrote /b and b sent to /b Rabbi Yoḥa the calculation of the b leap /b years b for /b the next b sixty years. /b Rabbi Yoḥa was not impressed by this and b said: Now he /b has b merely /b demonstrated that b he knows mathematics, /b which does not make him my master.,Shmuel then b wrote /b and b sent to /b Rabbi Yoḥa explications of b uncertainties /b pertaining to b i tereifot /i /b that had to be transported on b thirteen camels. /b Rabbi Yoḥa was impressed by this and b said: I have a Master in Babylonia; I will go and see him. /b Before departing on his journey, Rabbi Yoḥa b said to a child: Recite to me your verse /b that you studied today. The child b recited /b the following verse b to /b Rabbi Yoḥa: b “Now Samuel was dead” /b (I Samuel 28:3). Rabbi Yoḥa b said /b to himself: b Learn from this /b that b Shmuel has died. /b Therefore, Rabbi Yoḥa did not go to see Shmuel.,The Gemara comments: b But it was not so; Shmuel had not died. Rather, /b the reason Rabbi Yoḥa was given this sign was b so that Rabbi Yoḥa would not trouble himself /b to embark on the long and arduous journey from Eretz Yisrael to Babylonia., b It is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b Rabbi Shimon ben Elazar says: /b With regard to one who is successful with his first business transaction after he has built b a home, /b after the birth of b a child, or /b after he marries b a woman, even though /b he may b not /b use this as a means of b divination /b to decide upon future courses of action, b it is /b an auspicious b sign /b that he will continue to be successful. Conversely, if his first transaction is not successful he may take that as an inauspicious sign., b Rabbi Elazar said: But this /b is provided b that /b the sign b has been established /b by repeating itself b three times. /b This is based on a verse, b as it is written: /b “And Jacob their father said to them: Me you have bereaved of my children: b Joseph is not, and Simeon is not, and you will take Benjamin away; /b upon me are all these things come” (Genesis 42:36). If calamity were to befall Benjamin, that would establish a pattern of three tragedies.,§ The Gemara returns to discuss distinguishing marks that prevent meat from being prohibited despite its having been obscured from sight. b Rav Huna inquired of Rav: /b If pieces of meat were b strung /b together and then were obscured from sight, b what is /b the i halakha /i ? Rav b said to him: Do not be an imbecile; /b of course if the meat is b strung /b together b it is /b considered to be b a distinguishing mark, /b and the meat is permitted. b There are /b those b who say /b this i halakha /i as follows: b Rav Huna said /b that b Rav said: /b If pieces of meat are b strung /b together b it is a distinguishing mark, /b and the meat remains permitted even if it is obscured from sight.,The Gemara relates that b Rav Naḥman of Neharde’a arrived at /b the home of b Rav Kahana in Pum Nahara on the eve of Yom Kippur, /b which is a day when people commonly eat meat. b Ravens came /b and b dropped livers and kidneys. /b Rav Kahana b said to /b Rav Naḥman: b Take /b these livers and kidneys b and eat /b them, as they are not forbidden, even though they were obscured from sight. This is because b at this time permitted /b meat is b more common /b than forbidden meat, since Jews slaughter many animals on this day., b Rav Ḥiyya bar Avin lost /b a cut of meat from an animal b intestine among /b the b barrels /b of wine in his wine cellar. When he found it, b he came before Rav Huna /b to ask whether the meat was now prohibited because it had been obscured from sight. Rav Huna b said to him: Do you have a distinguishing mark on it /b so that you can identify it? Rav Ḥiyya bar Avin b said to him: No. /b Rav Huna asked him: b Do you have visual recognition of it? /b Rav Ḥiyya bar Avin b said to him: Yes. /b Rav Huna said: b If so, go and take /b it and eat it., b Rav Ḥanina Ḥoza’a lost a side of meat. /b When he found it, b he came before Rav Naḥman /b and asked him whether the meat was now prohibited because it had been obscured from sight. Rav Naḥman b said to him: Do you have a distinguishing mark on it /b so that you can identify it? Rav Ḥanina Ḥoza’a b said to him: No. /b Rav Naḥman asked him: b Do you have visual recognition of it? /b Rav Ḥanina Ḥoza’a b said to him: Yes. /b Rav Naḥman said: b If so, go and take /b it and eat it., b Rav Natan bar Abaye lost a skein of sky-blue /b wool prepared for use in ritual fringes. He searched for it and found it. b He came before Rav Ḥisda /b to ask whether the wool was now prohibited because it had been obscured from sight and may have become confused with other blue wool that is not valid for ritual fringes. Rav Ḥisda b said to him: Do you have a distinguishing mark in it /b so that you can identify it? Rav Natan bar Abaye b said to him: No. /b Rav Ḥisda asked him: b Do you have visual recognition of it? /b Rav Natan bar Abaye b said to him: Yes. /b Rav Ḥisda said: b If so, go and take /b it, and you may use it for ritual fringes., b Rava said: At first I would say /b that b a distinguishing mark is preferable to visual recognition, because we return a lost item /b to its owner based b on a distinguishing mark, /b |
|
| 76. Iamblichus, Concerning The Mysteries, 9.6, 9.9 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus, Found in books: Edmonds (2019), Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World, 352 |
| 77. Firmicus Maternus Julius., Matheseos, 2.30.14 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey (2007), Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions, 119 |
| 78. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 1.25 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 19 |
| 79. Papyri, Papyri Graecae Magicae, 1.42-195(133-142), 4.1928, 4.1929, 4.1930, 4.1931, 4.1932, 4.1933, 4.1934, 4.1935, 4.1936, 4.1937, 4.1938, 4.1939, 4.1940, 4.1941, 4.1942, 4.1943, 4.1944, 4.1945, 4.1946, 4.1947, 4.1948, 4.1949, 4.1950, 4.1951, 4.1952, 4.1953, 4.1954, 4.1955, 4.1956, 4.1957, 4.1958, 4.1959, 4.1960, 4.1961, 4.1962, 4.1963, 4.1964, 4.1965, 4.1966, 4.1967, 4.1968, 4.1969, 4.1970, 4.1971, 4.1972, 4.1973, 4.1974, 4.1975, 4.1976, 4.1977, 4.1978, 4.1979, 4.1980, 4.1981, 4.1982, 4.1983, 4.1984, 4.1985, 4.1986, 4.1987, 4.1988, 4.1989, 4.1990, 4.1991, 4.1992, 4.1993, 4.1994, 4.1995, 4.1996, 4.1997, 4.1998, 4.1999, 4.2000, 4.2001, 4.2002, 4.2003, 4.2004, 4.2005, 4.2006, 4.2007, 4.2008, 4.2009, 4.2010, 4.2011, 4.2012, 4.2013, 4.2014, 4.2015, 4.2016, 4.2017, 4.2018, 4.2019, 4.2020, 4.2021, 4.2022, 4.2023, 4.2024, 4.2025, 4.2026, 4.2027, 4.2028, 4.2029, 4.2030, 4.2031, 4.2032, 4.2033, 4.2034, 4.2035, 4.2036, 4.2037, 4.2038, 4.2039, 4.2040, 4.2041, 4.2042, 4.2043, 4.2044, 4.2045, 4.2046, 4.2047, 4.2048, 4.2049, 4.2050, 4.2051, 4.2052, 4.2053, 4.2054, 4.2055, 4.2056, 4.2057, 4.2058, 4.2059, 4.2060, 4.2061, 4.2062, 4.2063, 4.2064, 4.2065, 4.2066, 4.2067, 4.2068, 4.2069, 4.2070, 4.2071, 4.2072, 4.2073, 4.2074, 4.2075, 4.2076, 4.2077, 4.2078, 4.2079, 4.2080, 4.2081, 4.2082, 4.2083, 4.2084, 4.2085, 4.2086, 4.2087, 4.2088, 4.2089, 4.2090, 4.2091, 4.2092, 4.2093, 4.2094, 4.2095, 4.2096, 4.2097, 4.2098, 4.2099, 4.2100, 4.2101, 4.2102, 4.2103, 4.2104, 4.2105, 4.2106, 4.2107, 4.2108, 4.2109, 4.2110, 4.2111, 4.2112, 4.2113, 4.2114, 4.2115, 4.2116, 4.2117, 4.2118, 4.2119, 4.2120, 4.2121, 4.2122, 4.2123, 4.2124, 4.2125, 4.2126, 4.2127, 4.2128, 4.2129, 4.2130, 4.2131, 4.2132, 4.2133, 4.2134, 4.2135, 4.2136, 4.2137, 4.2138, 4.2139, 4.2140, 4.2141, 4.2142, 4.2143, 4.2144, 7.149, 7.150, 7.151, 7.152, 7.153, 7.154, 7.155, 7.156, 7.157, 7.158, 7.159, 7.160, 7.161, 7.162, 7.163, 7.164, 7.165, 7.166, 7.167, 7.222, 7.223, 7.224, 7.225, 7.226, 7.227, 7.228, 7.229, 7.230, 7.231, 7.232, 7.233, 7.234, 7.235, 7.236, 7.237, 7.238, 7.239, 7.240, 7.241, 7.242, 7.243, 7.244, 7.245, 7.246, 7.247, 7.248, 7.249, 8.64, 8.65, 8.66, 8.67, 8.68, 8.69, 8.70, 8.71, 8.72, 8.73, 8.74, 8.75, 8.76, 8.77, 8.78, 8.79, 8.80, 8.81, 8.82, 8.83, 8.84, 8.85, 8.86, 8.87, 8.88, 8.89, 8.90, 8.91, 8.92, 8.93, 8.94, 8.95, 8.96, 8.97, 8.98, 8.99, 8.100, 8.101, 8.102, 8.103, 8.104, 8.105, 8.106, 8.107, 8.108, 8.109, 8.110, 102.1, 102.2, 102.3, 102.4, 102.5, 102.6, 102.7, 102.8, 102.9, 102.10, 102.11, 102.12, 102.13, 102.14, 102.15, 102.16, 102.17 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmonds (2019), Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World, 352 |
| 80. Arnobius, Against The Gentiles, 1.5 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey (2007), Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions, 119 |
| 81. Plotinus, Enneads, (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Masterson (2016), Man to Man: Desire, Homosociality, and Authority in Late-Roman Manhood. 86 |
| 82. Porphyry, Life of Plotinus, 10 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus, Found in books: Edmonds (2019), Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World, 352 |
83. Babylonian Talmud, Yoma, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Secunda (2020), The Talmud's Red Fence: Menstrual Impurity and Difference in Babylonian Judaism and its Sasanian Context , 164| 11a. כל השערים שהיו שם לא היה להם מזוזה חוץ משער ניקנור שלפנים ממנו לשכת פרהדרין,לימא רבנן היא ולא ר' יהודה דאי ר' יהודה היא גופה גזירה ואנן ניקום ונגזור גזירה לגזירה אפילו תימא ר' יהודה כולה חדא גזירה היא,ת"ר בשעריך אחד שערי בתים ואחד שערי חצירות ואחד שערי מדינות ואחד שערי עיירות יש בהן חובת מצוה למקום משום שנא' (דברים ו, ט) וכתבתם על מזוזות ביתך ובשעריך,א"ל אביי לרב ספרא הני אבולי דמחוזא מ"ט לא עבדו להו רבנן מזוזה אמר ליה הנהו חזוק לאקרא דכובי הוא דעבידי א"ל ואקרא דכובי גופה תבעי מזוזה דהא אית בה דירה לשומר בית האסורין דהא תניא בית הכנסת שיש בו בית דירה לחזן הכנסת חייבת במזוזה,אלא אמר אביי משום סכנה דתניא מזוזת יחיד נבדקת פעמים בשבוע ושל רבים פעמים ביובל,וא"ר יהודה מעשה בארטבין אחד שהיה בודק מזוזות בשוק העליון של צפורי ומצאו קסדור אחד ונטל ממנו אלף זוז והאמר ר' אלעזר שלוחי מצוה אין ניזוקין היכא דקביע היזקא שאני דכתיב (שמואל א טז, ב) ויאמר שמואל איך אלך ושמע שאול והרגני ויאמר ה' עגלת בקר תקח בידך ואמרת לזבוח לה' באתי,תני רב כהנא קמיה דרב יהודה בית התבן ובית הבקר ובית העצים ובית האוצרות פטורים מן המזוזה מפני שהנשים נאותות בהן ומאי נאותות רוחצות א"ל רב יהודה טעמא דרוחצות הא סתמא חייבין והתניא רפת בקר פטורה מן המזוזה,אלא מאי נאותות מתקשטות והכי קתני אע"פ שהנשים מתקשטות בהן פטורין א"ל רב כהנא ושהנשים מתקשטות בהן פטורין והתניא רפת בקר פטורה מן המזוזה ושהנשים מתקשטות בה חייבת במזוזה,אלא מאי אית לך למימר מתקשטות תנאי היא לדידי נמי סתמא תנאי היא דתניא ביתך ביתך המיוחד לך פרט לבית התבן ולבית הבקר ולבית העצים ולבית האוצרות שפטורין מן המזוזה ויש מחייבין,באמת אמרו בית הכסא ובית הבורסקי ובית המרחץ ובית הטבילה ושהנשים נאותות בהן פטורים מן המזוזה רב כהנא מתרץ לטעמיה ורב יהודה מתרץ לטעמיה,רב כהנא מתרץ לטעמיה ביתך ביתך המיוחד לך פרט לבית התבן ולבית הבקר ולבית העצים ולבית האוצרות שפטורים מן המזוזה בסתם ויש שמחייבים בסתם באמת אמרו בית הכסא ובית הבורסקי ובית המרחץ ובית הטבילה ושהנשים נאותות בהן ומאי נאותות רוחצות פטורין מן המזוזה,אי הכי היינו מרחץ אשמעינן מרחץ דרבים ואשמעינן מרחץ דיחיד דס"ד אמינא מרחץ דרבים דנפיש זוהמיה אבל מרחץ דיחיד דלא נפיש זוהמיה אימא ליחייב במזוזה קמ"ל,ורב יהודה מתרץ לטעמיה הכי קתני ביתך ביתך המיוחד לך פרט לבית התבן ובית הבקר ובית העצים ובית האוצרות שפטורין מן המזוזה אפי' מתקשטות ויש מחייבין במתקשטות אבל סתם דברי הכל פטור באמת אמרו בית הכסא ובית הבורסקי ובית המרחץ ובית הטבילה אע"פ שהנשים מתקשטות בהן פטורין מן המזוזה משום דנפיש זוהמיה,ולרב יהודה סתמא דברי הכל פטור והתניא בשעריך אחד שערי בתים ואחד שערי חצירות ואחד שערי מדינות ואחד שערי עיירות ורפת ולולין ומתבן ואוצרות יין ואוצרות שמן חייבין במזוזה יכול שאני מרבה אף | 11a. b All the gates that were there /b on the east side of the Temple courtyard b did not have a i mezuza /i except for the Gate of Nicanor, as /b in the courtyard just b inside /b the gate was b the Chamber of i Parhedrin /i , /b in which there is an obligation to affix a i mezuza /i . Therefore, a i mezuza /i was affixed to the gate as well., b Let us say /b that the i baraita /i is in accordance with the opinion of b the Rabbis and not /b in accordance with the opinion of b Rabbi Yehuda, as, if /b it were in accordance with the opinion of b Rabbi Yehuda, /b a difficulty arises. The principle is that decrees are issued only to prevent violation of a Torah prohibition. The fact that a i mezuza /i was affixed to the i Parhedrin /i chamber b itself /b is due to a rabbinic b decree, and will we /b then b proceed to issue a decree /b to affix a i mezuza /i on the gate before the chamber in order b to /b prevent violation of the existing b decree? /b The Gemara rejects this reasoning: b Even /b if b you say /b that the i baraita /i is in accordance with the opinion of b Rabbi Yehuda, /b it is not difficult, as the b entire /b obligation to affix the i mezuza /i on both the chamber and the gate is the result of b a single decree. /b ,§ Apropos the i mezuza /i in the High Priest’s chamber, the Gemara discusses other i halakhot /i of i mezuza /i . b The Sages taught /b with regard to the verse: “And you will write them upon the doorposts of your houses and b upon your gates” /b (Deuteronomy 6:9): With regard to b the gates of houses, and the gates of courtyards, and the gates of cities, and the gates of towns, all /b of them are b obligated /b in b the mitzva /b of i mezuza /i in that b place, due to /b the fact b that it is stated: “And you will write them upon the doorposts of your houses and upon your gates.” /b , b Abaye said to Rav Safra: /b If there is an obligation to affix a i mezuza /i on city gates, with regard to b those /b city b gates [ i abbulei /i ] of Meḥoza, /b a city with a Jewish majority, b what is the reason /b that b the Sages did not affix a i mezuza /i on them? /b Rav Safra b said to him: Those /b gates are not the city gates. They are b made as reinforcement to the fort [ i akra /i ] of turrets /b above the gate, and therefore no i mezuza /i is required. Abaye b said to him: And shouldn’t the fort of turrets itself require a i mezuza /i , since /b there b is a residence for the prison guard in /b the fort? b As, wasn’t /b a similar case b taught /b in a i baraita /i : b A synagogue in which there is a residence for the synagogue attendant requires a i mezuza /i ? /b Although no one lives in the synagogue itself, since the attendant lives in an adjacent room, the synagogue requires a i mezuza /i ., b Rather, Abaye said: /b The reason that no i mezuza /i was affixed there was b due to /b the b danger /b involved. The gates of a city populated by Jews certainly require a i mezuza /i ; however, since gentiles live there as well, the danger is that the gentiles would suspect the Jews of witchcraft or espionage, b as it was taught /b in a i baraita /i : b The i mezuza /i /b belonging to b an individual is examined twice every seven years /b to determine whether it was stolen or became disqualified. And in order to avoid excessive burden on the community, the i mezuza /i belonging to b the public /b is examined b twice in a /b fifty-year b Jubilee /b period., b And Rabbi Yehuda said: /b There was b an incident /b involving b an examiner [ i artavin /i ], who was examining i mezuzot /i in the upper marketplace of Tzippori /b during a period when decrees were issued against the Jewish people, b and a /b Roman b official [ i kasdor /i ] found him and collected /b a fine of b one thousand i zuz /i from him. /b The Gemara raises a difficulty: b But didn’t Rabbi Elazar say /b that b those on the path to perform a mitzva are not /b susceptible to b harm /b throughout the process of performing the mitzva? The Gemara responds: In a place b where danger is permanent it is different, /b as one should not rely on a miracle, b as it is written /b with regard to God’s command to Samuel to anoint David as king in place of Saul: b “And Samuel said: How will I go, and Saul will hear and kill me; and God said: Take in your hand a calf and say: I have come to offer a sacrifice to God” /b (I Samuel 16:2). Even when God Himself issues the command, there is concern with regard to a clear and present danger.,§ b Rav Kahana taught /b a i baraita /i b before Rav Yehuda: A storehouse for hay, and a cattle barn, and a woodshed, and a storehouse are exempt from /b the obligation of b i mezuza /i , due to /b the fact b that the women make use of them. And what /b is the meaning of the term: b Make use? /b It means that the women b bathe /b in them. Since women bathe there unclothed, it is inappropriate to affix a i mezuza /i there. b Rabbi Yehuda said to him: The reason /b that there is no requirement to affix a i mezuza /i there is due to the fact b that /b women b bathe /b there; one can learn by inference b that standard /b buildings of this kind, where women do not bathe, b are obligated /b in the mitzva of affixing a i mezuza /i there. b But wasn’t it taught /b in a different i baraita /i : b A cattle barn is exempt from /b the obligation of b i mezuza /i , /b unrelated to whether or not women bathe there?, b Rather, /b the term should be understood otherwise. b What /b is the meaning of the term: b Make use? /b It means that the women b adorn /b themselves there, b and this /b is what the i baraita /i b is teaching: Although /b these structures are solid and clean to the extent that b the women adorn themselves in them, they are exempt /b from the obligation of i mezuza /i since they are not residences. b Rav Kahana said to him: /b Are you saying that structures where b the women adorn themselves are exempt /b from the mitzva of i mezuza /i ? b But wasn’t it taught /b in a different i baraita /i : b A cattle stable is exempt from /b the obligation of b i mezuza /i , /b and a barn b in which women adorn themselves is obligated in /b the mitzva of b i mezuza /i ? /b , b Rather, what have you to say, /b that with regard to the requirement of i mezuza /i the status of places where b women adorn themselves is /b subject to a dispute between b i tanna’im /i ? /b Just as there are different opinions in that case, b in my /b opinion, the status of b standard /b cattle barns b is also /b subject to a dispute between b i tanna’im /i , as it was taught /b in a i baraita /i that it is written: Upon the doorposts b of your house, /b meaning b your house /b that is b designated /b as a residence, b to the exclusion of a storehouse for hay, and a cattle barn, and a woodshed, and a storehouse, which are exempt from /b the mitzva of b i mezuza /i , and some obligate /b these structures in the mitzva of i mezuza /i . Apparently, the Rabbis dispute the requirement of affixing a i mezuza /i in a standard stable., b Actually they said: /b There is a legal tradition that b a building /b housing b a bathroom, and a building /b housing b a tannery [ i burseki /i ], and a bathhouse, and a building /b housing a ritual bath for b immersion, /b and any places of b which women make use are exempt from /b the obligation of b i mezuza /i . /b This i baraita /i is inconsistent with the opinions of both Rav Kahana and Rav Yehuda. Therefore, b Rav Kahana interprets /b the i baraita /i b according to his /b line of b reasoning, and Rav Yehuda interprets /b it b according to his /b line of b reasoning. /b , b Rav Kahana interprets /b it b according to his /b line of b reasoning: Your house /b means b your house that is designated /b for b your /b residence, b to the exclusion of a storehouse for hay, and a cattle barn, and a woodshed, and a storehouse, which are exempt from /b the mitzva of b i mezuza /i in /b a case where their use is b standard /b and they are not used for bathing or other immodest acts. b And some obligate /b these structures in the mitzva of i mezuza /i b in /b a case where their use is b standard. In truth they said /b the following with regard to b a bathroom, and a tannery, and a bathhouse, and a /b ritual bath for b immersion, /b and any places of b which women make use; and what /b is the meaning of the term: b Make use? /b It is that women b bathe /b there. These places b are exempt from /b the obligation of b i mezuza /i . /b ,The Gemara challenges this interpretation: b If so, /b that make use in this context means bathe, b this is /b identical to the b bathhouse. /b Why would the i baraita /i need to list both a bathhouse and a place where women bathe? The Gemara answers: The i baraita /i b teaches us /b the i halakha /i with regard to b the bathhouse of the public, and it teaches us /b the i halakha /i with regard to b the bathhouse of an individual. As it could enter your mind to say: A bathhouse of the public, whose filth is extensive, /b is exempt from i mezuza /i ; b however, the bathhouse of an individual, whose filth is not extensive, /b as only women of that house bathe there, b I /b would b say it is obligated in /b the mitzva of affixing a b i mezuza /i /b . Therefore, the i baraita /i b teaches us /b that the bathhouse of an individual is also exempt., b And Rav Yehuda interprets /b the i baraita /i b according to his /b line of b reasoning, and this /b is what it b is teaching: Your house /b means b your house that is designated /b for b your /b residence, b to the exclusion of a storehouse for hay, and a cattle barn, and a woodshed, and a storehouse, which are exempt from /b the mitzva of b i mezuza /i even /b in a case where women b adorn themselves there. And some obligate /b these structures in the mitzva of i mezuza /i b in /b a case where b women adorn themselves /b there. b However, in /b a case where use of the building is b standard, /b everyone b agrees /b that these structures b are exempt from /b the mitzva of i mezuza /i . b In truth they said /b that b a bathroom, and a tannery, and a bathhouse, and a /b ritual bath for b immersion, even though women adorn themselves /b there, b are exempt from /b the obligation of b i mezuza /i , because its filth is extensive. /b ,The Gemara asks: b And according to Rav Yehuda, /b in cases where use of the building is b standard, /b does b everyone agree /b that a storehouse b is exempt from /b the mitzva of i mezuza /i ? b But wasn’t it taught /b in a i baraita /i that it is written with regard to the mitzva to affix a i mezuza /i : b And upon your gates, /b meaning that with regard to b the gates of houses, and the gates of courtyards, and the gates of cities, and the gates of towns, and a barn, and chicken coops, and a hay storehouse, and wine storehouses, and oil storehouses, all /b of them are b obligated /b in the mitzva of i mezuza /i ? I b might /b have thought b that I include /b in the obligation of i mezuza /i b even /b |
|
| 84. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 7.15.13-7.15.17 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 13, 148, 149 |
| 85. Julian (Emperor), Letters, 49 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 24 |
| 86. Prudentius, Contra Symmachum, 2.429, 2.640-2.641, 2.716, 2.738-2.749, 2.815 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 11, 43, 62, 152 |
| 87. Symmachus, Relationes, 1.5, 3.7, 3.9-3.10, 3.15, 3.18 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: O'Daly (2020), Augustine's City of God: A Reader's Guide (2nd edn), 11, 12, 13, 14; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 11, 43, 95, 148, 152 |
| 88. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.24, 2.6.1, 7.2.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 20; Pollmann and Vessey (2007), Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions, 119; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 11 |
| 89. Paulinus of Nola, Carmina, 25.9-25.10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 113 |
| 90. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.24, 2.6.1, 7.2.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 20; Pollmann and Vessey (2007), Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions, 119; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 11 |
91. Augustine, The City of God, 1.24, 3.7-3.8, 3.20, 3.31, 4.7, 5.22-5.26, 16.43, 18.27-18.36, 18.52, 20.23 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 11, 13, 43, 61, 68, 78, 81, 82, 149, 152 | 1.24. Our opponents are offended at our preferring to Cato the saintly Job, who endured dreadful evils in his body rather than deliver himself from all torment by self-inflicted death; or other saints, of whom it is recorded in our authoritative and trustworthy books that they bore captivity and the oppression of their enemies rather than commit suicide. But their own books authorize us to prefer to Marcus Cato, Marcus Regulus. For Cato had never conquered C sar; and when conquered by him, disdained to submit himself to him, and that he might escape this submission put himself to death. Regulus, on the contrary, had formerly conquered the Carthaginians, and in command of the army of Rome had won for the Roman republic a victory which no citizen could bewail, and which the enemy himself was constrained to admire; yet afterwards, when he in his turn was defeated by them, he preferred to be their captive rather than to put himself beyond their reach by suicide. Patient under the domination of the Carthaginians, and constant in his love of the Romans, he neither deprived the one of his conquered body, nor the other of his unconquered spirit. Neither was it love of life that prevented him from killing himself. This was plainly enough indicated by his unhesitatingly returning, on account of his promise and oath, to the same enemies whom he had more grievously provoked by his words in the senate than even by his arms in battle. Having such a contempt of life, and preferring to end it by whatever torments excited enemies might contrive, rather than terminate it by his own hand, he could not more distinctly have declared how great a crime he judged suicide to be. Among all their famous and remarkable citizens, the Romans have no better man to boast of than this, who was neither corrupted by prosperity, for he remained a very poor man after winning such victories; nor broken by adversity, for he returned intrepidly to the most miserable end. But if the bravest and most renowned heroes, who had but an earthly country to defend, and who, though they had but false gods, yet rendered them a true worship, and carefully kept their oath to them; if these men, who by the custom and right of war put conquered enemies to the sword, yet shrank from putting an end to their own lives even when conquered by their enemies; if, though they had no fear at all of death, they would yet rather suffer slavery than commit suicide, how much rather must Christians, the worshippers of the true God, the aspirants to a heavenly citizenship, shrink from this act, if in God's providence they have been for a season delivered into the hands of their enemies to prove or to correct them! And certainly, Christians subjected to this humiliating condition will not be deserted by the Most High, who for their sakes humbled Himself. Neither should they forget that they are bound by no laws of war, nor military orders, to put even a conquered enemy to the sword; and if a man may not put to death the enemy who has sinned, or may yet sin against him, who is so infatuated as to maintain that he may kill himself because an enemy has sinned, or is going to sin, against him? 3.7. And surely we may ask what wrong poor Ilium had done, that, in the first heat of the civil wars of Rome, it should suffer at the hand of Fimbria, the veriest villain among Marius' partisans, a more fierce and cruel destruction than the Grecian sack. For when the Greeks took it many escaped, and many who did not escape were suffered to live, though in captivity. But Fimbria from the first gave orders that not a life should be spared, and burnt up together the city and all its inhabitants. Thus was Ilium requited, not by the Greeks, whom she had provoked by wrong-doing; but by the Romans, who had been built out of her ruins; while the gods, adored alike of both sides, did simply nothing, or, to speak more correctly, could do nothing. Is it then true, that at this time also, after Troy had repaired the damage done by the Grecian fire, all the gods by whose help the kingdom stood, forsook each fane, each sacred shrine? But if so, I ask the reason; for in my judgment, the conduct of the gods was as much to be reprobated as that of the townsmen to be applauded. For these closed their gates against Fimbria, that they might preserve the city for Sylla, and were therefore burnt and consumed by the enraged general. Now, up to this time, Sylla's cause was the more worthy of the two; for till now he used arms to restore the republic, and as yet his good intentions had met with no reverses. What better thing, then, could the Trojans have done? What more honorable, what more faithful to Rome, or more worthy of her relationship, than to preserve their city for the better part of the Romans, and to shut their gates against a parricide of his country? It is for the defenders of the gods to consider the ruin which this conduct brought on Troy. The gods deserted an adulterous people, and abandoned Troy to the fires of the Greeks, that out of her ashes a chaster Rome might arise. But why did they a second time abandon this same town, allied now to Rome, and not making war upon her noble daughter, but preserving a most steadfast and pious fidelity to Rome's most justifiable faction? Why did they give her up to be destroyed, not by the Greek heroes, but by the basest of the Romans? Or, if the gods did not favor Sylla's cause, for which the unhappy Trojans maintained their city, why did they themselves predict and promise Sylla such successes? Must we call them flatterers of the fortunate, rather than helpers of the wretched? Troy was not destroyed, then, because the gods deserted it. For the demons, always watchful to deceive, did what they could. For, when all the statues were overthrown and burnt together with the town, Livy tells us that only the image of Minerva is said to have been found standing uninjured amidst the ruins of her temple; not that it might be said in their praise, The gods who made this realm divine, but that it might not be said in their defense, They are gone from each fane, each sacred shrine: for that marvel was permitted to them, not that they might be proved to be powerful, but that they might be convicted of being present. 3.8. Where, then, was the wisdom of entrusting Rome to the Trojan gods, who had demonstrated their weakness in the loss of Troy? Will some one say that, when Fimbria stormed Troy, the gods were already resident in Rome? How, then, did the image of Minerva remain standing? Besides, if they were at Rome when Fimbria destroyed Troy, perhaps they were at Troy when Rome itself was taken and set on fire by the Gauls. But as they are very acute in hearing, and very swift in their movements, they came quickly at the cackling of the goose to defend at least the Capitol, though to defend the rest of the city they were too long in being warned. 3.20. But among all the disasters of the second Punic war, there occurred none more lamentable, or calculated to excite deeper complaint, than the fate of the Saguntines. This city of Spain, eminently friendly to Rome, was destroyed by its fidelity to the Roman people. For when Hannibal had broken treaty with the Romans, he sought occasion for provoking them to war, and accordingly made a fierce assault upon Saguntum. When this was reported at Rome, ambassadors were sent to Hannibal, urging him to raise the siege; and when this remonstrance was neglected, they proceeded to Carthage, lodged complaint against the breaking of the treaty, and returned to Rome without accomplishing their object. Meanwhile the siege went on; and in the eighth or ninth month, this opulent but ill-fated city, dear as it was to its own state and to Rome, was taken, and subjected to treatment which one cannot read, much less narrate, without horror. And yet, because it bears directly on the matter in hand, I will briefly touch upon it. First, then, famine wasted the Saguntines, so that even human corpses were eaten by some: so at least it is recorded. Subsequently, when thoroughly worn out, that they might at least escape the ignominy of falling into the hands of Hannibal, they publicly erected a huge funeral pile, and cast themselves into its flames, while at the same time they slew their children and themselves with the sword. Could these gods, these debauchees and gourmands, whose mouths water for fat sacrifices, and whose lips utter lying divinations, - could they not do anything in a case like this? Could they not interfere for the preservation of a city closely allied to the Roman people, or prevent it perishing for its fidelity to that alliance of which they themselves had been the mediators? Saguntum, faithfully keeping the treaty it had entered into before these gods, and to which it had firmly bound itself by an oath, was besieged, taken, and destroyed by a perjured person. If afterwards, when Hannibal was close to the walls of Rome, it was the gods who terrified him with lightning and tempest, and drove him to a distance, why, I ask, did they not thus interfere before? For I make bold to say, that this demonstration with the tempest would have been more honorably made in defense of the allies of Rome - who were in danger on account of their reluctance to break faith with the Romans, and had no resources of their own - than in defense of the Romans themselves, who were fighting in their own cause, and had abundant resources to oppose Hannibal. If, then, they had been the guardians of Roman prosperity and glory, they would have preserved that glory from the stain of this Saguntine disaster; and how silly it is to believe that Rome was preserved from destruction at the hands of Hannibal by the guardian care of those gods who were unable to rescue the city of Saguntum from perishing through its fidelity to the alliance of Rome. If the population of Saguntum had been Christian, and had suffered as it did for the Christian faith (though, of course, Christians would not have used fire and sword against their own persons), they would have suffered with that hope which springs from faith in Christ - the hope not of a brief temporal reward, but of unending and eternal bliss. What, then, will the advocates and apologists of these gods say in their defense, when charged with the blood of these Saguntines; for they are professedly worshipped and invoked for this very purpose of securing prosperity in this fleeting and transitory life? Can anything be said but what was alleged in the case of Regulus' death? For though there is a difference between the two cases, the one being an individual, the other a whole community, yet the cause of destruction was in both cases the keeping of their plighted troth. For it was this which made Regulus willing to return to his enemies, and this which made the Saguntines unwilling to revolt to their enemies. Does, then, the keeping of faith provoke the gods to anger? Or is it possible that not only individuals, but even entire communities, perish while the gods are propitious to them? Let our adversaries choose which alternative they will. If, on the one hand, those gods are enraged at the keeping of faith, let them enlist perjured persons as their worshippers. If, on the other hand, men and states can suffer great and terrible calamities, and at last perish while favored by the gods, then does their worship not produce happiness as its fruit. Let those, therefore, who suppose that they have fallen into distress because their religious worship has been abolished, lay aside their anger; for it were quite possible that did the gods not only remain with them, but regard them with favor, they might yet be left to mourn an unhappy lot, or might, even like Regulus and the Saguntines, be horribly tormented, and at last perish miserably. 3.31. Let those who have no gratitude to Christ for His great benefits, blame their own gods for these heavy disasters. For certainly when these occurred the altars of the gods were kept blazing, and there rose the mingled fragrance of Sab an incense and fresh garlands; the priests were clothed with honor, the shrines were maintained in splendor; sacrifices, games, sacred ecstasies, were common in the temples; while the blood of the citizens was being so freely shed, not only in remote places, but among the very altars of the gods. Cicero did not choose to seek sanctuary in a temple, because Mucius had sought it there in vain. But they who most unpardonably calumniate this Christian era, are the very men who either themselves fled for asylum to the places specially dedicated to Christ, or were led there by the barbarians that they might be safe. In short, not to recapitulate the many instances I have cited, and not to add to their number others which it were tedious to enumerate, this one thing I am persuaded of, and this every impartial judgment will readily acknowledge, that if the human race had received Christianity before the Punic wars, and if the same desolating calamities which these wars brought upon Europe and Africa had followed the introduction of Christianity, there is no one of those who now accuse us who would not have attributed them to our religion. How intolerable would their accusations have been, at least so far as the Romans are concerned, if the Christian religion had been received and diffused prior to the invasion of the Gauls, or to the ruinous floods and fires which desolated Rome, or to those most calamitous of all events, the civil wars! And those other disasters, which were of so strange a nature that they were reckoned prodigies, had they happened since the Christian era, to whom but to the Christians would they have imputed these as crimes? I do not speak of those things which were rather surprising than hurtful - oxen speaking, unborn infants articulating some words in their mothers' wombs, serpents flying, hens and women being changed into the other sex; and other similar prodigies which, whether true or false, are recorded not in their imaginative, but in their historical works, and which do not injure, but only astonish men. But when it rained earth, when it rained chalk, when it rained stones - not hailstones, but real stones - this certainly was calculated to do serious damage. We have read in their books that the fires of Etna, pouring down from the top of the mountain to the neighboring shore, caused the sea to boil, so that rocks were burnt up, and the pitch of ships began to run - a phenomenon incredibly surprising, but at the same time no less hurtful. By the same violent heat, they relate that on another occasion Sicily was filled with cinders, so that the houses of the city Catina were destroyed and buried under them - a calamity which moved the Romans to pity them, and remit their tribute for that year. One may also read that Africa, which had by that time become a province of Rome, was visited by a prodigious multitude of locusts, which, after consuming the fruit and foliage of the trees, were driven into the sea in one vast and measureless cloud; so that when they were drowned and cast upon the shore the air was polluted, and so serious a pestilence produced that in the kingdom of Masinissa alone they say there perished 800,000 persons, besides a much greater number in the neighboring districts. At Utica they assure us that, of 30,000 soldiers then garrisoning it, there survived only ten. Yet which of these disasters, suppose they happened now, would not be attributed to the Christian religion by those who thus thoughtlessly accuse us, and whom we are compelled to answer? And yet to their own gods they attribute none of these things, though they worship them for the sake of escaping lesser calamities of the same kind, and do not reflect that they who formerly worshipped them were not preserved from these serious disasters. 4.7. If this kingdom was so great and lasting without the aid of the gods, why is the ample territory and long duration of the Roman empire to be ascribed to the Roman gods? For whatever is the cause in it, the same is in the other also. But if they contend that the prosperity of the other also is to be attributed to the aid of the gods, I ask of which? For the other nations whom Ninus overcame, did not then worship other gods. Or if the Assyrians had gods of their own, who, so to speak, were more skillful workmen in the construction and preservation of the empire, whether are they dead, since they themselves have also lost the empire; or, having been defrauded of their pay, or promised a greater, have they chosen rather to go over to the Medes, and from them again to the Persians, because Cyrus invited them, and promised them something still more advantageous? This nation, indeed, since the time of the kingdom of Alexander the Macedonian, which was as brief in duration as it was great in extent, has preserved its own empire, and at this day occupies no small territories in the East. If this is so, then either the gods are unfaithful, who desert their own and go over to their enemies, which Camillus, who was but a man, did not do, when, being victor and subduer of a most hostile state, although he had felt that Rome, for whom he had done so much, was ungrateful, yet afterwards, forgetting the injury and remembering his native land, he freed her again from the Gauls; or they are not so strong as gods ought to be, since they can be overcome by human skill or strength. Or if, when they carry on war among themselves, the gods are not overcome by men, but some gods who are peculiar to certain cities are perchance overcome by other gods, it follows that they have quarrels among themselves which they uphold, each for his own part. Therefore a city ought not to worship its own gods, but rather others who aid their own worshippers. Finally, whatever may have been the case as to this change of sides, or flight, or migration, or failure in battle on the part of the gods, the name of Christ had not yet been proclaimed in those parts of the earth when these kingdoms were lost and transferred through great destructions in war. For if, after more than twelve hundred years, when the kingdom was taken away from the Assyrians, the Christian religion had there already preached another eternal kingdom, and put a stop to the sacrilegious worship of false gods, what else would the foolish men of that nation have said, but that the kingdom which had been so long preserved, could be lost for no other cause than the desertion of their own religions and the reception of Christianity? In which foolish speech that might have been uttered, let those we speak of observe their own likeness, and blush, if there is any sense of shame in them, because they have uttered similar complaints; although the Roman empire is afflicted rather than changed - a thing which has befallen it in other times also, before the name of Christ was heard, and it has been restored after such affliction - a thing which even in these times is not to be despaired of. For who knows the will of God concerning this matter? 5.22. Thus also the durations of wars are determined by Him as He may see meet, according to His righteous will, and pleasure, and mercy, to afflict or to console the human race, so that they are sometimes of longer, sometimes of shorter duration. The war of the Pirates and the third Punic war were terminated with incredible celerity. Also the war of the fugitive gladiators, though in it many Roman generals and the consuls were defeated, and Italy was terribly wasted and ravaged, was nevertheless ended in the third year, having itself been, during its continuance, the end of much. The Picentes, the Marsi, and the Peligni, not distant but Italian nations, after a long and most loyal servitude under the Roman yoke, attempted to raise their heads into liberty, though many nations had now been subjected to the Roman power, and Carthage had been overthrown. In this Italian war the Romans were very often defeated, and two consuls perished, besides other noble senators; nevertheless this calamity was not protracted over a long space of time, for the fifth year put an end to it. But the second Punic war, lasting for the space of eighteen years, and occasioning the greatest disasters and calamities to the republic, wore out and nearly consumed the strength of the Romans; for in two battles about seventy thousand Romans fell. The first Punic war was terminated after having been waged for three-and-twenty years. The Mithridatic war was waged for forty years. And that no one may think that in the early and much belauded times of the Romans they were far braver and more able to bring wars to a speedy termination, the Samnite war was protracted for nearly fifty years; and in this war the Romans were so beaten that they were even put under the yoke. But because they did not love glory for the sake of justice, but seemed rather to have loved justice for the sake of glory, they broke the peace and the treaty which had been concluded. These things I mention, because many, ignorant of past things, and some also dissimulating what they know, if in Christian times they see any war protracted a little longer than they expected, straightway make a fierce and insolent attack on our religion, exclaiming that, but for it, the deities would have been supplicated still, according to ancient rites; and then, by that bravery of the Romans, which, with the help of Mars and Bellona, speedily brought to an end such great wars, this war also would be speedily terminated. Let them, therefore, who have read history recollect what long-continued wars, having various issues and entailing woeful slaughter, were waged by the ancient Romans, in accordance with the general truth that the earth, like the tempestuous deep, is subject to agitations from tempests - tempests of such evils, in various degrees - and let them sometimes confess what they do not like to own, and not, by madly speaking against God, destroy themselves and deceive the ignorant. 5.23. Nevertheless they do not mention with thanksgiving what God has very recently, and within our own memory, wonderfully and mercifully done, but as far as in them lies they attempt, if possible, to bury it in universal oblivion. But should we be silent about these things, we should be in like manner ungrateful. When Radagaisus, king of the Goths, having taken up his position very near to the city, with a vast and savage army, was already close upon the Romans, he was in one day so speedily and so thoroughly beaten, that, while not even one Roman was wounded, much less slain, far more than a hundred thousand of his army were prostrated, and he himself and his sons, having been captured, were immediately put to death, suffering the punishment they deserved. For had so impious a man, with so great and so impious a host, entered the city, whom would he have spared? What tombs of the martyrs would he have respected? In his treatment of what person would he have manifested the fear of God? Whose blood would he have refrained from shedding? Whose chastity would he have wished to preserve inviolate? But how loud would they not have been in the praises of their gods! How insultingly they would have boasted, saying that Radagaisus had conquered, that he had been able to achieve such great things, because he propitiated and won over the gods by daily sacrifices - a thing which the Christian religion did not allow the Romans to do! For when he was approaching to those places where he was overwhelmed at the nod of the Supreme Majesty, as his fame was everywhere increasing, it was being told us at Carthage that the pagans were believing, publishing, and boasting, that he, on account of the help and protection of the gods friendly to him, because of the sacrifices which he was said to be daily offering to them, would certainly not be conquered by those who were not performing such sacrifices to the Roman gods, and did not even permit that they should be offered by any one. And now these wretched men do not give thanks to God for his great mercy, who, having determined to chastise the corruption of men, which was worthy of far heavier chastisement than the corruption of the barbarians, tempered His indignation with such mildness as, in the first instance, to cause that the king of the Goths should be conquered in a wonderful manner, lest glory should accrue to demons, whom he was known to be supplicating, and thus the minds of the weak should be overthrown; and then, afterwards, to cause that, when Rome was to be taken, it should be taken by those barbarians who, contrary to any custom of all former wars, protected, through reverence for the Christian religion, those who fled for refuge to the sacred places, and who so opposed the demons themselves, and the rites of impious sacrifices, that they seemed to be carrying on a far more terrible war with them than with men. Thus did the true Lord and Governor of things both scourge the Romans mercifully, and, by the marvellous defeat of the worshippers of demons, show that those sacrifices were not necessary even for the safety of present things; so that, by those who do not obstinately hold out, but prudently consider the matter, true religion may not be deserted on account of the urgencies of the present time, but may be more clung to in most confident expectation of eternal life. 5.24. For neither do we say that certain Christian emperors were therefore happy because they ruled a long time, or, dying a peaceful death, left their sons to succeed them in the empire, or subdued the enemies of the republic, or were able both to guard against and to suppress the attempt of hostile citizens rising against them. These and other gifts or comforts of this sorrowful life even certain worshippers of demons have merited to receive, who do not belong to the kingdom of God to which these belong; and this is to be traced to the mercy of God, who would not have those who believe in Him desire such things as the highest good. But we say that they are happy if they rule justly; if they are not lifted up amid the praises of those who pay them sublime honors, and the obsequiousness of those who salute them with an excessive humility, but remember that they are men; if they make their power the handmaid of His majesty by using it for the greatest possible extension of His worship; if they fear, love, worship God; if more than their own they love that kingdom in which they are not afraid to have partners; if they are slow to punish, ready to pardon; if they apply that punishment as necessary to government and defense of the republic, and not in order to gratify their own enmity; if they grant pardon, not that iniquity may go unpunished, but with the hope that the transgressor may amend his ways; if they compensate with the lenity of mercy and the liberality of benevolence for whatever severity they may be compelled to decree; if their luxury is as much restrained as it might have been unrestrained; if they prefer to govern depraved desires rather than any nation whatever; and if they do all these things, not through ardent desire of empty glory, but through love of eternal felicity, not neglecting to offer to the true God, who is their God, for their sins, the sacrifices of humility, contrition, and prayer. Such Christian emperors, we say, are happy in the present time by hope, and are destined to be so in the enjoyment of the reality itself, when that which we wait for shall have arrived. 5.25. For the good God, lest men, who believe that He is to be worshipped with a view to eternal life, should think that no one could attain to all this high estate, and to this terrestrial dominion, unless he should be a worshipper of the demons - supposing that these spirits have great power with respect to such things - for this reason He gave to the Emperor Constantine, who was not a worshipper of demons, but of the true God Himself, such fullness of earthly gifts as no one would even dare wish for. To him also He granted the honor of founding a city, a companion to the Roman empire, the daughter, as it were, of Rome itself, but without any temple or image of the demons. He reigned for a long period as sole emperor, and unaided held and defended the whole Roman world. In conducting and carrying on wars he was most victorious; in overthrowing tyrants he was most successful. He died at a great age, of sickness and old age, and left his sons to succeed him in the empire. But again, lest any emperor should become a Christian in order to merit the happiness of Constantine, when every one should be a Christian for the sake of eternal life, God took away Jovian far sooner than Julian, and permitted that Gratian should be slain by the sword of a tyrant. But in his case there was far more mitigation of the calamity than in the case of the great Pompey, for he could not be avenged by Cato, whom he had left, as it were, heir to the civil war. But Gratian, though pious minds require not such consolations, was avenged by Theodosius, whom he had associated with himself in the empire, though he had a little brother of his own, being more desirous of a faithful alliance than of extensive power. 5.26. And on this account, Theodosius not only preserved during the lifetime of Gratian that fidelity which was due to him, but also, after his death, he, like a true Christian, took his little brother Valentinian under his protection, as joint emperor, after he had been expelled by Maximus, the murderer of his father. He guarded him with paternal affection, though he might without any difficulty have got rid of him, being entirely destitute of all resources, had he been animated with the desire of extensive empire, and not with the ambition of being a benefactor. It was therefore a far greater pleasure to him, when he had adopted the boy, and preserved to him his imperial dignity, to console him by his very humanity and kindness. Afterwards, when that success was rendering Maximus terrible, Theodosius, in the midst of his perplexing anxieties, was not drawn away to follow the suggestions of a sacrilegious and unlawful curiosity, but sent to John, whose abode was in the desert of Egypt - for he had learned that this servant of God (whose fame was spreading abroad) was endowed with the gift of prophecy - and from him he received assurance of victory. Immediately the slayer of the tyrant Maximus, with the deepest feelings of compassion and respect, restored the boy Valentinianus to his share in the empire from which he had been driven. Valentinianus being soon after slain by secret assassination, or by some other plot or accident, Theodosius, having again received a response from the prophet, and placing entire confidence in it, marched against the tyrant Eugenius, who had been unlawfully elected to succeed that emperor, and defeated his very powerful army, more by prayer than by the sword. Some soldiers who were at the battle reported to me that all the missiles they were throwing were snatched from their hands by a vehement wind, which blew from the direction of Theodosius' army upon the enemy; nor did it only drive with greater velocity the darts which were hurled against them, but also turned back upon their own bodies the darts which they themselves were throwing. And therefore the poet Claudian, although an alien from the name of Christ, nevertheless says in his praises of him, O prince, too much beloved by God, for you Æolus pours armed tempests from their caves; for you the air fights, and the winds with one accord obey your bugles. But the victor, as he had believed and predicted, overthrew the statues of Jupiter, which had been, as it were, consecrated by I know not what kind of rites against him, and set up in the Alps. And the thunderbolts of these statues, which were made of gold, he mirthfully and graciously presented to his couriers who (as the joy of the occasion permitted) were jocularly saying that they would be most happy to be struck by such thunderbolts. The sons of his own enemies, whose fathers had been slain not so much by his orders as by the vehemence of war, having fled for refuge to a church, though they were not yet Christians, he was anxious, taking advantage of the occasion, to bring over to Christianity, and treated them with Christian love. Nor did he deprive them of their property, but, besides allowing them to retain it, bestowed on them additional honors. He did not permit private animosities to affect the treatment of any man after the war. He was not like Cinna, and Marius, and Sylla, and other such men, who wished not to finish civil wars even when they were finished, but rather grieved that they had arisen at all, than wished that when they were finished they should harm any one. Amid all these events, from the very commencement of his reign, he did not cease to help the troubled church against the impious by most just and merciful laws, which the heretical Valens, favoring the Arians, had vehemently afflicted. Indeed, he rejoiced more to be a member of this church than he did to be a king upon the earth. The idols of the Gentiles he everywhere ordered to be overthrown, understanding well that not even terrestrial gifts are placed in the power of demons, but in that of the true God. And what could be more admirable than his religious humility, when, compelled by the urgency of certain of his intimates, he avenged the grievous crime of the Thessalonians, which at the prayer of the bishops he had promised to pardon, and, being laid hold of by the discipline of the church, did pece in such a way that the sight of his imperial loftiness prostrated made the people who were interceding for him weep more than the consciousness of offense had made them fear it when enraged? These and other similar good works, which it would be long to tell, he carried with him from this world of time, where the greatest human nobility and loftiness are but vapor. of these works the reward is eternal happiness, of which God is the giver, though only to those who are sincerely pious. But all other blessings and privileges of this life, as the world itself, light, air, earth, water, fruits, and the soul of man himself, his body, senses, mind, life, He lavishes on good and bad alike. And among these blessings is also to be reckoned the possession of an empire, whose extent He regulates according to the requirements of His providential government at various times. Whence, I see, we must now answer those who, being confuted and convicted by the most manifest proofs, by which it is shown that for obtaining these terrestrial things, which are all the foolish desire to have, that multitude of false gods is of no use, attempt to assert that the gods are to be worshipped with a view to the interest, not of the present life, but of that which is to come after death. For as to those who, for the sake of the friendship of this world, are willing to worship vanities, and do not grieve that they are left to their puerile understandings, I think they have been sufficiently answered in these five books; of which books, when I had published the first three, and they had begun to come into the hands of many, I heard that certain persons were preparing against them an answer of some kind or other in writing. Then it was told me that they had already written their answer, but were waiting a time when they could publish it without danger. Such persons I would advise not to desire what cannot be of any advantage to them; for it is very easy for a man to seem to himself to have answered arguments, when he has only been unwilling to be silent. For what is more loquacious than vanity? And though it be able, if it like, to shout more loudly than the truth, it is not, for all that, more powerful than the truth. But let men consider diligently all the things that we have said, and if, perchance, judging without party spirit, they shall clearly perceive that they are such things as may rather be shaken than torn up by their most impudent garrulity, and, as it were, satirical and mimic levity, let them restrain their absurdities, and let them choose rather to be corrected by the wise than to be lauded by the foolish. For if they are waiting an opportunity, not for liberty to speak the truth, but for license to revile, may not that befall them which Tully says concerning some one, Oh, wretched man! Who was at liberty to sin? Wherefore, whoever he be who deems himself happy because of license to revile, he would be far happier if that were not allowed him at all; for he might all the while, laying aside empty boast, be contradicting those to whose views he is opposed by way of free consultation with them, and be listening, as it becomes him, honorably, gravely, candidly, to all that can be adduced by those whom he consults by friendly disputation. 16.43. Jacob being dead, and Joseph also, during the remaining 144 years until they went out of the land of Egypt, that nation increased to an incredible degree, even although wasted by so great persecutions, that at one time the male children were murdered at their birth, because the wondering Egyptians were terrified at the too great increase of that people. Then Moses, being stealthily kept from the murderers of the infants, was brought to the royal house, God preparing to do great things by him, and was nursed and adopted by the daughter of Pharaoh (that was the name of all the kings of Egypt), and became so great a man that he - yea, rather God, who had promised this to Abraham, by him - drew that nation, so wonderfully multiplied, out of the yoke of hardest and most grievous servitude it had borne there. At first, indeed, he fled thence (we are told he fled into the land of Midian), because, in defending an Israelite, he had slain an Egyptian, and was afraid. Afterward, being divinely commissioned in the power of the Spirit of God, he overcame the magi of Pharaoh who resisted him. Then, when the Egyptians would not let God's people go, ten memorable plagues were brought by Him upon them - the water turned into blood, the frogs and lice, the flies, the death of the cattle, the boils, the hail, the locusts, the darkness, the death of the first-born. At last the Egyptians were destroyed in the Red Sea while pursuing the Israelites, whom they had let go when at length they were broken by so many great plagues. The divided sea made a way for the Israelites who were departing, but, returning on itself, it overwhelmed their pursuers with its waves. Then for forty years the people of God went through the desert, under the leadership of Moses, when the tabernacle of testimony was dedicated, in which God was worshipped by sacrifices prophetic of things to come, and that was after the law had been very terribly given in the mount, for its divinity was most plainly attested by wonderful signs and voices. This took place soon after the exodus from Egypt, when the people had entered the desert, on the fiftieth day after the passover was celebrated by the offering up of a lamb, which is so completely a type of Christ, foretelling that through His sacrificial passion He should go from this world to the Father (for pascha in, the Hebrew tongue means transit), that when the new covet was revealed, after Christ our passover was offered up, the Holy Spirit came from heaven on the fiftieth day; and He is called in the gospel the Finger of God, because He recalls to our remembrance the things done before by way of types, and because the tables of that law are said to have been written by the finger of God. On the death of Moses, Joshua the Son of Nun ruled the people, and led them into the land of promise, and divided it among them. By these two wonderful leaders wars were also carried on most prosperously and wonderfully, God calling to witness that they had got these victories not so much on account of the merit of the Hebrew people as on account of the sins of the nations they subdued. After these leaders there were judges, when the people were settled in the land of promise, so that, in the meantime, the first promise made to Abraham began to be fulfilled about the one nation, that is, the Hebrew, and about the land of Canaan; but not as yet the promise about all nations, and the whole wide world, for that was to be fulfilled, not by the observances of the old law, but by the advent of Christ in the flesh, and by the faith of the gospel. And it was to prefigure this that it was not Moses, who received the law for the people on Mount Sinai, that led the people into the land of promise, but Joshua, whose name also was changed at God's command, so that he was called Jesus. But in the times of the judges prosperity alternated with adversity in war, according as the sins of the people and the mercy of God were displayed. We come next to the times of the kings. The first who reigned was Saul; and when he was rejected and laid low in battle, and his offspring rejected so that no kings should arise out of it, David succeeded to the kingdom, whose son Christ is chiefly called. He was made a kind of starting-point and beginning of the advanced youth of God's people, who had passed a kind of age of puberty from Abraham to this David. And it is not in vain that the evangelist Matthew records the generations in such a way as to sum up this first period from Abraham to David in fourteen generations. For from the age of puberty man begins to be capable of generation; therefore he starts the list of generations from Abraham, who also was made the father of many nations when he got his name changed. So that previously this family of God's people was in its childhood, from Noah to Abraham; and for that reason the first language was then learned, that is, the Hebrew. For man begins to speak in childhood, the age succeeding infancy, which is so termed because then he cannot speak. And that first age is quite drowned in oblivion, just as the first age of the human race was blotted out by the flood; for who is there that can remember his infancy? Wherefore in this progress of the city of God, as the previous book contained that first age, so this one ought to contain the second and third ages, in which third age, as was shown by the heifer of three years old, the she-goat of three years old, and the ram of three years old, the yoke of the law was imposed, and there appeared abundance of sins, and the beginning of the earthly kingdom arose, in which there were not lacking spiritual men, of whom the turtledove and pigeon represented the mystery. 18.27. In order that we may be able to consider these times, let us go back a little to earlier times. At the beginning of the book of the prophet Hosea, who is placed first of twelve, it is written, The word of the Lord which came to Hosea in the days of Uzziah, Jothan, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, kings of Judah. Hosea 1:1 Amos also writes that he prophesied in the days of Uzziah, and adds the name of Jeroboam king of Israel, who lived at the same time. Amos 1:1 Isaiah the son of Amos - either the above-named prophet, or, as is rather affirmed, another who was not a prophet, but was called by the same name - also puts at the head of his book these four kings named by Hosea, saying by way of preface that he prophesied in their days. Micah also names the same times as those of his prophecy, after the days of Uzziah; Micah 1:1 for he names the same three kings as Hosea named - Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah. We find from their own writings that these men prophesied contemporaneously. To these are added Jonah in the reign of Uzziah, and Joel in that of Jotham, who succeeded Uzziah. But we can find the date of these two prophets in the chronicles, not in their own writings, for they say nothing about it themselves. Now these days extend from Procas king of the Latins, or his predecessor Aventinus, down to Romulus king of the Romans, or even to the beginning of the reign of his successor Numa Pompilius. Hezekiah king of Judah certainly reigned till then. So that thus these fountains of prophecy, as I may call them, burst forth at once during those times when the Assyrian kingdom failed and the Roman began; so that, just as in the first period of the Assyrian kingdom Abraham arose, to whom the most distinct promises were made that all nations should be blessed in his seed, so at the beginning of the western Babylon, in the time of whose government Christ was to come in whom these promises were to be fulfilled, the oracles of the prophets were given not only in spoken but in written words, for a testimony that so great a thing should come to pass. For although the people of Israel hardly ever lacked prophets from the time when they began to have kings, these were only for their own use, not for that of the nations. But when the more manifestly prophetic Scripture began to be formed, which was to benefit the nations too, it was fitting that it should begin when this city was founded which was to rule the nations. 18.28. The prophet Hosea speaks so very profoundly that it is laborious work to penetrate his meaning. But, according to promise, we must insert something from his book. He says, And it shall come to pass that in the place where it was said to them, You are not my people, there they shall be called the sons of the living God. Hosea 1:10 Even the apostles understood this as a prophetic testimony of the calling of the nations who did not formerly belong to God; and because this same people of the Gentiles is itself spiritually among the children of Abraham, and for that reason is rightly called Israel, therefore he goes on to say, And the children of Judah and the children of Israel shall be gathered together in one, and shall appoint themselves one headship, and shall ascend from the earth. Hosea 1:11 We should but weaken the savor of this prophetic oracle if we set ourselves to expound it. Let the reader but call to mind that cornerstone and those two walls of partition, the one of the Jews, the other of the Gentiles, Galatians 2:14-20 and he will recognize them, the one under the term sons of Judah, the other as sons of Israel, supporting themselves by one and the same headship, and ascending from the earth. But that those carnal Israelites who are now unwilling to believe in Christ shall afterward believe, that is, their children shall (for they themselves, of course, shall go to their own place by dying), this same prophet testifies, saying, For the children of Israel shall abide many days without a king, without a prince, without a sacrifice, without an altar, without a priesthood, without manifestations. Hosea 3:4 Who does not see that the Jews are now thus? But let us hear what he adds: And afterward shall the children of Israel return, and seek the Lord their God, and David their king, and shall be amazed at the Lord and at His goodness in the latter days. Hosea 3:5 Nothing is clearer than this prophecy, in which by David, as distinguished by the title of king, Christ is to be understood, who is made, as the apostle says, of the seed of David according to the flesh. Romans 1:3 This prophet has also foretold the resurrection of Christ on the third day, as it behooved to be foretold, with prophetic loftiness, when he says, He will heal us after two days, and in the third day we shall rise again. Hosea 6:2 In agreement with this the apostle says to us, If you be risen with Christ, seek those things which are above. Colossians 3:1 Amos also prophesies thus concerning such things: Prepare you, that you may invoke your God, O Israel; for lo, I am binding the thunder, and creating the spirit, and announcing to men their Christ. Amos 4:12-13 And in another place he says, In that day will I raise up the tabernacle of David that is fallen, and build up the breaches thereof: and I will raise up his ruins, and will build them up again as in the days of old: that the residue of men may inquire for me, and all the nations upon whom my name is invoked, says the Lord that does this. 18.29. The prophecy of Isaiah is not in the book of the twelve prophets, who are called the minor from the brevity of their writings, as compared with those who are called the greater prophets because they published larger volumes. Isaiah belongs to the latter, yet I connect him with the two above named, because he prophesied at the same time. Isaiah, then, together with his rebukes of wickedness, precepts of righteousness, and predictions of evil, also prophesied much more than the rest about Christ and the Church, that is, about the King and that city which he founded; so that some say he should be called an evangelist rather than a prophet. But, in order to finish this work, I quote only one out of many in this place. Speaking in the person of the Father, he says, Behold, my servant shall understand, and shall be exalted and glorified very much. As many shall be astonished at You. This is about Christ. But let us now hear what follows about the Church. He says, Rejoice, O barren, you that bear not; break forth and cry, you that did not travail with child: for many more are the children of the desolate than of her that has an husband. Isaiah 54:1-5 But these must suffice; and some things in them ought to be expounded; yet I think those parts sufficient which are so plain that even enemies must be compelled against their will to understand them. 18.30. The prophet Micah, representing Christ under the figure of a great mountain, speaks thus: It shall come to pass in the last days, that the manifested mountain of the Lord shall be prepared on the tops of the mountains, and it shall be exalted above the hills; and people shall hasten unto it. Many nations shall go, and shall say, Come, let us go up into the mountain of the Lord, and into the house of the God of Jacob; and He will show us His way, and we will go in His paths: for out of Zion shall proceed the law, and the word of the Lord out of Jerusalem. And He shall judge among many people, and rebuke strong nations afar off. Micah 4:1-3 This prophet predicts the very place in which Christ was born, saying, And you, Bethlehem, of the house of Ephratah, art the least that can be reckoned among the thousands of Judah; out of you shall come forth unto me a leader, to be the prince in Israel; and His going forth is from the beginning, even from the days of eternity. Therefore will He give them [up] even until the time when she that travails shall bring forth; and the remt of His brethren shall be converted to the sons of Israel. And He shall stand, and see, and feed His flock in the strength of the Lord, and in the dignity of the name of the Lord His God: for now shall He be magnified even to the utmost of the earth. Micah 5:2-4 The prophet Jonah, not so much by speech as by his own painful experience, prophesied Christ's death and resurrection much more clearly than if he had proclaimed them with his voice. For why was he taken into the whale's belly and restored on the third day, but that he might be a sign that Christ should return from the depths of hell on the third day? I should be obliged to use many words in explaining all that Joel prophesies in order to make clear those that pertain to Christ and the Church. But there is one passage I must not pass by, which the apostles also quoted when the Holy Spirit came down from above on the assembled believers according to Christ's promise. He says, And it shall come to pass after these things, that I will pour out my Spirit upon all flesh; and your sons and your daughters shall prophesy, and your old men shall dream, and your young men shall see visions: and even on my servants and mine handmaids in those days will I pour out my Spirit. Joel 2:28-29 18.31. The date of three of the minor prophets, Obadiah, Nahum, and Habakkuk, is neither mentioned by themselves nor given in the chronicles of Eusebius and Jerome. For although they put Obadiah with Micah, yet when Micah prophesied does not appear from that part of their writings in which the dates are noted. And this, I think, has happened through their error in negligently copying the works of others. But we could not find the two others now mentioned in the copies of the chronicles which we have; yet because they are contained in the canon, we ought not to pass them by. Obadiah, so far as his writings are concerned, the briefest of all the prophets, speaks against Idumea, that is, the nation of Esau, that reprobate elder of the twin sons of Isaac and grandsons of Abraham. Now if, by that form of speech in which a part is put for the whole, we take Idumea as put for the nations, we may understand of Christ what he says among other things, But upon Mount Sion shall be safety, and there shall be a Holy One. Obadiah 17 And a little after, at the end of the same prophecy, he says, And those who are saved again shall come up out of Mount Sion, that they may defend Mount Esau, and it shall be a kingdom to the Lord. Obadiah 21 It is quite evident this was fulfilled when those saved again out of Mount Sion - that is, the believers in Christ from Judea, of whom the apostles are chiefly to be acknowledged - went up to defend Mount Esau. How could they defend it except by making safe, through the preaching of the gospel, those who believed that they might be delivered from the power of darkness and translated into the kingdom of God? Colossians 1:13 This he expressed as an inference, adding, And it shall be to the Lord a kingdom. For Mount Sion signifies Judea, where it is predicted there shall be safety, and a Holy One, that is, Christ Jesus. But Mount Esau is Idumea, which signifies the Church of the Gentiles, which, as I have expounded, those saved again out of Sion have defended that it should be a kingdom to the Lord. This was obscure before it took place; but what believer does not find it out now that it is done? As for the prophet Nahum, through him God says, I will exterminate the graven and the molten things: I will make your burial. For lo, the feet of Him that brings good tidings and announces peace are swift upon the mountains! O Judah, celebrate your festival days, and perform your vows; for now they shall not go on any more so as to become antiquated. It is completed, it is consumed, it is taken away. He ascends who breathes in your face, delivering you out of tribulation. Let him that remembers the gospel call to mind who has ascended from hell and breathed the Holy Spirit in the face of Judah, that is, of the Jewish disciples; for they belong to the New Testament, whose festival days are so spiritually renewed that they cannot become antiquated. Moreover, we already see the graven and molten things, that is, the idols of the false gods, exterminated through the gospel, and given up to oblivion as of the grave, and we know that this prophecy is fulfilled in this very thing. of what else than the advent of Christ, who was to come, is Habakkuk understood to say, And the Lord answered me, and said, Write the vision openly on a tablet of boxwood, that he that reads these things may understand. For the vision is yet for a time appointed, and it will arise in the end, and will not become void: if it tarry, wait for it; because it will surely come, and will not be delayed? Habakkuk 2:2-3 18.32. In his prayer, with a song, to whom but the Lord Christ does he say, O Lord, I have heard Your hearing, and was afraid: O Lord, I have considered Your works, and was greatly afraid? Habakkuk 3:2 What is this but the inexpressible admiration of the foreknown, new, and sudden salvation of men? In the midst of two living creatures you shall be recognized. What is this but either between the two testaments, or between the two thieves, or between Moses and Elias talking with Him on the mount? While the years draw near, You will be recognized; at the coming of the time You will be shown, does not even need exposition. While my soul shall be troubled at Him, in wrath You will be mindful of mercy. What is this but that He puts Himself for the Jews, of whose nation He was, who were troubled with great anger and crucified Christ, when He, mindful of mercy, said, Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do? Luke 23:34 God shall come from Teman, and the Holy One from the shady and close mountain. Habakkuk 3:3 What is said here, He shall come from Teman, some interpret from the south, or from the southwest, by which is signified the noonday, that is, the fervor of charity and the splendor of truth. The shady and close mountain might be understood in many ways, yet I prefer to take it as meaning the depth of the divine Scriptures, in which Christ is prophesied: for in the Scriptures there are many things shady and close which exercise the mind of the reader; and Christ comes thence when he who has understanding finds Him there. His power covers up the heavens, and the earth is full of His praise. What is this but what is also said in the psalm, Be exalted, O God, above the heavens; and Your glory above all the earth? His splendor shall be as the light. What is it but that the fame of Him shall illuminate believers? Horns are in His hands. What is this but the trophy of the cross? And He has placed the firm charity of His strength Habakkuk 3:4 needs no exposition. Before His face shall go the word, and it shall go forth into the field after His feet. What is this but that He should both be announced before His coming hither and after His return hence? He stood, and the earth was moved. What is this but that He stood for succor, and the earth was moved to believe? He regarded, and the nations melted; that is, He had compassion, and made the people penitent. The mountains are broken with violence; that is, through the power of those who work miracles the pride of the haughty is broken. The everlasting hills flowed down; that is, they are humbled in time that they may be lifted up for eternity. I saw His goings [made] eternal for his labors; that is, I beheld His labor of love not left without the reward of eternity. The tents of Ethiopia shall be greatly afraid, and the tents of the land of Midian; that is, even those nations which are not under the Roman authority, being suddenly terrified by the news of Your wonderful works, shall become a Christian people. Were You angry at the rivers, O Lord? Or was Your fury against the rivers? Or was Your rage against the sea? This is said because He does not now come to condemn the world, but that the world through Him might be saved. John 3:17 For You shall mount upon Your horses, and Your riding shall be salvation; that is, Your evangelists shall carry You, for they are guided by You, and Your gospel is salvation to them that believe in You. Bending, You will bend Your bow against the sceptres, says the Lord; that is, You will threaten even the kings of the earth with Your judgment. The earth shall be cleft with rivers; that is, by the sermons of those who preach You flowing in upon them, men's hearts shall be opened to make confession, to whom it is said, Rend your hearts and not your garments. Joel 2:13 What does The people shall see You and grieve mean, but that in mourning they shall be blessed? Matthew 5:4 What is Scattering the waters in marching, but that by walking in those who everywhere proclaim You, You will scatter here and there the streams of Your doctrine? What is The abyss uttered its voice? Is it not that the depth of the human heart expressed what it perceived? The words, The depth of its phantasy, are an explanation of the previous verse, for the depth is the abyss; and Uttered its voice is to be understood before them, that is, as we have said, it expressed what it perceived. Now the phantasy is the vision, which it did not hold or conceal, but poured forth in confession. The sun was raised up, and the moon stood still in her course; that is, Christ ascended into heaven, and the Church was established under her King. Your darts shall go in the light; that is, Your words shall not be sent in secret, but openly. For He had said to His own disciples, What I tell you in darkness, speak in the light. Matthew 10:27 By threatening you shall diminish the earth; that is, by that threatening You shall humble men. And in fury You shall cast down the nations; for in punishing those who exalt themselves You dash them one against another. You went forth for the salvation of Your people, that You might save Your Christ; You have sent death on the heads of the wicked. None of these words require exposition. You have lifted up the bonds, even to the neck. This may be understood even of the good bonds of wisdom, that the feet may be put into its fetters, and the neck into its collar. You have struck off in amazement of mind the bonds must be understood for, He lifts up the good and strikes off the bad, about which it is said to Him, You have broken asunder my bonds, and that in amazement of mind, that is, wonderfully. The heads of the mighty shall be moved in it; to wit, in that wonder. They shall open their teeth like a poor man eating secretly. For some of the mighty among the Jews shall come to the Lord, admiring His works and words, and shall greedily eat the bread of His doctrine in secret for fear of the Jews, just as the Gospel has shown they did. And You have sent into the sea Your horses, troubling many waters, which are nothing else than many people; for unless all were troubled, some would not be converted with fear, others pursued with fury. I gave heed, and my belly trembled at the voice of the prayer of my lips; and trembling entered into my bones, and my habit of body was troubled under me. He gave heed to those things which he said, and was himself terrified at his own prayer, which he had poured forth prophetically, and in which he discerned things to come. For when many people are troubled, he saw the threatening tribulation of the Church, and at once acknowledged himself a member of it, and said, I shall rest in the day of tribulation, as being one of those who are rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation. Romans 12:12 That I may ascend, he says, among the people of my pilgrimage, departing quite from the wicked people of his carnal kinship, who are not pilgrims in this earth, and do not seek the country above. Although the fig-tree, he says, shall not blossom, neither shall fruit be in the vines; the labor of the olive shall lie, and the fields shall yield no meat; the sheep shall be cut off from the meat, and there shall be no oxen in the stalls. He sees that nation which was to slay Christ about to lose the abundance of spiritual supplies, which, in prophetic fashion, he has set forth by the figure of earthly plenty. And because that nation was to suffer such wrath of God, because, being ignorant of the righteousness of God, it wished to establish its own, Romans 10:3 he immediately says, Yet will I rejoice in the Lord; I will joy in God my salvation. The Lord God is my strength, and He will set my feet in completion; He will place me above the heights, that I may conquer in His song, to wit, in that song of which something similar is said in the psalm, He set my feet upon a rock, and directed my goings, and put in my mouth a new song, a hymn to our God. He therefore conquers in the song of the Lord, who takes pleasure in His praise, not in his own; that He that glories, let him glory in the Lord. But some copies have, I will joy in God my Jesus, which seems to me better than the version of those who, wishing to put it in Latin, have not set down that very name which for us it is dearer and sweeter to name. 18.33. Jeremiah, like Isaiah, is one of the greater prophets, not of the minor, like the others from whose writings I have just given extracts. He prophesied when Josiah reigned in Jerusalem, and Ancus Martius at Rome, when the captivity of the Jews was already at hand; and he continued to prophesy down to the fifth month of the captivity, as we find from his writings. Zephaniah, one of the minor prophets, is put along with him, because he himself says that he prophesied in the days of Josiah; but he does not say till when. Jeremiah thus prophesied not only in the times of Ancus Martius, but also in those of Tarquinius Priscus, whom the Romans had for their fifth king. For he had already begun to reign when that captivity took place. Jeremiah, in prophesying of Christ, says, The breath of our mouth, the Lord Christ, was taken in our sins, Lamentations 4:20 thus briefly showing both that Christ is our Lord and that He suffered for us. Also in another place he says, This is my God, and there shall none other be accounted of in comparison of Him; who has found out all the way of prudence, and has given it to Jacob His servant, and to Israel His beloved: afterwards He was seen on the earth, and conversed with men. Some attribute this testimony not to Jeremiah, but to his secretary, who was called Baruch; but it is more commonly ascribed to Jeremiah. Again the same prophet says concerning Him, Behold the days come, says the Lord, that I will raise up unto David a righteous shoot, and a King shall reign and shall be wise, and shall do judgment and justice in the earth. In those days Judah shall be saved, and Israel shall dwell confidently: and this is the name which they shall call Him, Our righteous Lord. Jeremiah 23:5-6 And of the calling of the nations which was to come to pass, and which we now see fulfilled, he thus spoke: O Lord my God, and my refuge in the day of evils, to You shall the nations come from the utmost end of the earth, saying, Truly our fathers have worshipped lying images, wherein there is no profit. Jeremiah 16:19 But that the Jews, by whom He behooved even to be slain, were not going to acknowledge Him, this prophet thus intimates: Heavy is the heart through all; and He is a man, and who shall know Him? Jeremiah 17:9 That passage also is his which I have quoted in the seventeenth book concerning the new testament, of which Christ is the Mediator. For Jeremiah himself says, Behold, the days come, says the Lord, that I will complete over the house of Jacob a new testament, and the rest, which may be read there. For the present I shall put down those predictions about Christ by the prophet Zephaniah, who prophesied with Jeremiah. Wait upon me, says the Lord, in the day of my resurrection, in the future; because it is my determination to assemble the nations, and gather together the kingdoms. Zephaniah 3:8 And again he says, The Lord will be terrible upon them, and will exterminate all the gods of the earth; and they shall worship Him every man from his place, even all the isles of the nations. Zephaniah 2:11 And a little after he says, Then will I turn to the people a tongue, and to His offspring, that they may call upon the name of the Lord, and serve Him under one yoke. From the borders of the rivers of Ethiopia shall they bring sacrifices unto me. In that day you shall not be confounded for all your curious inventions, which you have done impiously against me: for then I will take away from you the haughtiness of your trespass; and you shall no more magnify yourself above your holy mountain. And I will leave in you a meek and humble people, and they who shall be left of Israel shall fear the name of the Lord. These are the remt of whom the apostle quotes that which is elsewhere prophesied: Though the number of the children of Israel be as the sand of the sea, a remt shall be saved. These are the remt of that nation who have believed in Christ. 18.34. Daniel and Ezekiel, other two of the greater prophets, also first prophesied in the very captivity of Babylon. Daniel even defined the time when Christ was to come and suffer by the exact date. It would take too long to show this by computation, and it has been done often by others before us. But of His power and glory he has thus spoken: I saw in a night vision, and, behold, one like the Son of man was coming with the clouds of heaven, and He came even to the Ancient of days, and He was brought into His presence. And to Him there was given dominion, and honor, and a kingdom: and all people, tribes, and tongues shall serve Him. His power is an everlasting power, which shall not pass away, and His kingdom shall not be destroyed. Daniel 7:13-14 Ezekiel also, speaking prophetically in the person of God the Father, thus foretells Christ, speaking of Him in the prophetic manner as David, because He assumed flesh of the seed of David, and on account of that form of a servant in which He was made man, He who is the Son of God is also called the servant of God. He says, And I will set up over my sheep one Shepherd, who will feed them, even my servant David; and He shall feed them, and He shall be their shepherd. And I the Lord will be their God, and my servant David a prince in the midst of them. I the Lord have spoken. Ezekiel 34:23 And in another place he says, And one King shall be over them all: and they shall no more be two nations, neither shall they be divided any more into two kingdoms: neither shall they defile themselves any more with their idols, and their abominations, and all their iniquities. And I will save them out of all their dwelling-places wherein they have sinned, and will cleanse them; and they shall be my people, and I will be their God. And my servant David shall be king over them, and there shall be one Shepherd for them all. Ezekiel 37:22-24 18.35. There remain three minor prophets, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi, who prophesied at the close of the captivity. of these Haggai more openly prophesies of Christ and the Church thus briefly: Thus says the Lord of hosts, Yet one little while, and I will shake the heaven, and the earth, and the sea, and the dry land; and I will move all nations, and the desired of all nations shall come. Haggai 2:6 The fulfillment of this prophecy is in part already seen, and in part hoped for in the end. For He moved the heaven by the testimony of the angels and the stars, when Christ became incarnate. He moved the earth by the great miracle of His birth of the virgin. He moved the sea and the dry land, when Christ was proclaimed both in the isles and in the whole world. So we see all nations moved to the faith; and the fulfillment of what follows, And the desired of all nations shall come, is looked for at His last coming. For ere men can desire and and wait for Him, they must believe and love Him. Zechariah says of Christ and the Church, Rejoice greatly, O daughter of Sion; shout joyfully, O daughter of Jerusalem; behold, your King shall come unto you, just and the Saviour; Himself poor, and mounting an ass, and a colt the foal of an ass: and His dominion shall be from sea to sea, and from the river even to the ends of the earth. Zechariah 9:9-10 How this was done, when the Lord Christ on His journey used a beast of burden of this kind, we read in the Gospel, where, also, as much of this prophecy is quoted as appears sufficient for the context. In another place, speaking in the Spirit of prophecy to Christ Himself of the remission of sins through His blood, he says, You also, by the blood of Your testament, have sent forth Your prisoners from the lake wherein is no water. Zechariah 9:11 Different opinions may be held, consistently with right belief, as to what he meant by this lake. Yet it seems to me that no meaning suits better than that of the depth of human misery, which is, as it were, dry and barren, where there are no streams of righteousness, but only the mire of iniquity. For it is said of it in the Psalms, And He led me forth out of the lake of misery, and from the miry clay. Malachi, foretelling the Church which we now behold propagated through Christ, says most openly to the Jews, in the person of God, I have no pleasure in you, and I will not accept a gift at your hand. For from the rising even to the going down of the sun, my name is great among the nations; and in every place sacrifice shall be made, and a pure oblation shall be offered unto my name: for my name shall be great among the nations, says the Lord. Malachi 1:10-11 Since we can already see this sacrifice offered to God in every place, from the rising of the sun to his going down, through Christ's priesthood after the order of Melchisedec, while the Jews, to whom it was said, I have no pleasure in you, neither will I accept a gift at your hand, cannot deny that their sacrifice has ceased, why do they still look for another Christ, when they read this in the prophecy, and see it fulfilled, which could not be fulfilled except through Him? And a little after he says of Him, in the person of God, My covet was with Him of life and peace: and I gave to Him that He might fear me with fear, and be afraid before my name. The law of truth was in His mouth: directing in peace He has walked with me, and has turned many away from iniquity. For the Priest's lips shall keep knowledge, and they shall seek the law at His mouth: for He is the Angel of the Lord Almighty. Malachi 2:5-7 Nor is it to be wondered at that Christ Jesus is called the Angel of the Almighty God. For just as He is called a servant on account of the form of a servant in which He came to men, so He is called an angel on account of the evangel which He proclaimed to men. For if we interpret these Greek words, evangel is good news, and angel is messenger. Again he says of Him, Behold I will send mine angel, and He will look out the way before my face: and the Lord, whom you seek, shall suddenly come into His temple, even the Angel of the testament, whom you desire. Behold, He comes, says the Lord Almighty, and who shall abide the day of His entry, or who shall stand at His appearing? Malachi 3:1-2 In this place he has foretold both the first and second advent of Christ: the first, to wit, of which he says, And He shall come suddenly into His temple; that is, into His flesh, of which He said in the Gospel, Destroy this temple, and in three days I will raise it up again. John 2:19 And of the second advent he says, Behold, He comes, says the Lord Almighty, and who shall abide the day of His entry, or who shall stand at His appearing? But what he says, The Lord whom you seek, and the Angel of the testament whom you desire, just means that even the Jews, according to the Scriptures which they read, shall seek and desire Christ. But many of them did not acknowledge that He whom they sought and desired had come, being blinded in their hearts, which were preoccupied with their own merits. Now what he here calls the testament, either above, where he says, My testament had been with Him, or here, where he has called Him the Angel of the testament, we ought, beyond a doubt, to take to be the new testament, in which the things promised are eternal, and not the old, in which they are only temporal. Yet many who are weak are troubled when they see the wicked abound in such temporal things, because they value them greatly, and serve the true God to be rewarded with them. On this account, to distinguish the eternal blessedness of the new testament, which shall be given only to the good, from the earthly felicity of the old, which for the most part is given to the bad as well, the same prophet says, You have made your words burdensome to me: yet you have said, In what have we spoken ill of You? You have said, Foolish is every one who serves God; and what profit is it that we have kept His observances, and that we have walked as suppliants before the face of the Lord Almighty? And now we call the aliens blessed; yea, all that do wicked things are built up again; yea, they are opposed to God and are saved. They that feared the Lord uttered these reproaches every one to his neighbor: and the Lord hearkened and heard; and He wrote a book of remembrance before Him, for them that fear the Lord and that revere His name. Malachi 3:13-16 By that book is meant the New Testament. Finally, let us hear what follows: And they shall be an acquisition for me, says the Lord Almighty, in the day which I make; and I will choose them as a man chooses his son that serves him. And you shall return, and shall discern between the just and the unjust, and between him that serves God and him that serves Him not. For, behold, the day comes burning as an oven, and it shall burn them up; and all the aliens and all that do wickedly shall be stubble: and the day that shall come will set them on fire, says the Lord Almighty, and shall leave neither root nor branch. And unto you that fear my name shall the Sun of Righteousness arise, and health shall be in His wings; and you shall go forth, and exult as calves let loose from bonds. And you shall tread down the wicked, and they shall be ashes under your feet, in the day in which I shall do [this], says the Lord Almighty. This day is the day of judgment, of which, if God will, we shall speak more fully in its own place. 18.36. After these three prophets, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi, during the same period of the liberation of the people from the Babylonian servitude Esdras also wrote, who is historical rather than prophetical, as is also the book called Esther, which is found to relate, for the praise of God, events not far from those times; unless, perhaps, Esdras is to be understood as prophesying of Christ in that passage where, on a question having arisen among certain young men as to what is the strongest thing, when one had said kings, another wine, the third women, who for the most part rule kings, yet that same third youth demonstrated that the truth is victorious over all. For by consulting the Gospel we learn that Christ is the Truth. From this time, when the temple was rebuilt, down to the time of Aristobulus, the Jews had not kings but princes; and the reckoning of their dates is found, not in the Holy Scriptures which are called canonical, but in others, among which are also the books of the Maccabees. These are held as canonical, not by the Jews, but by the Church, on account of the extreme and wonderful sufferings of certain martyrs, who, before Christ had come in the flesh, contended for the law of God even unto death, and endured most grievous and horrible evils. 18.52. I do not think, indeed, that what some have thought or may think is rashly said or believed, that until the time of Antichrist the Church of Christ is not to suffer any persecutions besides those she has already suffered - that is, ten - and that the eleventh and last shall be inflicted by Antichrist. They reckon as the first that made by Nero, the second by Domitian, the third by Trajan, the fourth by Antoninus, the fifth by Severus, the sixth by Maximin, the seventh by Decius, the eighth by Valerian, the ninth by Aurelian, the tenth by Diocletian and Maximian. For as there were ten plagues in Egypt before the people of God could begin to go out, they think this is to be referred to as showing that the last persecution by Antichrist must be like the eleventh plague, in which the Egyptians, while following the Hebrews with hostility, perished in the Red Sea when the people of God passed through on dry land. Yet I do not think persecutions were prophetically signified by what was done in Egypt, however nicely and ingeniously those who think so may seem to have compared the two in detail, not by the prophetic Spirit, but by the conjecture of the human mind, which sometimes hits the truth, and sometimes is deceived. But what can those who think this say of the persecution in which the Lord Himself was crucified? In which number will they put it? And if they think the reckoning is to be made exclusive of this one, as if those must be counted which pertain to the body, and not that in which the Head Himself was set upon and slain, what can they make of that one which, after Christ ascended into heaven, took place in Jerusalem, when the blessed Stephen was stoned; when James the brother of John was slaughtered with the sword; when the Apostle Peter was imprisoned to be killed, and was set free by the angel; when the brethren were driven away and scattered from Jerusalem; when Saul, who afterward became the Apostle Paul, wasted the Church; and when he himself, publishing the glad tidings of the faith he had persecuted, suffered such things as he had inflicted, either from the Jews or from other nations, where he most fervently preached Christ everywhere? Why, then, do they think fit to start with Nero, when the Church in her growth had reached the times of Nero amid the most cruel persecutions; about which it would be too long to say anything? But if they think that only the persecutions made by kings ought to be reckoned, it was king Herod who also made a most grievous one after the ascension of the Lord. And what account do they give of Julian, whom they do not number in the ten? Did not he persecute the Church, who forbade the Christians to teach or learn liberal letters? Under him the elder Valentinian, who was the third emperor after him, stood forth as a confessor of the Christian faith, and was dismissed from his command in the army. I shall say nothing of what he did at Antioch, except to mention his being struck with wonder at the freedom and cheerfulness of one most faithful and steadfast young man, who, when many were seized to be tortured, was tortured during a whole day, and sang under the instrument of torture, until the emperor feared lest he should succumb under the continued cruelties and put him to shame at last, which made him dread and fear that he would be yet more dishonorably put to the blush by the rest. Lastly, within our own recollection, did not Valens the Arian, brother of the foresaid Valentinian, waste the Catholic Church by great persecution throughout the East? But how unreasonable it is not to consider that the Church, which bears fruit and grows through the whole world, may suffer persecution from kings in some nations even when she does not suffer it in others! Perhaps, however, it was not to be reckoned a persecution when the king of the Goths, in Gothia itself, persecuted the Christians with wonderful cruelty, when there were none but Catholics there, of whom very many were crowned with martyrdom, as we have heard from certain brethren who had been there at that time as boys, and unhesitatingly called to mind that they had seen these things? And what took place in Persia of late? Was not persecution so hot against the Christians (if even yet it is allayed) that some of the fugitives from it came even to Roman towns? When I think of these and the like things, it does not seem to me that the number of persecutions with which the Church is to be tried can be definitely stated. But, on the other hand, it is no less rash to affirm that there will be some persecutions by kings besides that last one, about which no Christian is in doubt. Therefore we leave this undecided, supporting or refuting neither side of this question, but only restraining men from the audacious presumption of affirming either of them. 20.23. Daniel prophesies of the last judgment in such a way as to indicate that Antichrist shall first come, and to carry on his description to the eternal reign of the saints. For when in prophetic vision he had seen four beasts, signifying four kingdoms, and the fourth conquered by a certain king, who is recognized as Antichrist, and after this the eternal kingdom of the Son of man, that is to say, of Christ, he says, My spirit was terrified, I Daniel in the midst of my body, and the visions of my head troubled me, etc. Some have interpreted these four kingdoms as signifying those of the Assyrians, Persians, Macedonians, and Romans. They who desire to understand the fitness of this interpretation may read Jerome's book on Daniel, which is written with a sufficiency of care and erudition. But he who reads this passage, even half asleep, cannot fail to see that the kingdom of Antichrist shall fiercely, though for a short time, assail the Church before the last judgment of God shall introduce the eternal reign of the saints. For it is patent from the context that the time, times, and half a time, means a year, and two years, and half a year, that is to say, three years and a half. Sometimes in Scripture the same thing is indicated by months. For though the word times seems to be used here in the Latin indefinitely, that is only because the Latins have no dual, as the Greeks have, and as the Hebrews also are said to have. Times, therefore, is used for two times. As for the ten kings, whom, as it seems, Antichrist is to find in the person of ten individuals when he comes, I own I am afraid we may be deceived in this, and that he may come unexpectedly while there are not ten kings living in the Roman world. For what if this number ten signifies the whole number of kings who are to precede his coming, as totality is frequently symbolized by a thousand, or a hundred, or seven, or other numbers, which it is not necessary to recount? In another place the same Daniel says, And there shall be a time of trouble, such as was not since there was born a nation upon earth until that time: and in that time all Your people which shall be found written in the book shall be delivered. And many of them that sleep in the mound of earth shall arise, some to everlasting life, and some to shame and everlasting confusion. And they that be wise shall shine as the brightness of the firmament; and many of the just as the stars forever. Daniel 12:1-3 This passage is very similar to the one we have quoted from the Gospel, John 5:28 at least so far as regards the resurrection of dead bodies. For those who are there said to be in the graves are here spoken of as sleeping in the mound of earth, or, as others translate, in the dust of earth. There it is said, They shall come forth; so here, They shall arise. There, They that have done good, to the resurrection of life; and they that have done evil, to the resurrection of judgment; here, Some to everlasting life, and some to shame and everlasting confusion. Neither is it to be supposed a difference, though in place of the expression in the Gospel, All who are in their graves, the prophet does not say all, but many of them that sleep in the mound of earth. For many is sometimes used in Scripture for all. Thus it was said to Abraham, I have set you as the father of many nations, though in another place it was said to him, In your seed shall all nations be blessed. of such a resurrection it is said a little afterwards to the prophet himself, And come and rest: for there is yet a day till the completion of the consummation; and you shall rest, and rise in your lot in the end of the days. Daniel 12:13 |
|
| 92. Augustine, Sermons, 81.8-81.9, 105.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 78, 148, 151 |
| 93. Orosius Paulus, Historiae Adversum Paganos, None (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 152 |
| 94. Augustine, Confessions, a b c d\n0 9.(10)23 9.(10)23 9 (10)23\n1 5.(8)14 5.(8)14 5 (8)14 \n2 8.(5)10 8.(5)10 8 (5)10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 11 |
| 95. Ausonius, Letters, 10.21 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 68, 78 |
| 96. Ausonius, Letters, 10.21 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 68, 78 |
| 97. Prudentius, On The Crown of Martyrdom, 2.14, 2.413-2.484 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 113 |
| 98. Libanius, Orations, 30.2-30.3 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 145, 160 |
| 99. Libanius, Letters, 1058, 1201, 936, 939, 1434 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 78 |
| 100. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Quadrigae Tyrannorum, 7.2, 7.7-7.8, 8.1, 8.4, 8.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus, roman historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 112, 115 |
101. Theodoret of Cyrus, Ecclesiastical History, 1.27 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 19 | 1.27. Constantinus Augustus to the holy council assembled in Tyre. In the general prosperity which distinguishes the present time, it seems right that the Catholic Church should likewise be exempt from trouble, and that the servants of Christ should be freed from every reproach. But certain individuals instigated by the mad desire of contention, not to say leading a life unworthy of their profession, are endeavoring to throw all into disorder. This appears to me to be the greatest of all possible calamities. I beseech you, therefore, in post haste, as the phrase goes, to assemble together, without any delay, in formal synod; so that you may support those who require your assistance, heal the brethren who are in danger, restore uimity to the divided members, and rectify the disorders of the Church while time permits; and thus restore to those great provinces the harmony which, alas! The arrogance of a few men has destroyed. I believe every one would admit that you could not perform anything so pleasing in the sight of God, so surpassing all my prayers as well as your own, or so conducive to your own reputation, as to restore peace. Do not therefore delay, but when you have come together with all that sincerity and fidelity which our Saviour demands of all His servants, almost in words that we can hear, endeavour with redoubled eagerness to put a fitting end to these dissensions. Nothing shall be omitted on my part to further the interests of our religion. I have done all that you recommended in your letters. I have sent to those bishops whom you specified, directing them to repair to the council for the purpose of deliberating with you upon ecclesiastical matters. I have also sent Dionysius , a man of consular rank, to counsel those who are to sit in synod with you, and to be himself an eye witness of your proceedings, and particularly of the order and regularity that is maintained. If any one should dare on the present occasion also to disobey our command, and refuse to come to the council, which, however, I do not anticipate, an officer will be dispatched immediately to send him into banishment by imperial order, that he may learn not to oppose the decrees enacted by the emperor for the support of truth. All that now devolves upon your holinesses is to decide with uimous judgment, without partiality or prejudice, in accordance with the ecclesiastical and apostolic rule, and to devise suitable remedies for the offenses which may have resulted from error; in order that the Church may be freed from all reproach, that my anxiety may be diminished, that peace may be restored to those now at variance, and that your renown may be increased. May God preserve you, beloved brethren. The bishops accordingly repaired to the council of Tyre. Amongst them were those who were accused of holding heterodox doctrines; of whom Asclepas, bishop of Gaza, was one. The admirable Athanasius also attended. I shall first dwell on the tragedy of the accusation, and shall then relate the proceedings of this celebrated tribunal. |
|
| 102. Symmachus, Letters, 1.3.2, 1.4, 3.11.3, 4.18.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 68, 78, 152 |
| 103. Julian (Emperor), Letters, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 78 |
| 104. Julian (Emperor), Letters, 49 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 24 |
| 105. Augustine, De Quantitate Animae, 57 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 73 |
| 106. John Chrysostom, Homilies On Matthew, 66.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 24 |
| 107. Augustine, De Vera Religione Liber Unus, 50, 49 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 148 |
108. Anon., Numbers Rabba, 12.5, 13.5 (4th cent. CE - 9th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 42, 221| 12.5. אָמַר רַבִּי אָבִין אֵין מִדּוֹתָיו שֶׁל הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא כְּמִדַּת מֶלֶךְ בָּשָׂר וָדָם, מֶלֶךְ בָּשָׂר וָדָם נִכְנַס בַּמְדִינָה מִשֶּׁבְּנֵי הַמְּדִינָה מְקַלְסִין אוֹתוֹ וּמְכַבְּדִין אוֹתוֹ אַחַר כָּךְ הוּא עוֹשֶׂה לָהֶם צָרְכֵיהֶם, בּוֹנֶה לָהֶם דִּימוֹסִיאוֹת, עוֹשֶׂה לָהֶם נַחַת רוּחַ בַּמְּדִינָה. אֲבָל הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא אֵינוֹ כֵן, אֶלָּא עַד שֶׁלֹא עָשׂוּ יִשְׂרָאֵל אֶת הַמִּשְׁכָּן נָתַן לָהֶם אֶת הַבְּרָכָה תְּחִלָּה, כְּמָה שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר: יְבָרֶכְךָ ה' וְיִשְׁמְרֶךָ, וְאַחַר כָּךְ: וַיְהִי בְּיוֹם כַּלּוֹת וגו'. 13.5. וַיְהִי אָמַר רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בַּר אַבָּא בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן כָּל מָקוֹם שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר וַיְהִי, מְשַׁמֵּשׁ צָרָה וְשִׂמְחָה, אִם צָרָה אֵין צָרָה כַּיּוֹצֵא בָהּ, וְאִם שִׂמְחָה אֵין שִׂמְחָה כַּיּוֹצֵא בָהּ, אֲתָא רַבִּי שְׁמוּאֵל בַּר נַחְמָן וְעָבְדָהּ פַּלְגָא, בְּכָל מָקוֹם שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר וַיְהִי, צָרָה. וְהָיָה, שִׂמְחָה. אֲתִיבוּן לֵיהּ הָכְתִיב (בראשית א, ג): וַיֹּאמֶר אֱלֹהִים יְהִי אוֹר וַיְהִי אוֹר, אָמַר לָהֶם אַף הִיא אֵינָהּ שִׂמְחָה, שֶׁלֹא זָכָה הָעוֹלָם לְהִשְׁתַּמֵּשׁ בְּאוֹתָהּ אוֹרָה, דְּאָמַר רַבִּי יְהוּדָה בֶּן רַבִּי סִימוֹן אוֹתָהּ אוֹרָה שֶׁבָּרָא הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא בַּיּוֹם הָרִאשׁוֹן הָיָה אָדָם צוֹפֶה וּמַבִּיט בָּהּ מִסּוֹף הָעוֹלָם וְעַד סוֹפוֹ, וְכֵיוָן שֶׁרָאָה הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא דּוֹר אֱנוֹשׁ וְדוֹר הַמַּבּוּל וְדוֹר הַפְלָגָה, עָמַד וּגְנָזָהּ וְהִתְקִינָהּ לַצַּדִּיקִים לֶעָתִיד לָבוֹא, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (משלי ד, יח): וְאֹרַח צַדִּיקִים כְּאוֹר נֹגַהּ הוֹלֵךְ וָאוֹר עַד נְכוֹן הַיּוֹם. אֲתִיבוּן לֵיהּ (בראשית א, ה): וַיְהִי עֶרֶב וַיְהִי בֹקֶר יוֹם אֶחָד, אָמַר לָהֶם אַף הִיא אֵינָהּ שִׂמְחָה, שֶׁכָּל מַה שֶּׁנִּבְרָא בַּיּוֹם הָרִאשׁוֹן עָתִיד לְהִבָּלוֹת, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (ישעיה נא, ו): כִּי שָׁמַיִם כֶּעָשָׁן נִמְלָחוּ וְהָאָרֶץ כַּבֶּגֶד תִּבְלֶה וְישְׁבֶיהָ כְּמוֹ כֵן יְמוּתוּן וִישׁוּעָתִי לְעוֹלָם תִּהְיֶה וְצִדְקָתִי לֹא תֵחָת. אֲתִיבוּן לֵיהּ כָּל וַיְהִי מִשֵּׁשֶׁת יְמֵי בְרֵאשִׁית, אָמַר לָהֶם אַף הֵם אֵינָם שִׂמְחָה, שֶׁכָּל מַה שֶּׁנִּבְרָא בְּשֵׁשֶׁת יְמֵי בְרֵאשִׁית צְרִיכִים עֲשִׂיָּה, כְּגוֹן הַחַרְדָּל צָרִיךְ לְמַתֵּק, וְהַתּוּרְמְסִין צְרִיכִין לִשְׁלֹק, וְחִטִּים צְרִיכִין לִטָּחֵן. אֲתִיבוּן לֵיהּ וְהָכְתִיב (בראשית לט, ב): וַיְהִי ה' אֶת יוֹסֵף וַיְהִי אִישׁ מַצְלִיחַ וַיְהִי בְּבֵית אֲדֹנָיו הַמִּצְרִי, אָמַר לָהֶם אַף הִיא אֵינָהּ שִׂמְחָה, שֶׁמִּתְגָרָת בּוֹ הַדֹּב. (במדבר ז, א): וַיְהִי בְּיוֹם כַּלּוֹת משֶׁה, אָמַר לָהֶם אַף הִיא אֵינָהּ שִׂמְחָה, שֶׁנִּגְנַז בְּבִנְיַן הַבָּיִת. וְהָכְתִיב (ויקרא ט, א): וַיְהִי בַּיּוֹם הַשְּׁמִינִי קָרָא משֶׁה, אָמַר לָהֶם אַף הִיא אֵינָהּ שִׂמְחָה שֶׁבּוֹ בַּיּוֹם מֵתוּ נָדָב וַאֲבִיהוּא. וְהָכְתִיב (יהושע ו, כז): וַיְהִי ה' אֶת יְהוֹשֻׁעַ וַיְהִי שָׁמְעוֹ בְּכָל הָאָרֶץ, אַף הִיא אֵינָהּ שִׂמְחָה, שֶׁבּוֹ בַּיּוֹם קָרַע שִׂמְלוֹתָיו, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (יהושע ז, ו): וַיִּקְרַע יְהוֹשֻׁעַ שִׂמְלֹתָיו וַיִּפֹּל עַל פָּנָיו אַרְצָה לִפְנֵי אֲרוֹן ה' עַד הָעָרֶב הוּא וְזִקְנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל. וְהָכְתִיב (שמואל ב ז, א): וַיְהִי כִּי יָשַׁב הַמֶּלֶךְ בְּבֵיתוֹ, אָמַר לָהֶם אַף הִיא אֵינָהּ שִׂמְחָה שֶׁבּוֹ בַּיּוֹם בָּא אֵלָיו נָתָן הַנָּבִיא וְאָמַר לוֹ הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא (דברי הימים ב ו, ט): רַק אַתָּה לֹא תִבְנֶה הַבָּיִת. וְהָכְתִיב וַיְהִי הַמַּקְרִיב, אָמַר לָהֶם אַף הִיא אֵינָהּ שִׂמְחָה מִפְּנֵי שֶׁהָיָה צָפוּי לִפְנֵי הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא שֶׁהֵם הוֹלְכִים עִם קֹרַח בְּמַחֲלָקְתּוֹ. אָמַר רַבִּי יְהוּדָה בֶּן רַבִּי סִימוֹן בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי לֵוִי בֶּן פְּרָטָה, מָשָׁל לְבֶן פּוֹלוֹטָמָנִין שֶׁגָּנַב בַּמֶּרְחָץ וְהָיָה הַבַּלָּנִי מִתְיָרֵא לוֹמַר לוֹ שְׁמוֹ, אַף עַל פִּי כֵן פִּרְסְמוֹ, בָּחוּר אֶחָד לָבוּשׁ לְבָנִים, כָּךְ אַף עַל פִּי שֶׁלֹא פֵּרַשׁ שְׁמוֹתָן שֶׁל נְשִׂיאִים שֶׁחָלְקוּ עִם קֹרַח וְהָלְכוּ עִמּוֹ, פִּרְסְמָן בְּרֶמֶז (במדבר טז, ב): נְשִׂיאֵי עֵדָה קְרִאֵי מוֹעֵד אַנְשֵׁי שֵׁם, כְּמָה דְתֵימָא (במדבר א, טז): אֵלֶּה קְרִיאֵי הָעֵדָה נְשִׂיאֵי מַטּוֹת אֲבוֹתָם וגו', אַנְשֵׁי שֵׁם, שֶׁזָּכַר שְׁמוֹתָן בַּדְּגָלִים, כְּמָה דְתֵימָא (במדבר א, ה): וְאֵלֶּה שְׁמוֹת הָאֲנָשִׁים אֲשֶׁר יַעַמְדוּ אִתְּכֶם וגו'. אָמְרֵי לֵיהּ אַמְרִינָן דִּידָן אֱמֹר אַתְּ דִּידָךְ, אָמַר לָהֶם כָּל מָקוֹם שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר וְהָיָה, שִׂמְחָה, (יואל ד, יח): וְהָיָה בַיּוֹם הַהוּא יִטְּפוּ הֶהָרִים עָסִיס. (זכריה יד, ח): וְהָיָה בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא יֵצְאוּ מַיִם חַיִּים מִיְרוּשָׁלָיִם. (ישעיה יא, יא): וְהָיָה בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא יוֹסִיף ה' וגו', (ישעיה ז, כא): וְהָיָה בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא יְחַיֶּה אִישׁ עֶגְלַת בָּקָר, (ישעיה כז, יג): וְהָיָה בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא יִתָּקַע וגו', (ישעיה ד, ג): וְהָיָה הַנִּשְׁאָר בְּצִיּוֹן. וְהָכְתִיב (ירמיה לח, כח): וְהָיָה כַּאֲשֶׁר נִלְכְּדָה יְרוּשָׁלָיִם, אָמַר לָהֶם אַף הִיא אֵינָהּ צָרָה אֶלָּא שִׂמְחָה, שֶׁבּוֹ בַּיּוֹם נוֹלַד מְנַחֵם, וּבוֹ בַּיּוֹם נָטְלוּ יִשְׂרָאֵל אַפּוֹכֵי עַל עֲווֹנוֹתֵיהֶם, דְּאָמַר רַבִּי שְׁמוּאֵל בַּר נַחְמָן אַפּוֹכֵי שְׁלֵמָה נָטְלוּ יִשְׂרָאֵל עַל עֲווֹנוֹתֵיהֶם בַּיּוֹם שֶׁחָרַב בֵּית הַמִּקְדָּשׁ, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (איכה ד, כב): תַּם עֲוֹנֵךְ בַּת צִיּוֹן לֹא יוֹסִיף לְהַגְלוֹתֵךְ. | 13.5. "E-lohim is known in Yehudah [in Israel His Name is great] (Ps. 76:2), Rabbi Yehudah bar Ilai said: When Israel was at the sea, the tribes were arguing with each other. One tribe said: 'I will go down first [into the sea]', and the other tribe said 'I will go down first.' Nachshon jumped first into the waves of the sea and went down, and on him David said, \"Deliver me, O God, for the waters have reached my neck.\" Said the Holy One of Blessing to Moshe: My beloved is sinking in the sea and you are praying?! 'Tell the Israelites to get going!'(Ex. 14:15)\"This is 'E-lohim is known in Yehudah', and therefore the Holy One of Blessing increased the name of Nachshon among Israel, that he merited to be the first to bring offerings [for the Mishkan] , as it says: 'And the bringer on the first day, etc' - this is 'and in Israel his name became great.'", |
|
| 109. Ambrose, Letters, 72.7 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: O'Daly (2020), Augustine's City of God: A Reader's Guide (2nd edn), 14 |
| 110. Ambrose, Letters, 18.7, 72.7 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: O'Daly (2020), Augustine's City of God: A Reader's Guide (2nd edn), 14; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 148 |
| 111. Ambrose, Letters, 72.7 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: O'Daly (2020), Augustine's City of God: A Reader's Guide (2nd edn), 14 |
| 112. Ambrose, Letters, 72.7 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: O'Daly (2020), Augustine's City of God: A Reader's Guide (2nd edn), 14 |
| 113. Ambrose, Letters, 72.7 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: O'Daly (2020), Augustine's City of God: A Reader's Guide (2nd edn), 14 |
| 114. Ambrose, De Obitu Theodosii Oratio, 24.8 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 62 |
| 115. Victor, Epitome De Caesaribus, 11.15 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 233 |
| 116. Claudianus, Panegyricus De Tertio Consulatu Honorii Augusti, 398-417, 96-98, 418 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 79 |
| 117. Claudianus, In Eutropium Libri Ii, 1.435-1.465, 2.159-2.166 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 43, 79 |
| 118. Claudianus, De Sexto Consulatu Honorii, 218-228, 407-416, 418-424, 417 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 152 |
| 119. Claudianus, De Consulatu Stilichonis, 2.204-2.205, 3.106-3.129 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 152 |
| 120. Claudianus, De Bello Gildonico, 115, 208 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 152 |
| 121. Claudianus, De Bello Getico, 571-572, 207 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 11 |
| 122. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Tacitus, 14.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 340 |
| 123. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Trig. Tyr., 31.10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 224 |
124. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 1.21.14, 14.2.1-14.2.2, 14.2.5-14.2.6, 14.3.2, 14.4.1, 14.5.6, 14.6, 14.6.3-14.6.6, 14.6.8, 14.7.5, 14.8, 14.8.13, 15.1.1, 15.2.4, 15.3, 15.4.8, 15.4.11, 15.7.7-15.7.10, 15.8.16, 15.9-15.12, 15.9.1-15.9.12, 15.12.1, 15.12.6, 16.1.4, 16.5.17, 16.7.5, 16.8.2, 16.10, 16.12.51, 16.12.57, 16.12.69-16.12.70, 17.8.4, 18.6.21-18.6.22, 18.7.2, 18.8.9, 19.3-19.4, 19.11.6, 19.12.14, 19.13.1, 20.8.4-20.8.19, 20.9.1, 21.1.7-21.1.8, 21.1.10, 21.2, 21.16.5-21.16.6, 21.16.15, 22.2.3-22.2.5, 22.3.5, 22.5.3-22.5.4, 22.16.17, 23.5.3, 23.5.7, 23.6.28-23.6.29, 23.6.33, 23.6.59-23.6.61, 24.2.3, 24.4.27, 24.5.3, 24.6.1, 25.4.2-25.4.6, 25.8.5, 25.8.9, 25.10.5, 26.4.4, 26.6.10, 26.10.15-26.10.19, 27.3.12-27.3.13, 27.6.15, 27.10.9, 27.10.11-27.10.12, 28.1.15-28.1.16, 28.1.28, 28.2.5-28.2.9, 28.3.6, 28.4, 28.4.26, 29.1.31, 29.5.46, 29.6.2, 30.4.3-30.4.22, 30.5.9-30.5.10, 31.2.1, 31.2.4, 31.3.8, 31.4-31.5, 31.4.6, 31.4.9, 31.5.10, 31.8.9, 31.10.21, 31.12.17, 31.13.11, 31.15.2, 31.16.7, 31.16.9 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 117, 197, 302, 333, 340, 373, 387; Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 24; Edmonds (2019), Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World, 84, 353, 389; Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 73; Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 240, 280; Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 145, 160; Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 19; Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 231, 232, 233, 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240, 241, 242; Masterson (2016), Man to Man: Desire, Homosociality, and Authority in Late-Roman Manhood. 5, 25, 47, 77, 83, 86; Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 54; O'Daly (2020), Augustine's City of God: A Reader's Guide (2nd edn), 11, 12, 13, 14; Pollmann and Vessey (2007), Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions, 119; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 269, 279, 291; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 112; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 155; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 81, 136, 149, 150, 151, 152; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 94; Woolf (2011). Tales of the Barbarians: Ethnography and Empire in the Roman West. 32, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 210, 222, 247, 248, 260 | 14.2.1. And indeed this was not the only calamity to afflict the Orient with various disasters. For the Isaurians A people dwelling in the mountains of Pisida in southern Asia Minor. too, whose way it is now to keep the peace and now put everything in turmoil by sudden raids, abandoned their occasional secret plundering expeditions and, as impunity stimulated for the worse their growing boldness, broke out in a serious war. For a long time they had been inflaming their warlike spirits by restless outbreaks, but they were now especially exasperated, as they declared, by the indignity of some of their associates, who had been taken prisoner, having been thrown to beasts of prey in the shows of the amphitheatre at Iconium, a town of Pisidia—an outrage without precedent. 14.2.2. And, in the words of Cicero, Pro Cluentio , 25, 67. as even wild animals, when warned by hunger, generally return to the place where they were once fed, so they all, swooping like a whirlwind down from their steep and rugged mountains, made for the districts near the sea; and hiding themselves there in pathless lurking-places and defiles as the dark nights were coming on-the moon being still crescent and so not shining with full brilliance—they watched the sailors. And when they saw that they were buried in sleep, creeping on all fours along the anchor-ropes and making their way on tiptoe into the boats, they came upon the crew all unawares, and since their natural ferocity was fired by greed, they spared no one, even of those who surrendered, but massacred them all and without resistance carried off the cargoes, led either by their value or by their usefulness. 14.2.5. Anger at this aroused the soldiers quartered in the numerous towns and fortresses which lie near those regions, and each division strove to the best of its power to check the marauders as they ranged more widely, now in solid bodies, sometimes even in isolated bands. But the soldiers were defeated by their strength and numbers; for since the Isaurians were born and brought up amid the steep and winding defiles of the mountains, they bounded over them as if they were a smooth and level plain, attacking the enemy with missiles from a distance and terrifying them with savage howls. 14.2.6. And sometimes our infantry in pursuing them were forced to scale lofty slopes, and when they lost their footing, even if they reached the very summits by catching hold of underbrush or briars, the narrow and pathless tracts allowed them neither to take order of battle nor with mighty effort to keep a firm footing; and while the enemy, running here and there, tore off and hurled down masses of rock from above, they made their perilous way down over steep slopes; or if, compelled by dire necessity, they made a brave fight, they were overwhelmed by falling boulders of enormous weight. 14.3.2. And as all the districts of Mesopotamia, being exposed to frequent raids, were protected by frontier-guards and country garrisons, Nohodares, having turned his course to the left, had beset the remotest parts of Osdroene, attempting a novel and all but unprecedented manœuvre; and if he had succeeded, he would have devastated the whole region like a thunderbolt. Now what he planned was the following. 14.4.1. The Saracens, however, whom we never found desirable either as friends or as enemies, ranging up and down the country, in a brief space of time laid waste whatever they could find, like rapacious kites which, whenever they have caught sight of any prey from on high, seize it with swift swoop, and directly they have seized it make off. 14.5.6. Prominent among these was the state secretary See Introd., p. xxx. Paulus, a native of Spain, a kind of viper, whose countece concealed his character, but who was extremely clever in scenting out hidden means of danger for others. When he had been sent to Britain to fetch some officers who had dared to conspire with Magnentius, since they could make no resistance he autocratically exceeded his instructions and, like a flood, suddenly overwhelmed the fortunes of many, making his way amid manifold slaughter and destruction, imprisoning freeborn men and even degrading some with handcuffs; as a matter of fact, he patched together many accusations with utter disregard of the truth, and to him was due an impious crime, which fixed an eternal stain upon the time of Constantius. 14.6.3. At the time when Rome first began to rise into a position of world-wide splendour, destined to live so long as men shall exist, in order that she might grow to a towering stature, Virtue and Fortune, ordinarily at variance, formed a pact of eternal peace; for if either one of them had failed her, Rome had not come to complete supremacy. 14.6.4. Her people, from the very cradle to the end of their childhood, The same figure is used by Florus, Introd. 4 ff. ( L.C.L. , pp. 6 ff.). a period of about three hundred years, carried on wars about her walls. Then, entering upon adult life, after many toilsome wars, they crossed the Alps and the sea. Grown to youth and manhood, from every region which the vast globe includes, they brought back laurels and triumphs. And now, declining into old age, and often owing victory to its name alone, it has come to a quieter period of life. 14.6.5. Thus the venerable city, after humbling the proud necks of savage nations, and making laws, the everlasting foundations and moorings of liberty, like a thrifty parent, wise and wealthy, has entrusted the management of her inheritance to the Caesars, as to her children. 14.6.6. And although for some time the tribes The thirty-five tribes into which the Roman citizens were divided. have been inactive and the centuries The comitia centuriata. at peace, and there are no contests for votes but the tranquillity of Numa’s time has returned, yet throughout all regions and parts of the earth she is accepted as mistress and queen; everywhere the white hair of the senators and their authority are revered and the name of the Roman people is respected and honoured. 14.6.8. Some of these men eagerly strive for statues, thinking that by them they can be made immortal, as if they would gain a greater reward from senseless brazen images than from the consciousness of honourable and virtuous conduct. And they take pains to have them overlaid with gold, a fashion first introduced by Acilius Glabrio, See Livy, xl. 34, 5. after his skill and his arms had overcome King Antiochus. At Thermopylae in 191 B.C. But how noble it is, scorning these slight and trivial honours, to aim to tread the long and steep ascent to true glory, as the bard of Ascra expresses it, Hesiod, Works and Days , 289 ff. τῆς δ᾽ ἀρετῆς ἱδρῶτα θεοὶ προπάροιθεν ἔθηκαν | Ἀθάνατοι· μακρὸς δὲ καὶ ὄρθιος οἶμος ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν, | καὶ τρηχὺς τὸ πρῶτον· ἐπὴν δ᾽ εἰς ἄκρον ἵκηται, | Ῥηιδίη δὴ ἔπειτα πέλει, χαλεπή περ᾽ ἐοῦσα. is made clear by Cato the Censor. For when he was asked why he alone among many did not have a statue, he replied: I would rather that good men should wonder why I did not deserve one than (which is much worse) should mutter Why was he given one? 14.7.5. After this, when Gallus was on the point of leaving for Hierapolis, ostensibly to take part in the campaign, and the commons of Antioch suppliantly besought him to save them from the fear of a famine, which, through many difficulties of circumstance, was then believed to be imminent, he did not, after the manner of princes whose widely extended power sometimes cures local troubles, make any arrangements or command the bringing of supplies from neighbouring provinces; but to the multitude, which was in fear of the direst necessity, he delivered up Theophilus, consular governor of Syria, who was standing near by, constantly repeating the statement, that no one could lack food if the governor did not wish it. 14.8.13. Adjacent to this region is Arabia, which on one side adjoins the country of the Nabataei, a land producing a rich variety of wares and studded with strong castles and fortresses, which the watchful care of the early inhabitants reared in suitable and readily defended defiles, to check the inroads of neighbouring tribes. This region also has, in addition to some towns, great cities, Bostra, Gerasa and Philadelphia, all strongly defended by mighty walls. It was given the name of a province, assigned a governor, and compelled to obey our laws by the emperor Trajan, In A.D. 105. who, by frequent victories crushed the arrogance of its inhabitants when he was waging glorious war with Media and the Parthians. 15.1.1. So far as I could investigate the truth, I have, after putting the various events in clear order, related what I myself was allowed to witness in the course of my life, or to learn by meticulous questioning of those directly concerned. The rest, which the text to follow will disclose, we shall set forth to the best of our ability with still greater accuracy, feeling no fear of critics of the prolixity of our work, as they consider it; for conciseness is to be praised only when it breaks off ill-timed discursiveness, without detracting at all from an understanding of the course of events. 15.2.4. Furthermore, he was attacked with the blandishments of counterfeit courtesy by Arbitio, who kept openly calling him his colleague and a brave man, but who was exceedingly shrewd in devising deadly snares for a straightforward character and was at that time altogether too powerful. For just as an underground serpent, lurking below the hidden entrance to its hole, watches each passer-by and attacks him with a sudden spring, so he, through envy of others’ fortune even after reaching the highest military position, without ever being injured or provoked kept staining his conscience from an insatiable determination to do harm. 15.4.8. For the enemy sprang unexpectedly out of their lurking-places and without sparing pierced with many kinds of weapons everything within reach; and in fact not one of our men could resist, nor could they hope for any other means of saving their lives than swift flight. Therefore the soldiers, bent on avoiding wounds, straggled here and there in disorderly march, exposing their backs to blows. Very many however, scattering by narrow by-paths and saved from danger by the protecting darkness of the night, when daylight returned recovered their strength and rejoined each his own company. In this mischance, so heavy and so unexpected, an excessive number of soldiers and ten tribunes were lost. 15.4.11. They with the soldiers under their command, devoting themselves on behalf of the common cause, like the Decii of old, See Index. poured like a torrent upon the enemy, and not in a pitched battle, but in a series of swift skirmishes, put them all to most shameful flight. And as they scattered with broken ranks and encumbered by their haste to escape, they exposed themselves unprotected, and by many a thrust of swords and spears were cut to pieces. 15.7.7. Athanasius, at that time bishop of Alexandria, was a man who exalted himself above his calling and tried to pry into matters outside his province, as persistent rumours revealed; therefore an assembly which had been convoked of members of that same sect—a synod, as they call it—deposed him from the rank that he held. 15.7.8. For it was reported that, being highly skilled in the interpretation of prophetic lots or of the omens indicated by birds, he had sometimes foretold future events; and besides this he was also charged with other practices repugt to the purposes of the religion over which he presided. 15.7.9. Liberius, when directed by the emperor’s order to depose him from his priesthood by endorsing the official decree, though holding the same opinion as the rest strenuously objected, crying out that it was the height of injustice to condemn a man unseen and unheard, thus, of course, openly defying the emperor’s will. 15.7.10. For although Constantius, who was always hostile to Athanasius, knew that the matter had been carried out, yet he strove with eager desire to have it ratified also by the higher power of the bishop of the Eternal City; One of the earliest indications of the growing importance of the Roman bishops. and since he could not obtain this, Liberius was spirited away, but only with the greatest difficulty and in the middle of the night, for fear of the populace, who were devotedly attached to him. 15.8.16. Gazing long and earnestly on his eyes, at once terrible and full of charm, and on his face attractive in its unusual animation, they divined what manner of man he would be, as if they had perused those ancient books, the reading of which discloses from bodily signs the inward qualities of the soul. Cf. Gellius, i. 9, 2, ( Pythagoras ) iam a principio adulescentes ἐφυσιογνωμόνει. Id verbum significat, mores . . . de oris et vultus ingenio . . . sciscitari. And that he might be regarded with the greater respect, they neither praised him beyond measure nor less than was fitting, and therefore their words were esteemed as those of censors, not of soldiers. 15.9.1. Now, since—as the lofty bard of Mantua said of old—a greater work Aen. vii. 44 f, maior rerum mihi nascitur ordo, Maius opus moveo. undertake, a greater train of events ariseth before me, I think now a suitable time to describe the regions and situation of the Gauls, for fear that amid fiery encounters and shifting fortunes of battle I may treat of matters unknown to some and seem to follow the example of slovenly sailors, who are forced amid surges and storms to mend their worn sails and rigging, which might have been put in order with less danger. 15.9.2. The ancient writers, in doubt as to the earliest origin of the Gauls, have left an incomplete account of the matter, but later Timagenes, Timagenes of Alexandria, who, according to Suidas, was brought to Rome as a prisoner of war by Pompey. He wrote a History of Alexander and a History of the Gauls. Cf. Hor., Epist. i. 19, 15; Quint., i. 10, 10; x. i. 75. a true Greek in accuracy as well as language, collected out of various books these facts that had been long forgotten; which, following his authority, and avoiding any obscurity, I shall state clearly and plainly. 15.9.3. Some asserted that the people first seen in these regions were Aborigines, called Celts from the name of a beloved king, and Galatae (for so the Greek language terms the Gauls) from the name of his mother. Others stated that the Dorians, following the earlier Hercules, Earlier seems to be contrasted with the son of Amphytrion in 9, 6, below and the Theban Hercules in 10, 9, whom Ammianus identifies with the son of Amphytrion. The story of a hero similar to Hercules is found in Greece, Italy, Egypt, the Orient, and among the Celts and Germans. Cicero, De Nat. Deor. iii. 16, 42, names six Herculeses, Serv., ad Aen. viii. 564, four: the Tirynthian, Argive, Theban, and Libyan. The Theban Hercules is generally regarded as the son of Amphitryon, but the one here referred to seems to have been the Italic hero, locally called Recaranus and Garanus, who was later identified with the Greek Heracles. settled in the lands bordering on the Ocean. 15.9.4. The Drysidae Druids say that a part of the people was in fact indigenous, but that others also poured in from the remote islands and the regions across the Rhine, driven from their homes by continual wars and by the inundation of the stormy sea. 15.9.5. Some assert that after the destruction of Troy a few of those who fled from the Greeks and were scattered everywhere occupied those regions, which were then deserted. 15.9.6. But the inhabitants of those countries affirm this beyond all else, and I have also read it inscribed upon their monuments, that Hercules, the son of Amphytrion, hastened to destroy the cruel tyrants Geryon and Tauriscus, of whom one oppressed Spain, the other, Gaul; and having overcome them both that he took to wife some high-born women and begat numerous children, who called by their own names the districts which they ruled. 15.9.7. But in fact a people of Asia from Phocaea, to avoid the severity of Harpalus, An error for Harpagus, see Index. prefect of king Cyrus, set sail for Italy. A part of them founded Velia Modern Castellamare della Bruca. in Lucania, the rest, Massilia Marseilles. in the region of Vienne. Then in subsequent ages they established no small number of towns, as their strength and resources increased. But I must not discuss varying opinions, which often causes satiety. 15.9.8. Throughout these regions men gradually grew civilised and the study of the liberal arts flourished, initiated by the Bards, the Euhages and the Druids. The three are connected also by Strabo (iv. 4. 4), who says that the bards were poets; the euhages ( οὐάτεις ), diviners and natural philosophers; while the Druids studied both natural and moral philosophy. L.C.L. ii. p. 245. Now, the Bards sang to the sweet strains of the lyre the valorous deeds of famous men composed in heroic verse, but the Euhages, Properly, Vates ( οὐάτεις ). investigating the sublime, attempted to explain the secret laws of nature. The Druids, being loftier than the rest in intellect, and bound together in fraternal organisations, as the authority of Pythagoras determined, were elevated by their investigation of obscure and profound subjects, and scorning all things human, pronounced the soul immortal. 15.12.1. Almost all the Gauls are of tall stature, fair and ruddy, terrible for the fierceness of their eyes, fond of quarrelling, and of overbearing insolence. In fact, a whole band of foreigners will be unable to cope with one of them in a fight, if he call in his wife, stronger than he by far and with flashing eyes; least of all when she swells her neck and gnashes her teeth, and poising her huge white arms, proceeds to rain punches mingled with kicks, like shots discharged by the twisted cords of a catapult. 15.12.6. Now the whole of Gaul (except where, as the authority of Sallust Hist. i. 11, Maurenbrecher. informs us, it was impassable with marshes), after losses on both sides during ten years of war the dictator Caesar subdued and joined to us in an everlasting covet of alliance. I have digressed too far, but I shall at last return to my subject. 16.1.4. For some law of a higher life seems to have attended this youth from his noble cradle even to his last breath. For with rapid strides he grew so conspicuous at home and abroad that in his foresight he was esteemed a second Titus, son of Vespasian, in the glorious progress of his wars as very like Trajan, mild as Antoninus Pius, and in searching out the true and perfect reason of things in harmony with Marcus Aurelius, in emulation of whom he moulded his conduct and his character. This is also stated by Eutropius, x. 16, 5, and by Julian himself in his Letter to Themistius , p. 253, 13; ii. p. 203, L.C.L. 16.5.17. And as wild beasts accustomed to live by plundering when their guards are slack do not cease even when these guards are removed and stronger ones put in their place, but ravening with hunger rush upon flocks or herds without regard for their own lives: so they too, when they had used up all that they had seized by pillage, urged on by hunger, were continually driving off booty, and sometimes perishing of want before finding anything. 16.7.5. He was born in Armenia of free parents, but when still very young he was kidnapped by hostile tribesmen in that neighbourhood, who gelded him and sold him to some Roman traders, who brought him to Constantine’s palace. There, as he grew up, he gradually gave evidence of virtuous living and intelligence. He received as much training in letters as might suffice for one of that station; conspicuous for his remarkable keenness in devising and solving difficult and knotty problems, he had extraordinary powers of memory; he was eager to do kindnesses and full of sound counsel. And if the emperor Constans had listened to him in times past, when Eutherius had grown up and was already mature, and urged honourable and upright conduct upon him, he would have been guilty of no faults, or at least of only pardonable ones. Text and meaning are uncertain. On the faults of Constans, cf. Aurel. Victor, 41, and Zosimus, ii. 42. 16.8.2. For if anyone consulted a soothsayer about the squeaking of a shrew-mouse, the meeting with a weasel on the way, or any like portent, or used some old wife’s charm to relieve pain (a thing which even medical authority allows), he was indicted (from what source he could not guess), was haled into court, and suffered death as the penalty. 16.12.51. Worn out at last by so many calamities, and now being eager for flight alone, over various paths they made haste with all speed to get away, just as sailors and passengers hurry to be cast up on land out of the midst of the billows of a raging sea, no matter where the wind has carried them; and anyone there present will admit that it was a means of escape more prayed for than expected. 16.12.57. And just as in some theatrical scene, when the curtain displays many wonderful sights, so now one could without apprehension see how some who did not know how to swim clung fast to good swimmers; how others floated like logs when they were left behind by those who swam faster; and some were swept into the currents and swallowed up, so to speak, by the struggling violence of the stream; some were carried along on their shields, and by frequently changing their direction avoided the steep masses of the onrushing waves, and so after many a risk reached the further shores. And at last the reddened river’s bed, foaming with the savages’ blood, was itself amazed at these strange additions to its waters. 16.12.69. As a consequence, he was elated by the grandiloquence of his sycophants, and then and later in his published edicts he arrogantly lied about a great many matters, frequently writing that he alone (although he had not been present at the action) had both fought and conquered, and had raised up the suppliant kings of foreign nations. If, for example, when he himself was then in Italy, one of his generals had fought bravely against the Persians, he would make no mention of him in the course of a very long account, but would send out letters wreathed in laurel to the detriment They were a detriment because of the expense they caused for celebrations, and graft by the agentes in rebus. of the provinces, indicating with odious self-praise that he had fought in the front ranks. 16.12.70. In short, there are extant statements filed among the public records of this emperor, in which ostentatious reports are given, of his boasting and exalting himself to the sky. The text is uncertain, but the general sense is clear. When this battle was fought near Strasburg, although he was distant forty days’ march, in his description of the fight he falsely asserts that he arranged the order of battle, and stood among the standard-bearers, and drove the barbarians headlong, and that Chonodomarius was brought to him, saying nothing (Oh, shameful indignity!) of the glorious deeds of Julian, which he would have buried in oblivion, had not fame been unable to suppress his splendid exploits, however much many people would have obscured them. 17.8.4. But quicker than a flash he followed them up after their departure, and sending his general Severus along the river bank, fell upon the whole troop suddenly and smote them like a thunderstorm; at once they took to entreaties rather than to resistance, and he turned the outcome of his victory into the timely direction of mercy by receiving them in surrender with their property and their children. 18.6.21. To him I was sent with a centurion of tried loyalty, for the purpose of getting better informed of what was going on; and I reached him over pathless mountains and through steep defiles. After he had seen and recognized me, and received me cordially, I confided to him alone the reason for my presence. Thereupon with one silent attendant who knew the country he sent me to some lofty cliffs a long distance from there, from which, unless one’s eyesight was impaired, even the smallest object was visible at a distance of fifty miles. 18.6.22. There we stayed for two full days, and at dawn of the third day we saw below us the whole circuit of the lands (which we That is, the Greeks. call ὁρίζοντες The horizon. ) filled with innumerable troops with the king leading the way, glittering in splendid attire. Close by him on the left went Grumbates, king of the Chionitae, Sapor had recently made peace with them; see xvi. 9, 4. a man of moderate strength, it is true, and with shrivelled limbs, but of a certain greatness of mind and distinguished by the glory of many victories. On the right was the king of the Albani, Dwelling in what is now Georgia. of equal rank, high in honour. After them came various leaders, prominent in reputation and rank, followed by a multitude of every degree, chosen from the flower of the neighbouring nations and taught to endure hardship by long continued training. 18.7.2. Then I returned, again passing through deserted and solitary places, more quickly than could be expected, led as I was by the great consolation of necessity, and cheered the spirits of those who were troubled because they were informed that the kings, without any detour, had crossed on a single bridge of boats. 18.8.9. And so, now scorning any desire for life and fighting manfully, we were driven to the banks of the Tigris, which were high and steep. From these some hurled themselves headlong, but entangled by their weapons stuck fast in the shoals of the river; others were dragged down in the eddying pools and swallowed up; some engaged the enemy and fought with varying success; others, terrified by the dense array of hostile ranks, sought to reach the nearest elevations of Mount Taurus. 19.11.6. They gave some frivolous and unsatisfactory excuses, since fear forced them to lie, and begged for pardon, entreating the emperor to forget his anger and allow them to cross the river and come to him, in order to inform him of the difficulties that they were suffering. They were ready to take up far distant lands, but within the compass of the Roman world, if he would allow them, in order that wrapped in lasting repose and worshipping Quiet (as a saving goddess), they might submit to the burdens and the name of tributaries. 19.12.14. For if anyone wore on his neck an amulet against the quartan ague or any other complaint, or was accused by the testimony of the evil-disposed of passing by a grave in the evening, on the ground that he was a dealer in poisons, or a gatherer of the horrors of tombs and the vain illusions of the ghosts that walk there, he was condemned to capital punishment and so perished. 19.13.1. In these days the Isaurians, who had long been quiet after the acts of which an account is given above See xiv. 2, 1 ff. and the attempted siege of the city of Seleucia, gradually coming to life again just as snakes are wont to dart forth from their holes in the spring time, sallying forth from their rocky and inaccessible mountain fastnesses, and massed together in dense bands, were harrying their neighbours with thefts and brigandage, eluding the frontier-defences of our soldiers by their skill as mountaineers and from experience easily running over rocks and through thickets. 20.8.4. But yet he thought that Constantius had long since had news of the event through the reports of Decentius, who had come back some time before, and of the chamberlains, who had lately passed through on their way from Gaul after bringing the Caesar a part of his regular income. Part of the tribute exacted in Gaul; for this meaning of sollemnia, cf. xxii. 7, 10, annua complentes sollemnia. And although he reported the changed conditions, he did not write anything in a hostile tone nor in arrogant language, lest he should seem suddenly to have become full of haughtiness. The purport of the letter was as follows: 20.8.5. I for my part have remained true to my principles, not less in my conduct than in the observance of agreements, so long as they remained in force, always keeping one and the same mind, as is clearly evident from many of my actions. 20.8.6. From the time when you first made me Caesar and exposed me to the dread tumults of war, content with the power committed to me, I filled your ears (like a trusty servant) with constant reports of successful achievements proceeding to my heart’s desire, never attributing anything at all to my own perils; and yet it is clear from constant proofs that in the contests with the widely scattered and often interallied Germans I was in toil, always seen first of all, and in rest from toil, last. 20.8.7. But if now, with your kind indulgence be it said, there has been any change (as you think), it is the soldiers, exhausting themselves without profit in many cruel wars, who have in rebellious fashion carried out a resolve of long standing, being impatient of a leader of the second rank, since they thought that no recompense for their unremitting toil and repeated victories could be made by a Caesar. 20.8.8. To their anger at neither winning increase in rank nor receiving the annual pay was added the unlooked-for order, that men accustomed to cold regions should go to the remotest parts of the eastern world and be dragged away destitute and stripped of everything, separated from their wives and children. Angered by this beyond their wonted manner, they gathered together at night and beset the palace, shouting loudly again and again Julianus Augustus . 20.8.9. I was horrified (I confess it) and withdrew; and holding aloof as long as I could, I tried to save myself by remaining in hiding and concealment. But when no respite was given, protected by the rampart of a free conscience (so to say), I went forth and stood before them all, supposing that the outbreak could be quieted by my authority or by persuasive words. 20.8.10. But their excitement was most unusual, and they went so far that when I tried to overcome their obstinacy by entreaties, they rushed upon me and threatened me with instant death. Overcome at last, and thinking to myself that if I were slain another would perhaps willingly be proclaimed emperor, I yielded, expecting that I could thus quiet their armed violence. 20.8.11. This is a full account of what took place, and I pray that you will receive it in a spirit of peace. Do not suspect that anything different was done, or listen to malicious and pernicious whisperers, whose habit it is to excite dissension between princes for their own profit; but rejecting flattery, the nurse of vices, turn to justice, the most excellent of all virtues, and accept in good faith the fair conditions which I propose, convincing yourself that this is to the advantage of the rule of Rome Cf. Cic. De Rep. I. 49. as well as to ourselves, who are united by the tie of blood and by our lofty position. 20.8.12. And pardon me: I am not so desirous that these things which are reasonably demanded should be done, as that they should be approved by you as expedient and right, and for the future also I shall eagerly receive your instructions. 20.8.13. What ought to be done I will reduce to a few words. I will furnish Spanish horses for your chariots, and to be mingled with the household troops and the targeteers some young men of the Laeti, a tribe of barbarians on this side of the Rhine, or at any rate from those of them who voluntarily come over to us. And this I promise to do to the end of my life, with not only a willing but an eager spirit. 20.8.14. As praetorian prefects your clemency shall appoint for us those who are known for their justice and their merits; the promotion of the other civil officials and military officers, as well as of my bodyguard, is properly to be left to my decision. For it would be folly, since it can be prevented from happening, that those should be attached to an emperor’s person whose character and inclinations are unknown to him. 20.8.15. This at least I would declare without any hesitation: the Gauls, since they have been harassed by long continued troubles and grievous misfortunes, cannot voluntarily or under compulsion send recruits to foreign and distant countries, for fear that, if they lose all their young manhood, downcast as they are by the memory of their past afflictions, even so they may perish from despair at what may befall hereafter. 20.8.16. Furthermore, it will not be expedient to draw from here auxiliaries to be opposed to the Parthian nations, since the onsets of the barbarians are not yet checked and (if you will permit me to speak the truth) these provinces which have been vexed with constant calamities need aid themselves from without, and valiant aid too. 20.8.17. In urging these measures I have written (I think) to the advantage of the state both in my requests and in my demands. For I know, I do know, not to say anything more arrogantly than befits my authority, what wretched conditions, even when everything seemed already lost and without remedy, have been brought to a better state by the harmony of rulers yielding in turn to each other. Indeed, it is clear from the example of our forefathers that rulers who have these and similar designs are able somehow to find a way of living happily and successfully and of leaving to posterity and to all future time a happy memory of their lives. 20.8.18. Along with this letter he sent another of a more private nature to be delivered to Constantius secretly, which was written in a more reproachful and bitter tone; the content of this it was not possible for me to examine, nor if it had been, would it have been fitting for me to make it public. 20.8.19. To perform this mission two men of importance were chosen, Pentadius, the court marshal, At Julian’s court. and Eutherius, who was then head chamberlain.1 After delivering the letters they were to report what they saw without concealing anything and to deal confidently with the course of future events. 20.9.1. The envoys followed with no less diligence, bearing with them the messages which I have mentioned and intent upon their journey; when, however, they fell in with higher officials they were covertly detained, but after suffering continual and serious delays as they passed through Italy and Illyricum, they at last crossed the Bosporus, and proceeding by slow stages found Constantius still tarrying in Cappadocia at Caesarea. This was a well-situated and populous city, formerly called Mazaca, situated at the foot of Mount Argaeus. 21.1.7. And since to an emperor both learned and devoted to all knowledge malicious folk attribute evil arts for divining future events, we must briefly consider how this important kind of learning also may form part of a philosopher’s equipment. 21.1.8. The spirit pervading all the elements, seeing that they are eternal bodies, is always and everywhere strong in the power of prescience, and as the result of the knowledge which we acquire through varied studies makes us also sharers in the gifts of divina- tion; and the elemental powers, Demons, in the Greek sense of the word δαίμονες; of. xiv. 11, 25, substantialis tutela. when propitiated by divers rites, supply mortals with words of prophecy, as if from the veins of inexhaustible founts. These prophecies are said to be under the control of the divine Themis, so named because she reveals in advance decrees determined for the future by the law of the fates, which the Greeks call τεθειμένα; Things fixed and immutable. and therefore the ancient theologians gave her a share in the bed and throne of Jupiter, the life-giving power. 21.1.10. Those, too, who give attention to the prophetic entrails of beasts, which are wont to assume innumerable forms, know of impending events. And the teacher of this branch of learning is one named Tages, who (as the story goes) was seen suddenly to spring from the earth in the regions of Etruria. See xvii. 10, 2, note. 21.16.5. By a prudent and temperate manner of life and by moderation in eating and drinking he maintained such sound health that he rarely suffered from illnesses, but such as he had were of a dangerous character. For that abstinence from dissipation and luxury have this effect on the body is shown by repeated experience, as well as by the statements of physicians. 21.16.6. He was content with little sleep when time and circumstances so required. Throughout the entire span of his life he was so extraordinarily chaste, that not even a suspicion could be raised against him even by an ill-disposed attendant on his private life, a charge which malice, even if it fails to discover it, still trumps up, having regard to the unrestrained liberty of supreme power. 21.16.15. Now, although this emperor in foreign wars met with loss and disaster, yet he was elated by his success in civil conflicts and drenched with awful gore from the internal wounds of the state. It was on this unworthy rather than just or usual ground It was usual to celebrate a triumph only over foreign enemies, and the same rule applied to triumphal arches. that in Gaul and Pannonia he erected triumphal arches Although this term is so common in English, this is the first and only occurrence in Latin literature, and it is found besides only in four late inscriptions from northern Africa. at great expense commemorating the ruin of the provinces, That is, his victories over his rivals, and the bloodshed and ruin attending them. and added records of his deeds, that men might read of him so long as those monuments could last. 22.2.3. For they perceived that the throne, which they were on their way to usurp in the face of the greatest dangers, had beyond their hope been granted to him by the ordinary course of law. And as rumour is wont to exaggerate all novelties, he hastened on from there, now raised still higher, as though in some chariot of Triptolemus, It was drawn by winged dragons and given to him by Ceres, to carry a knowledge of agriculture through the world. See Hygin. Fab. 147; Ovid, Metam. v. 641 ff. which the poets of old, because of its swift turnings, represented as drawn through the air by winged dragons; and dreaded by land and sea and opposed by no delays, he entered Heraclea, also called Perinthus. 22.2.4. When this was presently known at Constantinople, all ages and sexes poured forth, as if to look upon someone sent down from heaven. And so he was met on the eleventh of December with the respectful attendance of the senate and the uimous applause of the people, and surrounded by troups of soldiers and citizens he was escorted as if by an army in line of battle, while all eyes were turned upon him, not only with a fixed gaze, but also with great admiration. 22.2.5. For it seemed almost like a dream that this young man, just come to his growth, He was 31 years old. of small stature but conspicuous for great deeds, after the bloodstained destruction of kings and nations had passed from city to city with unlooked-for speed; that increasing in power and strength wherever he went, he had easily seized upon all places as swiftly as rumour flies, and finally had received the imperial power, bestowed upon him by Heaven’s nod without any loss to the state. 22.3.5. Pentadius also was threatened with the same fate, against whom the charge was made, that, being sent by Constantius he took down in shorthand the answers that Gallus had made to the many questions put to him when his ruin was approaching. But since he justified himself, he finally got off unpunished. 22.5.3. And in order to add to the effectiveness of these ordices, he summoned to the palace the bishops of the Christians, who were of conflicting opinions, and the people, who were also at variance, and politely advised them to lay aside their differences, and each fearlessly and without opposition to observe his own beliefs. 22.5.4. On this he took a firm stand, to the end that, as this freedom increased their dissension, he might afterwards have no fear of a united populace, knowing as he did from experience that no wild beasts are such enemies to mankind as are most of the Christians in their deadly hatred of one another. And he often used to say: Hear me, to whom the Alamanni and the Franks have given ear, thinking that in this he was imitating a saying of the earlier emperor Marcus. But he did not observe that the two cases were very different. 22.16.17. And although very many writers flourished in early times as well as these whom I have mentioned, nevertheless not even to-day is learning of various kinds silent in that same city; for the teachers of the arts show signs of life, and the geometrical measuring-rod brings to light whatever is concealed, the stream of music is not yet wholly dried up among them, harmony is not reduced to silence, the consideration of the motion of the universe and of the stars is still kept warm with some, few though they be, and there are others who are skilled in numbers; and a few besides are versed in the knowledge which reveals the course of the fates. 23.5.3. For once upon a time at Antioch, amid deep silence, Or perhaps, in a time of profound peace. an actor of mimes, who with his wife had been presented in stage-plays, was presenting some scenes from everyday life. And while all the people were amazed at the charm of the performance, the wife suddenly cried: Is it a dream, or are the Persians here? Whereupon all the people turned their heads about and then fled in all directions, to avoid the arrows that were showered upon them from the citadel. Thus the city was set on fire, and many people who were carelessly wandering about, as in time of peace, were butchered; neighbouring places were burned and devastated, and the enemy, laden with plunder, returned home without the loss of a single man. Mareades, who had inconsiderately brought the Persians there to the destruction of his own people, was burned alive. This took place in the time of Gallienus. 260-268; according to others, it was in the time of his father Valerian. 23.5.7. Setting out from there we came to a place called Zaitha, which means Olive tree. Here we saw, conspicuous from afar, the tomb of the Emperor Gordianus, Zosimus, iii. 14, locates the tomb at Dura: see below, ch. 8. of whose deeds from early childhood, his successful campaigns, and his treacherous murder we have spoken at the appropriate time. In one of the lost books. 23.6.28. It is a warlike nation, and most of all to be feared next to the Parthians, by whom alone it is surpassed, and its territory has the form of a rectangle. The inhabitants of these lands as a whole dwell in a most spacious country, overhung by very lofty mountains, which they call Zagrus, Orontes, and Iasonius. All these are branches of Mt. Taurus. 23.6.29. Those who dwell on the western side of the lofty mountain Coronus In Parthia. abound in fields of grain and vineyards, Polyb. v. 44, 1. enjoy the fertility of a productive soil, and are rich in rivers and clear springs. 23.6.33. When Zoroaster had boldly made his way into the unknown regions of Upper India, he reached a wooded wilderness, whose calm silence the lofty intellects of the Brahmins control. From their teaching he learned as much as he could grasp of the laws regulating the movements of the earth and the stars, and of the pure sacrificial rites. of what he had learned he communicated something to the understanding of the Magi, which they, along with the art of divining the future, hand on from generation to generation to later times. 23.6.59. Next the Sogdiani dwell at the foot of the mountains which they call the Sogdii, through whose territories two rivers flow which are navigable by ships, the Araxates Probably for Iaxartes; Curtius, vii. 6, 19-21. and the Dymas. These streams rush headlong over mountains and valleys into a level plain and form a lake, Oxia by name, which is both long and broad. Here among other towns Alexandria, Cyreschata, By others called Cyropolis, destroyed by Alexander the Great; cf. Arrian, Anab , iv. 2, 2 f. and the metropolis, Drepsa, are famous. 23.6.60. Next to these are the Sacae, a tribe of savages, inhabiting a rough country rich only for cattle, and hence without cities. It is overhung by the mountains Ascanimia and Comedus, along the base of which and through a village, which they call Lithinos Pyrgos, The Stone Tower. a very long road extends, which is the route taken by the traders who journey from time to time to the land of the Seres. 23.6.61. Along the slopes and at the foot of the mountains which they call Imavi and Apurii, various Scythian tribes dwell within the Persian territories, bordering on the Asiatic Sarmatians and reaching to the outermost side of the Halani. These, as if living in a nook of the world, and brought up in solitude, are widely scattered, and are accustomed to common and poor food. 24.2.3. Then during the following two days we covered 200 stadia and arrived at a place called Baraxmalcha. From there we crossed the river and entered the city of Diacira, In Ptolemy, Idikara; to-day, Hit; known to Hdt. (i. 179). seven miles distant. This place was without inhabitants, but rich in grain and fine white salt; there we saw a temple, standing on a lofty citadel. After burning the city, and killing a few women whom we found, we passed over a spring bubbling with bitumen and took possession of the town of Ozogardana, which the inhabitants had likewise deserted through fear of the approaching army. Here a tribunal of the emperor Trajan was to be seen. Perhaps a memorial to the dead emperor (cf. Tac., Ann. ii. 83, where the meaning is uncertain); here perhaps the reference is to a structure built by Trajan while alive. 24.4.27. But as to the maidens who were taken prisoners (and they were beautiful, as is usual in Persia, where the women excel in that respect) he refused to touch a single one or even to look on her, following the example of Alexander and Africanus, Cf. Polyb. x. 19, 3 f.; Val. Max. iv. 3, 1; Curt. iii. 12, 21; iv. 10, 24. Cyrus might have been added to the list. who avoided such conduct, lest those who showed themselves unwearied by hardships should be unnerved by passion. 24.5.3. This district is fruitful in fields of grain and in cultivation. The text is very uncertain. There was probably a lacuna between qui and bus. Not far from it is Coche, which they call Seleucia; there a camp was hastily fortified, and the entire army because of the convenience of water and fodder rested for two days. But the emperor went on ahead with some light-armed skirmishers, in order to visit a deserted city destroyed in former days by the emperor Carus M. Aurelius Carus, emperor from 282-283. Cf. Eutro. pius, ix. 8. ; in this there is an ever flowing spring forming a great pool which empties into the Tigris. There he saw the impaled bodies of many kinsmen of the man who (as I have already said) Cf. 2, 21, above. had surrendered the city of Pirisabora. 24.6.1. Then we came to an artificial river, by name Naarmalcha, meaning the kings’ river, Cf. xxiii. 6, 25; xxiv. 2, 7; 6, 1. which at that time was dried up. Here in days gone by Trajan, and after him Severus, had with immense effort caused the accumulated earth to be dug out, and had made a great canal, in order to let in the water from the Euphrates and give boats and ships access to the Tigris. A canal from the Euphrates to the Tigris was made by the earliest Assyrian kings (Hdt. i. 193), and a branch of it was carried to Seleucia by Seleucus Nikator, the founder of that city. According to Cassius Dio., lxviii. 28, Trajan’s attempt was not successful because the bed of the Euphrates was then much higher. 25.4.2. In the first place, he was so conspicuous for inviolate chastity that after the loss of his wife Cf. xxi. 1, 5. it is well known that he never gave a thought to love: bearing in mind what we read in Plato, Rep. i, 329, B-C; cf. Cic. De Senec. 14, 47. that Sophocles, the tragic poet, when he was asked, at a great age, whether he still had congress with women, said no, adding that he was glad that he had escaped from this passion as from some mad and cruel master. 25.4.3. Also, to give greater strength to this principle, Julian often repeated the saying of the lyric poet Bacchylides, whom he delighted to read, who declares that as a skilful painter gives a face beauty, just so chastity gives charm to a life of high aims. This blemish in the mature strength of manhood he avoided with such care, that even his most confidential attendants never (as often happens) accused him even of a suspicion of any lustfulness. 25.4.4. Moreover, this kind of self-restraint was made still greater through his moderation in eating and sleeping, which he strictly observed at home and abroad. For in time of peace the frugality of his living and his table excited the wonder of those who could judge aright, as if he intended soon to resume the philosopher’s cloak. And on his various campaigns, he was often seen partaking of common and scanty food, sometimes standing up like a common soldier. 25.4.5. As soon as he had refreshed his body, which was inured to toil, by a brief rest in sleep, he awoke and in person attended to the changing of the guards and pickets, and after these serious duties took refuge in the pursuit of learning. 25.4.6. And if the nightly lamps amid which he worked could have given oral testimony, they would certainly have borne witness that there was a great difference between him and some other princes, since they knew that he did not indulge in pleasure, even to the extent which nature demanded. 25.8.5. Relieved now from this anxiety and hastening on by forced marches, we approached Hatra, an old city lying in the midst of a desert and long since abandoned. The warlike emperors Trajan Dio. lxviii. 31, 2. and Severus tried at various times to destroy it, but almost perished with their armies; I have related these acts also in telling of their careers. 25.8.9. To them the emperor had also given instructions to hand his father-in-law Lucillianus, Jovian’s wife was a daughter of Lucillianus;her name was Charito. who after his dismissal from the army had retired to a life of leisure and was then living at Sirmium, the commission as commander of the cavalry and infantry which he had delivered to them, and urge him to hasten to Milan, in order to attend to any difficulties there, or if (as was now rather to be feared) any new dangers should arise, to resist them. 25.10.5. Though in excessive haste to leave that place, he determined to adorn the tomb of Julian, See 9, 12, above. According to Zonaras and others, Julian’s body was later taken to Constantinople. situated just outside the walls on the road which leads to the passes of Mount Taurus. But his remains and ashes, if anyone then showed sound judgement, ought not to be looked on by the Cydnus, Cf. Curt. iii. 4, 8. although it is a beautiful and clear stream, but to perpetuate the glory of his noble deeds they should be laved by the Tiber, which cuts through the eternal city and flows by the memorials of the deified emperors of old. 26.4.4. No sooner were these arrangements perfected without disturbance than both emperors were seized with violent and lingering fevers; but as soon as their hope of life was assured, being more successful m investigating various matters than in settling them, they commissioned Ursatius, the chief-marshal of the court, a rough Dalmatian, and Viventius of Siscia, In Pannonia. who was then quaestor, to make a strict investigation of what they suspected to be the cause of these diseases. Persistent rumour had it, that their purpose was, by asserting that they had been harmed by secret sorcery, to rouse hatred of the memory of the emperor Julian and his friends. But this charge was easily shown to have nothing in it, since no evidence of such plots was found, even in a single word. According to Zosimus (xiii. 14, 15 f.), these designs were frustrated by the activity of the praetorian prefect Salutius. 26.6.10. All this Procopius observed from his hiding- place, and thinking that when a more favourable turn of fortune should occur, the crown of supreme power could be gained with little trouble, he lay in wait like a beast of prey, ready to leap forth at once on seeing anything which he could seize. 26.10.15. While that usurper Procopius. of whose many deeds and his death we have told, still survived, on the twenty-first of July in the first consulship of Valentinian with his brother, 365. horrible phenomena suddenly spread through the entire extent of the world, such as are related to us neither in fable nor in truthful history. 26.10.16. For a little after daybreak, preceded by heavy and repeated thunder and lightning, the whole of the firm and solid earth was shaken and trembled, the sea with its rolling waves was driven back and withdrew from the land, so that in the abyss of the deep thus revealed men saw many kinds of sea-creatures stuck fast in the slime; and vast mountains and deep valleys, which Nature, the creator, had hidden in the unplumbed depths, then, as one might well believe, first saw the beams of the sun. 26.10.17. Hence, many ships were stranded as if on dry land, and since many men roamed about without fear in the little that remained of the waters, to gather fish and similar things E.g. shells. with their hands, the roaring sea, resenting, as it were, this forced retreat, rose in its turn; and over the boiling shoals it dashed mightily upon islands and broad stretches of the mainland, and levelled innumerable buildings in the cities and wherever else they were found; so that amid the mad discord of the elements the altered face of the earth revealed marvellous sights. 26.10.18. For the great mass of waters, returning when it was least expected, killed many thousands of men by drowning; and by the swift recoil of the eddying tides a number of ships, after the swelling of the wet element subsided, were seen to have foundered, and the lifeless bodies of shipwrecked persons lay floating on their backs or on their faces. Cf. Pliny, N.H. vii. 77: observatum est. . . virorum cadavera supina fluitare, feminarum prona, velut pudori defunctarum parcente natura. 26.10.19. Other great ships, driven by the mad blasts, landed on the tops of buildings (as happened at Alexandria), and some were driven almost two miles inland, like a Laconian ship which I myself in passing that way saw near the town of Mothone, Called Methone by Thucydides, ii. 25. It was in the southern part of Messenia. There was another Methone in Magnesia. yawning Cf. Virg., Aen. i. 123, rimisque fatiscunt. apart through long decay. 27.3.12. Damasus and Ursinus, burning with a superhuman desire of seizing the bishopric, engaged in bitter strife because of their opposing interests; and the supporters of both parties went even so far as conflicts ending in bloodshed and death. Since Viventius was able neither to end nor to diminish this strife, he was compelled to yield to its great violence, and retired to the suburbs. 27.3.13. And in the struggle Damasus was victorious through the efforts of the party which favoured him. It is a well-known fact that in the basilica of Sicininus, In the Fifth Region, also called Basilica Liberii (see Val. in Wagner-Erfurdt); now Santa Maria Maggiore. where the assembly of the Christian sect is held, in a single day a hundred and thirty-seven corpses of the slain were found, and that it was only with difficulty that the long-continued frenzy of the people was afterwards quieted. 27.6.15. After this, all rose up to praise the elder and the younger emperor, and especially the boy, who was recommended by the fierier gleam of his eyes, the delightful charm of his face and his whole body, and the noble nature of his heart; these qualities would have completed an emperor fit to be compared with the choicest rulers of the olden time, had this been allowed by the fates and by his intimates, who, by evil actions, cast a cloud over his virtue, which was even then not firmly steadfast. 27.10.9. And, in fact, the enemy, seeing no way left to save their lives except to defend themselves by a swift onset, trusting to their knowledge of the ground and in general agreement with one another, had stationed themselves on a lofty mountain, In xxviii. 2, 5, Pirus, apparently the Heilige Berg at Heidelberg. surrounded on all sides by rocky and precipitous heights and inaccessible except on the northern side, where it has an easy and gentle slope. At once our standards were planted in the usual manner, while everywhere the call to arms was sounded; but, at the command of the emperor and his generals, the well-disciplined Cf. xvi. 12, 10; xix. 6, 3; xxiv. 3, 8. soldiers stood fast, waiting for the raising of the banner, which was the signal that it was the fit time to begin the battle. 27.10.11. Then, as he was making his way by devious paths over unknown places and marshy bogs, a band of the enemy placed in ambush in a hidden spot would have slain him by a sudden attack, had he not resorted to the last means of safety, put spurs to his horse, ridden away through the slippery mud, and taken refuge in the bosom of his legions after an imminent danger to which he was so very close that the chamberlain who carried the emperor’s helmet, adorned with gold and precious stones, completely disappeared together with the helmet itself, and could be found later neither alive nor dead. 27.10.12. Then, after the troops had been given a rest for recovering their strength, and the standard had been raised, which is accustomed to rouse men to battle, urged on by the menacing blare of trumpets they advanced to the attack with bold confidence. Two choice young warriors, Salvius and Lupicinus, the one a targeteer, the other belonging to the troop of gentiles, Cf. xiv. 7, 9, note 3. at the very beginning of the struggle, Or: among the very first to encounter danger. at once dashed forward before the others, urging on the battle with terrifying shouts. Brandishing their lances, they came to the opposing mass of rocks, and while the Alamanni were trying to push them back and they were striving to mount higher, the whole weight of our army came up, and, led by the same champions through places rough and shaggy with thickets, by a mighty effort scrambled up to the lofty heights. 28.1.15. And since I think that perchance some of my readers by careful examination may note and bring it against me as a reproach that this, and not that, happened first, or that those things which they themselves saw are passed over, I must satisfy them to this extent: that not everything which has taken place among persons of the lowest class is worth narrating; and if this were necessary to be done, even the arrays of facts to be gained from the public records themselves would not suffice, when there was such a general fever of evils, and a new and unbridled madness was mingling the highest with the lowest; for it was clearly evident that it was not a judicial trial which was to be feared, but a suspension of legal proceedings. One of Ammianus’ few word-plays; but see Blomgren, pp. 128 ff. 28.1.16. Then Cethegus, a senator, was accused of adultery and beheaded, Alypius, a young man of noble birth, was banished for a trifling fault, and others of lower rank were publicly put to death; and every one, seeing in their unhappy fate the picture (as it were) of his own danger, dreamt of the torturer and of fetters and lodgings of darkness. 28.1.28. Not even women were more immune from similar calamities. For many of high birth belonging to this sex too were charged with the disgrace of adultery or of fornication, and put to death. Conspicuous among these were Charitas and Flaviana, of whom the latter, when she was led to death, was stripped of the clothing which she wore, being allowed not even to keep sufficient covering for the secret parts of her body. But for that reason the executioner was convicted of having committed a monstrous crime, and was burned alive. 28.2.5. Being joyful and exultant because of these and similar successes, the emperor then, considering the time of year and the state of the season, as became a dutiful prince devoted himself to those matters which would be helpful to the commonwealth. And thinking it most suitable for accomplishing what he had in mind, he planned hastily to build a fortification on the farther side of the Rhine on Mount Pirus, Cf. xxvii. 10, 9, note. which is in the country of the savages. And in order that speed might make the accomplishment of the work secure, through Syagrius, at that time a secretary, afterwards prefect and consul, In 381. he ordered the general Arator to try to speed that work, while deep quiet reigned everywhere. 28.2.6. The general at once crossed the river with the secretary, as was ordered, and, with the soldiers under his command, had begun to dig the foundations, when Hermogenes was appointed as his successor. At the same moment Cf. temporis brevi puncto, xxvii. 2, 1. some chiefs of the Alamanni arrived, fathers of the hostages whom we were holding in accordance with the treaty as important pledges of the continued permanence of peace. 28.2.7. They on bended knees begged that the Romans, whose fortune consistent trustworthiness had raised to skies, should not, regardless of their security, be led astray by a perverse error, and, treading their promises under foot, enter upon an unworthy undertaking. 28.2.8. But, since they said these and similar things to no purpose, as they were not listened to, and perceived that they would receive no peaceful nor mild reply, they withdrew, weeping at the fate of their sons. Scarcely had they left the place, when a band of barbarians who were awaiting the reply to be made (as they were given to understand) at that time to their chiefs, dashing forth from the hollow defile of a neighbouring hill, attacked our soldiers, who were half-nude and still carrying earth, As they worked on the fortification on Mount Pirus (see § 5, above). and quickly drawing their swords were cutting them down; and with them also both leaders were slain. 28.2.9. Not a single man survived to tell what had happened, except Syagrius. He, after all the others had been slain, returned to the court, but by sentence of the angry emperor he was cashiered and went to his home, being considered by a cruel judgment to have deserved this because he alone had escaped. 28.3.6. And already the time for carrying out the plans was near at hand, when that leader, Theodosius. eager for deeds of daring, learning of this from a prearranged source, From those ordered to watch Valentinus. resolved with lofty heart to punish those who were found guilty: Valentinus indeed, along with a few of his closest associates, he had consigned to the general Dulcitius, Cf. xxvii. 8, 10. to be punished with death; but with the military knowledge in which he surpassed all his contemporaries, he divined future dangers, and as to the rest of the conspirators forbade the carrying on of investigations, lest by spreading fear among many the disturbances in the provinces, which had just been lulled to sleep, should be revived. 28.4.26. In another place a wife by hammering day and night on the same anvil—as the old proverb has it Cf. Cic., De Orat. ii. 39, 162, and xviii. 4, 2. —drives her husband to make a will, and the husband insistently urges his wife to do the same. Skilled jurists are brought in on both sides, one in a bedroom, the other, his rival, in the dining-room to discuss disputed points. These are joined by opposing interpreters of horoscopes, Cf. Lucian, Dial. Mort. , 11, 1. on the one side making profuse promises of prefectures and the burial of rich matrons, on the other telling women that for their husbands’ funerals now quietly approaching they must make the necessary preparations. And a maid-servant bears witness, by nature somewhat pale,. . . The rest of this sentence seems hopelessly corrupt and unintelligible. As Cicero says: De Amic. 21, 79. They know of nothing on earth that is good unless it brings gain. of their friends, as of their cattle, they love those best from whom they hope to get the greatest profit. 29.1.31. Then a man clad in linen garments, shod also in linen sandals and having a fillet wound about his head, carrying twigs from a tree of good omen, after propitiating in a set formula the divine power from whom predictions come, having full knowledge of the ceremonial, stood over the tripod as priest and set swinging a hanging ring fitted to a very fine linen Valesius read carbasio, which would correspond to the linen garments and sandals; the Thes. Ling. Lat. reads carpathio = linteo . thread and consecrated with mystic arts. This ring, passing over the designated intervals in a series of jumps, and falling upon this and that letter which detained it, made hexameters corresponding with the questions and completely finished in feet and rhythm, like the Pythian verses which we read, or those given out from the oracles of the Branchidae. The descendants of a certain Branchus, a favourite of Apollo, who were at first in charge of the oracle at Branchidae, later called oraculum Apollinis Didymei (Mela, i. 17, 86), in the Milesian territory; cf. Hdt. i. 1 57. The rings had magic powers, cf. Cic., De off. iii. 9, 38; Pliny, N. H. xxxiii. 8. Some writers give a different account of the method of divination used by the conspirators. 29.5.46. While he was looking forward to this with perplexed thoughts and deep care, he found that his enemy had returned to the Isaflenses; whereupon he did not delay, as before, but attacked them with all the speed he could. Their king, Igmazen by name, who was highly regarded in those parts and notable for his resources, boldly came forward to meet him. What is your rank, said he, or what have you come here to do? Tell me. Theodosius, with stern glance and resolute mind, replied: I am the general He was really magister militum , which officer is called comes also in xviii. 8, 6; cf. ducem, below, and Introd. Vol. I, p. xxxiv, n. 3. of Valentinian, lord of the world, sent to destroy a murderous robber. Unless you give him up at once, as the invincible emperor has ordered, you will perish utterly with the race over which you rule. On hearing this, Igmazen, after heaping a flood of abuse upon the general, departed, full of wrath and resentment. 29.6.2. For Valentinian from the very beginning of his reign burned with a desire of protecting his frontiers, which was indeed praiseworthy, but carried too far; for he ordered the building of a garrison-camp across the Danube in the very territories of the Quadi, as if they were already claimed for Roman rule. The natives, being indigt at this and cautious for their own interests, tried to prevent them for a time merely by a deputation and by whispered complaints. 30.4.3. This trade of forensic oratory the great Plato defined as πολιτικῆς μορίου εἴδωλον (that is, the shadow of a small part of the science of government Plato, Gorgias , 463 b. For amplitudo Platonis, cf. xxii. 16, 22, sermonum amplitudine lovis aemulus Platon. ) or as the fourth part of flattery; I.e., the lowest of the four parts. but Epicurus counts it among evil arts, calling it κακοτεχνία. The art of deceiving; cf. Quintilian, ii. 15, 2; 20, 2. Epicurus denied that it was an art. Tisias One of the earliest rhetoricians, a teacher of Gorgias; see Cic., Brut. 12, 46. says that it is the artist of persuasion, and Gorgias of Leontini agrees with him. 30.4.4. This art, thus defined by the men of old, the cunning of certain Orientals raised to a degree hateful to good men, for which reason it is even confined by the restraints of a time fixed beforehand. So, at Athens, to a space of time marked by the emptying of the clepsydra, or water-clock. Therefore after having described in a very few words its unworthiness, with which I became acquainted while I was living in those parts, I shall return to the course of the narrative with which I began. 30.4.5. Formerly judgement-seats gained glory through the support of old-time refinement, when orators of fiery eloquence, Cf. concitatus orator, xiv. 7, 18. devoted to learned studies, were eminent for talent and justice, and for the fluency and many adornments of their diction; for example Demosthenes, to hear whom, when he was going to speak, as the Attic records testify, the people were wont to flock together from all Greece Cf. Cic., Brutus , 84, 289. ; and Callistratus, According to Xen., Hell. vi. 2, 39; cf. 3, 3; and Diod. Sic., xv. 29, 6, he flourished shortly before the battle of Leuctra (371 B.C.). to whom, when he pleaded in that celebrated case in defence of Oropos (which is a place in Euboea It is really on the frontier of Attica and Boeotia opposite Euboea. The words are probably a gloss. ) that same Demosthenes attached himself, forsaking the Academy and Plato; also, Hyperides, Aeschines, Andocides, Dinarchus, and the famous Antiphon of Rhamnus, who, according to the testimony of antiquity, was the first of all to accept a fee for conducting a defence. 30.4.6. Not less eminent among the Romans were men like Rutilius, Galba, and Scaurus, conspicuous for their life, their character, and their uprightness; and later in the various epochs of subsequent times many former censors and consuls, and men who had been honoured with triumphs, such as Crassus, Antonius, Philippus, Scaevola, All these men are mentioned in Cicero’s Brutus ; see Index. and many others, after successful campaigns, after victories and trophies, distinguished themselves by civic services to the State, and winning laurels in the glorious contests of the Forum, enjoyed Fame’s highest honours. 30.4.7. After these Cicero, the most eminent of them all, by the floods of his all-conquering oratory often saved the oppressed from the fiery ordeal of the courts, and declared: It might perhaps be pardonable to refuse to defend some men, but to defend them negligently could be nothing but criminal. Preserved only here; cf. In Caec. 18, 60. 30.4.8. But now it is possible to see in all the regions of the Orient powerful and rapacious classes of men flitting from one forum to another, besieging the home hounds Cf. xxix. 3, 3; these were famous breeds; see Virg., Georg. iii. 405; Aelian, De Natura Animalium , iii. 2. sagaciously picking up the tracks until they come to the very lairs of lawsuits. 30.4.9. Among these the first class consists of those who, by sowing the seeds of all sorts of quarrels, busy themselves with thousands of recognisances, wearing out the doors of widows and the thresholds of childless men; and if they have found even slight retreats For receptacula, cf. xxviii. 1, 48. of secret enmity, they rouse deadly hatred among discordant friends, kinsfolk, or relatives. And in these men their vices do not cool down in course of time, as do those of others, but grow stronger and stronger. Poor amid insatiable robbery, they draw the dagger Called by Wagner insipida translatio. of their talent to lead astray by crafty speeches the good faith of the judges, whose title is derived from justice. 30.4.10. By their persistence rashness tries to pass itself off as freedom of speech; and reckless audacity as firmness of purpose; a kind of empty flow of words as eloquence. By the perversity of these arts, as Cicero insists, it is a sin for the conscientiousness of a judge Cf. Quint. iv. 1, 9, iudex religiosus. to be deceived. For he says: And since nothing in a state ought to be so free from corruption as the suffrage and judicial decisions, I do not understand why one who corrupts them by money deserves punishment, while one who corrupts them by his eloquence is even praised. For my part, I think that he does more evil who corrupts a judge by a speech than one who does so by money; for no one can corrupt a sensible man by money, but he can do so by words. De Re Pub. v. 11, preserved by Ammianus. 30.4.11. A second class consists of those who profess a knowledge of law, which, however, the self-contradictory statutes have destroyed, and reticent as if they were muzzled, in never-ending silence they are like their own shadows. These men, as though revealing destinies by nativities or interpreting a Sibyl’s oracles, assume a solemn expression of severe bearing and try to make even their yawning saleable. Or, refer ipsum to silentio. They make no pleas, only promise them, and boast of their recondite studies of the law. 30.4.12. In order to seem to have a deeper knowledge of the law, they talk of Trebatius, Horace, Serm. ii. 1; Cicero, Ad Fam. vii. 5, 8, 17. Cascellius, of the time of the first triumvirate; cf. Val. Max., vi. 2, 12; Hor., A.P. 371. and Alfenus, Alfenus Varus, cf. Hor., Serm. i. 3, 130. and of the laws of the Aurunci and Sicani, Typical of antiquity; cf. Virg., Aen. viii. 51 ff.; Hor., Serm. i. 3, 91; Gell. i. 10, 1, 2. which were long since forgotten and buried many ages ago along with Evander’s mother. A humorous superlative of antiquus. Evander is typical of antiquity (Hor., Serm. i. 3, 91; etc.), and his mother carries us back a generation. And if you pretend that you have purposely murdered your mother, they promise, if they have observed that you are a moneyed man, Cf. xiv. 6, 12, note 3; Cic., Agr. , ii. 22, 59. that their many recondite studies will secure an acquittal for you. 30.4.13. A third group consists of those who, in order to gain glory by their troublous profession, sharpen their venal tongues Cf. ingenium procudere, xv. 2, 8; procudere linguas, xxxi. 16, 9. to attack the truth, and with shameless brow and base yelping often gain entrance wherever they wish. When the anxious judges are distracted by many cares, they tie up the business in an inexplicable tangle, and do their best to involve all peace and quiet in lawsuits and purposely by knotty inquisitions they deceive the courts, which, when their procedure is right, are temples of justice, when corrupted, are deceptive and hidden pits: and if anyone is deluded and falls into those pits, he will not get out except after many a term of years, when he has been sucked dry to his very marrow. 30.4.14. The fourth and last class, shameless, headstrong, and ignorant, consists of those who have broken away too soon from the elementary schools, run to and fro through the corners of the cities, thinking out mimiambic lines, By mimiambi are meant either farces or songs written in iambics. See Pliny, Epist. vi. 21, 4; Gell. xx. 9, 1 ff. rather than speeches suitable to win law-suits, wearing out the doors of the rich, and hunting for banquets and fine choice food. 30.4.15. When they have once devoted themselves to shady gain and to eagerness for money from any and every source, they urge all kinds of innocent people to involve themselves in vain litigations. And when they are allowed to defend suits, which rarely happens, amidst the very turning-points of the disputes they learn the name of their client and the purport of the business in hand from the mouth of the judge, and they so overflow with disarranged circumlocutions that in the foul hotchpotch you would think you were hearing a Thersites Here a typical name for a foul-mouthed rascal; Iliad , ii. 211 ff. with his howling din. 30.4.16. But when they find themselves in the end unable to defend the charges, they turn to unbridled licence in abuse; and on this account, because of their constant insults of persons of rank, they are prosecuted and often condemned; and among them are some who are so ignorant that they cannot remember that they ever possessed a law-book. 30.4.17. And if in a circle of learned men the name of an ancient writer happens to be mentioned, they think it is a foreign word for some fish or other edible; but if any stranger asks for the orator Marcianus (for example), Here a typical name. who was before unknown to him, at once they all pretend that their own name is Marcianus. 30.4.18. And they no longer have before their eyes any right, but as if sold to and enslaved by avarice, they understand nothing except endless licence in making demands. And if once they have caught anyone in their nets, they entangle him in a thousand toils, purposely defaulting by pretending sicknesses one after another; and they prepare seven plausible preambles in order that the useless reading of well-known law may be introduced, thus weaving swarms A favourite word of Ammianus, used literally in xviii. 3, 1; figuratively in xvi. 12, 11; xx. 7, 15; xxi. 5, 4. Wagner takes examina here in the sense of investigations ( examina: a stateris ducta metaphora ). of long delays. 30.4.19. And when the contending parties are stripped of everything, and days, months and years are used up, at last the case, now worn out with age, is introduced, and those brilliant principals The heads of the knighthood ( ordo splendidus ); cf. xxiii. 6, 83, nobilitas omnis et splendor. come forth, bringing with them other shadows of advocates. And when theyhave come within the barriers = fori cancelli; cf. Cic., Sest. 58, 124, tantus est ex omnibus spectaculis usque a Capitolio, tantus ex fori cancellis plausus excitatus. of the court, and the fortunes or safety of some one begins to be discussed, and they ought to work to turn the sword or ruinous loss from an innocent person, the advocates on both sides wrinkling their brows and waving their arms in semblance of the gestures of actors (so that they lack only the oratorical pipe See Cic., De Orat. iii. 60, 225; Plut., Tib. Gracch. 2, 4–5; Gaius Gracchus is said to have had a player on a pipe stationed behind him, when he made a speech, to regulate the force of his delivery; Val. Max. viii. 10, 1; Quint. i. 10, 27; Gell. i. 11, 10 ff. of Gracchus behind them) stand for a long time opposite each other. At last, in accordance with a prearranged agreement, the one who is more confident in speech utters a kind of a sweet prologue, promising to emulate the ornamental language of a speech for Cluentius of Cicero. or Ctesiphon; Demosthenes’ Oration on the Crown. and when all are wishing for the end, such is the method of his peroration that the advocates, after the semblance of a trial has gone on for three years, allege that they are not yet fully informed; and after they have obtained a further postponement, as if they had struggled with Antaeus Cf. xxviii. 1, 46, note. of old, they persistently demand the pay for their danger and toil. 30.4.20. But yet, in spite of this, advocates suffer many inconveniences, not easy to be endured by a man who would live rightly. For, allured by the profits of their sedentary With the underlying sense of base, contemptible. trade, they differ among themselves and become enemies, and they offend many by their outbursts of abusive ferocity (as has been said), which they blab out in a torrent when they have no arguments strong enough to fortify the weakness of the cases which have been entrusted to them. 30.4.21. And they have to deal with judges who sometimes are taught by the sophisms of Philistion or Aesopus, Lindenbrog thought Aesopus was the famous tragic actor, but that seems doubtful because of the connection; cf. xxvi. 6, 15, mimicam cavillationem ; Solinus, ch. x. (on Sicily). Valesius took him to be the celebrated writer of fables; Wagner believed that both Philistion and Aesopus were writers of mimes contemporary with Cicero. rather than reared in the discipline of your Aristides the Just or Cato. Such men, having bought public office for large sums of money, like tiresome creditors prying into the resources of every kind of fortune, shake out booty from other men’s bosoms. 30.4.22. Finally, the profession of advocate has, with the rest, this serious and dangerous evil, which is native to almost all litigants, that although their cases may be lost by a thousand accidents, they think their ill-success lies wholly in the ability of their advocates, and they are accustomed to attribute the outcome of every contest to them; and they vent their anger not on the weakness of their case or the frequent injustice of the magistrate who decides it, but only on their defenders. But let us return to the point from which we made the digression. 30.5.9. And he, when he came into the emperor’s presence, being recognized and asked the reason for his coming, replied in Greek; and when the emperor asked explicitly whether those who sent him thought well of the prefect in their hearts, he said, as became a philosopher who made a profession of truth: With groans and against their will. 30.5.10. By these words the emperor was struck as by a dagger, and like a keen-scented hound he searched into all the conduct of the prefect, asking Iphicles in his native tongue about people whom he personally knew: where in the world, for example, was so and so who excelled his countrymen in honour and reputation; or another, who was rich; or still another of high rank. And when he learned that one had fallen victim to the noose, that another had gone across the sea, that a third had committed suicide or had died under the blows of the knout, plumbo probably refers to a lash with balls of lead fastened to it; cf. xxviii. 1, 29, note; Erfurdt-Wagner say in eculeo, which seems to mean that the victim was lashed as he bestrode the eculeus ; or it may refer to weights attached to the victim’s feet; see xxvi. 10, 13, note 3. he burned with tremendous rage, to which Leo, who was then chief marshal of the Court (oh, horror!), added blazing fuel, a man who himself aspired to the prefecture, in order to fall from a greater height. A common idea; see Juv. x. 105 ff., numerosa parabat excelsae turris tabulata, unde altior esset casus , and Mayor’s note on 106. And if he had attained and ruled the office, in comparison with what he would have dared, the administration of a Probus would be praised to the skies! 31.2.1. However, the seed and origin of all the ruin and various disasters that the wrath of Mars aroused, putting in turmoil all places with unwonted fires, we have found to be this. The people of the Huns, Cf. Zos. iv. 20; Sozom. vi. 37; Agathias, 5, 11 ff. but little known from ancient records, dwelling beyond the Maeotic Sea near the ice-bound ocean, exceed every degree of savagery. 31.2.4. They are never protected by any buildings, but they avoid these like tombs, which are set apart from everyday use. For not even a hut thatched with reed can be found among them. But roaming at large amid the mountains and woods, they learn from the cradle to endure cold, hunger, and thirst. When away from their homes they never enter a house unless compelled by extreme necessity; for they think they are not safe when staying under a roof. 31.3.8. But while this well-planned work was being pushed on, the Huns swiftly fell upon him, and would have crushed him at once on their arrival had they not been so loaded down with booty that they gave up the attempt. Yet when the report spread widely among the other Gothic peoples, that a race of men hitherto unknown had now arisen from a hidden nook of the earth, like a tempest of snows from the high mountains, and was seizing or destroying everything in its way, the greater part of the people, who, worn out by lack of the necessities of life, had deserted Athanaricus, looked for a home removed from all knowledge of the savages; and after long deliberation what abode to choose they thought that Thrace offered them a convenient refuge, for two reasons: both because it has a very fertile soil, and because it is separated by the mighty flood of the Hister from the fields that were already exposed to the thunderbolts of a foreign war Or perhaps war-god, since Mars was born in Thrace; see Manilius, iv. 691, Threce Martem sortita colonum ; cf. Arnobius, Adv. Gentes , iv. 25. ; and the rest of the nation as if with one mind agreed to this plan. 31.4.6. With such stormy eagerness on the part of insistent men was the ruin of the Roman world brought in. This at any rate is neither obscure nor uncertain, that the ill-omened officials who ferried the barbarian hordes often tried to reckon their number, but gave up their vain attempt; as the most distinguished of poets says: Who wishes to know this would wish to know How many grains of sand on Libyan plain By Zephyrus are swept. Virg., Georg. ii. 106 ff.; see crit. note 2. 31.4.9. During this time, when the barriers of our 376 f. A.D. frontier were unlocked and the realm of savagery was spreading far and wide columns of armed Ammianus seems to forget that the Goths were required first to hand over their weapons; but this order was frequently evaded through the negligence of the imperial officials. men like glowing ashes from Aetna, when our difficulties and imminent dangers called for military reformers who were most distinguished for the fame of their exploits: then it was, as if at the choice of some adverse deity, that men were gathered together and given command of armies who bore stained reputations. At their head were two rivals in recklessness: one was Lupicinus, commanding general in Thrace, the other Maximus, a pernicious leader. 31.5.10. And since after many events the narrative has reached this point, I earnestly entreat my readers (if I ever have any) not to demand of me a strictly accurate account of what happened or the exact number of the slain, which there was no way of finding out. For it will be enough to describe simply the main points of events, without concealing the truth through any false statement, since faithful honesty is ever a requisite in giving an historical account. 31.8.9. The barbarians, however, like savage beasts that had broken their cages, poured raging over the wide extent of Thrace and made for a town called Dibaltum, See Index. where they found Barzimeres, tribune of the targeteers, a leader experienced in the dust of warfare, with his own men, the Cornuti, See Index II, Vol. I. and other companies of infantry, and fell upon him just as he was pitching his camp. 31.10.21. At that same time Frigeridus, who was carefully making many useful plans for the general security, and was hastening to fortify the pass of Succi, See xxi. 10, 2 ff., and note 1. in order that the roving light-armed bands of the enemy might not, like torrents swollen by melting snow, roam at large over the northern provinces, was given a successor in the person of a general called Maurus, notoriously venal under a pretence of boldness, and changeable and unreliable in all his conduct. He it was who (as I have told in my narrative of previous events) Cf. xx. 4, 18. when Caesar Julian was in doubt about the crown to be put upon his head, with haughty cleverness took off his neck-chain and boldly offered it to him for the purpose, being at the time one of Julian’s bodyguard. 31.12.17. This unseasonable proceeding not only thwarted the prompt action of Richomeres, who was not allowed to go at all, but also the Gothic cavalry, returning with Alatheus and Saphrax, combined with a band of the Halani, dashed out as a thunderbolt does near high mountains, and threw into confusion all those whom they could find in the way of their swift onslaught, and quickly slew them. 31.13.11. Besides all this, the roads were blocked by many who lay mortally wounded, lamenting the torment of their wounds; and with them also mounds of fallen horses filled the plains with corpses. To these ever irreparable losses, so costly to the Roman state, a night without the bright light of the moon put an end. 31.15.2. But at daybreak the victors, like wild beasts roused to cruel ferocity by the provocative tang of blood, driven by the lure of a vain hope, made for Hadrianopolis in dense throngs, intending to destroy the city even at the cost of the utmost dangers; for they had heard through traitors and deserters that the most distinguished officials, the insignia of imperial fortune, and the treasures of Valens were hidden there, as within an impregnable fortress. 31.16.7. Then, as they went on, their courage was further broken when they beheld the oblong circuit of the walls, the blocks of houses covering a vast space, the beauties of the city beyond their reach, the vast population inhabiting it, and the strait near by that separates the Pontus from the Aegean; so the Goths destroyed the manufactories of warlike materials which they were preparing, and after suffering greater losses than they had inflicted they then departed and spread everywhere over the northern provinces, which they traversed at will as far as the foot of the Julian, or, as they were formerly called, the Venetic Alps. 31.16.9. These events, from the principate of the emperor Nerva to the death of Valens, I, a former soldier and a Greek, have set forth to the measure of my ability, without ever (I believe) consciously venturing to debase through silence or through falsehood a work whose aim was the truth. The rest may be written by abler men, who are in the prime of life and learning. But if they chose to undertake such a task, I advise them to forge For procudere, cf. xv. 2, 8 ( ingenium ); xxx. 4, 13 ( ora ); Horace, Odes , iv. 15, 19. their tongues to the loftier style. The second part, written about 550 in barbarous Latin by another unknown author, under the title Item ex libris Chronicorum inter cetera , covers the period from 474 to 526, and deals mainly with the history of Theodoric. The writer was an opponent of Arianism, and he seems to have based his compilation on the Chronicle of Maximianus, bishop of Ravenna in 546, who died in 556. For this part we have, besides B, cod. Vaticanus Palatinus, Lat. n. 927 (P) of the twelfth century, in which the title appears as De adventu Oduachar regis Cyrorum Apparently for Scyrorum (Scirorum), Exc. § 37. et Erulorum in Italia, et quomodo Rex Theodericus eum fuerit persecutus. The Excerpts as a whole furnish an introduction and a sequel to the narrative of Ammianus. |
|
| 125. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 11.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 233 |
| 126. Ambrose, Commentary On The Song of Songs, 3.6 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 73 |
| 127. Socrates Scholasticus, Ecclesiastical History, 7.22.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 156 |
| 128. Anon., Mosaicarum Et Romanarum Legum Collatio, 5.3.1-5.3.2 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Masterson (2016), Man to Man: Desire, Homosociality, and Authority in Late-Roman Manhood. 25, 86 |
129. Anon., Exodus Rabbah, 15.17 (4th cent. CE - 9th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 209| 15.17. דָּבָר אַחֵר, בְּאֶרֶץ מִצְרַיִם, מָשָׁל לְאֶחָד שֶׁמָּצָא נָחָשׁ וְרָצַץ אֶת רֹאשׁוֹ בְּאֶבֶן וְחָתַךְ אֶת זְנָבוֹ וּמֵעַכְשָׁו מַהוּ טוֹב, כָּךְ הַמִּצְרִיִּים עָמְדוּ וְשִׁעְבְּדוּ אֶת יִשְׂרָאֵל מַה שֶּׁאִי אֶפְשָׁר, וְכֵן אֱדוֹם, מֶה עָשָׂה הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא בְּמִצְרַיִם, פָּרַע מֵהֶם, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (תהלים קלו, טו): וְנִעֵר פַּרְעֹה וְחֵילוֹ בְיַם סוּף, וּבֶאֱדוֹם כְּתִיב (ישעיה סג, ג): פּוּרָה דָרַכְתִּי לְבַדִּי, אָמַר רוּחַ הַקֹּדֶשׁ (יואל ד, יט): מִצְרַיִם לִשְׁמָמָה תִהְיֶה וֶאֱדוֹם לְמִדְבַּר שְׁמָמָה, וְהַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא עָתִיד לִגְאֹל אֶת יִשְׂרָאֵל מֵאֱדוֹם, (דניאל ט, טז): יְרוּשָׁלָיִם וְעַמְךָ לְחֶרְפָּה לְכָל סְבִיבֹתֵינוּ, וְאֵין אַתָּה פּוֹדֶה אוֹתָנוּ, אָמַר לָהֶן הֵן. אָמְרוּ לוֹ הִשָּׁבַע לָנוּ, וְנִשְׁבַּע לָהֶם שֶׁכְּשֵׁם שֶׁפָּדָה אוֹתָנוּ מִמִּצְרַיִם כָּךְ הוּא יִפְדֶה אוֹתָנוּ מֵאֱדוֹם, וְלֹא עוֹד אֶלָּא שֶׁיִּהְיוּ גְדוֹלֵי הָעָם רוֹאִין קָטָן מִיִּשְׂרָאֵל וּמִתְאַוִּין לִכְרֹעַ לְפָנָיו בִּשְׁבִיל הַשֵּׁם שֶׁכָּתוּב עַל כָּל אֶחָד וְאֶחָד, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (ישעיה מט, ז): כֹּה אָמַר ה' גֹּאֵל יִשְׂרָאֵל קְדוֹשׁוֹ לִבְזֹה נֶפֶשׁ לִמְתָעֵב גּוֹי לְעֶבֶד משְׁלִים מְלָכִים יִרְאוּ וָקָמוּ, מָשָׁל לְעֵץ נָאֶה שֶׁהָיָה נָתוּן בְּבֵית הַמֶּרְחָץ, נִכְנַס פְּרוֹסְבִּיטוּס לִרְחֹץ הוּא וְכָל עֲבָדָיו, וְדָשׁוּ אֶת הָעֵץ וְכָל הַפַּגָאנִים וְכֵן כָּל אֶחָד וְאֶחָד מֵהֶן מִתְאַוִּים לִפְסֹעַ עָלָיו, לְאַחַר יָמִים שָׁלַח פְּרוֹטוֹמוֹ שֶׁלּוֹ לְאוֹתָהּ מְדִינָה שֶׁיֵּעָשֶׂה לוֹ אִיקוֹנִין וְלֹא מָצָא עֵץ חוּץ מֵאוֹתוֹ שֶׁהָיָה בַּמֶּרְחָץ, אָמְרוּ הָאֻמָּנִין לַשִּׁלְטוֹן אִם מְבַקֵּשׁ אַתָּה לְהַעֲמִיד הָאִיקוֹנִין הָבֵא אֶת הָעֵץ שֶׁיֵּשׁ בַּמֶּרְחָץ שֶׁאֵין לְךָ טוֹב מִמֶּנּוּ, הֱבִיאוּהוּ וְתִקְנוּ אוֹתוֹ כָּרָאוּי וּנְתָנוּהוּ בְּיַד צַיָּר וְצִיֵּר אֶת הָאִיקוֹנִין עָלָיו וְהֶעֱמִידָהּ בְּתוֹךְ הַפָּלָטִין, בָּא הַשִּׁלְטוֹן וְכָרַע לְפָנֶיהָ, וְכֵן דּוּכוֹס וְכֵן אִפַּרְכּוּס וְכֵן הַפְּרוֹפִיסְטוֹן וְכֵן הַלִּגְיוֹנוֹת וְכֵן דִּימוּס וְכֵן כֻּלָּם, אָמְרוּ לָהֶן אוֹתָן הָאֻמָּנִין אֶתְמוֹל הֱיִיתֶם מְדַיְּשִׁין אֶת הָעֵץ הַזֶּה בַּמֶּרְחָץ וְעַכְשָׁו אַתֶּם מִשְׁתַּחֲוִים לְפָנָיו. אָמְרוּ לָהֶם אֵין אָנוּ כּוֹרְעִים לְפָנָיו בִּשְׁבִילוֹ אֶלָּא בִּשְׁבִיל פְּרוֹטוֹמוֹ שֶׁל מֶלֶךְ שֶׁהִיא חֲקוּקָה עָלָיו. כָּךְ אוֹמְרִים אַנְשֵׁי גוֹג, עַד עַכְשָׁו הָיִינוּ עוֹשִׂים בְּיִשְׂרָאֵל מַה שֶּׁאִי אֶפְשָׁר, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר: לִבְזֹה נֶפֶשׁ לִמְתָעֵב גּוֹי, וְעַכְשָׁו לְיִשְׂרָאֵל אָנוּ מִשְׁתַּחֲוִים. אוֹמֵר לָהֶם הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא הֵן בִּשְׁבִיל שְׁמִי שֶׁכָּתוּב עֲלֵיהֶם, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (ישעיה מט, ז): לְמַעַן ה' אֲשֶׁר נֶאֱמָן, וְכֵן משֶׁה אוֹמֵר (דברים כח, י): וְרָאוּ כָל עַמֵּי הָאָרֶץ כִּי שֵׁם ה' נִקְרָא עָלֶיךָ וגו'. וּכְשֶׁהוֹצִיא הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא אֶת יִשְׂרָאֵל מִמִּצְרַיִם הָיָה נוֹטֵל הַפַּנָּס וּמְהַלֵּךְ לִפְנֵיהֶם, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (שמות יג, כא): וַה' הֹלֵךְ לִפְנֵיהֶם יוֹמָם, וְכֵן הוּא עָתִיד כְּשֶׁיּוֹצִיאֵם מֵאֱדוֹם, שֶׁכֵּן אָמַר יְשַׁעְיָה (ישעיה נב, יב): כִּי הֹלֵךְ לִפְנֵיכֶם ה' וּמְאַסִּפְכֶם אֱלֹהֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל, וּכְתִיב (ישעיה מב, ט): הָרִאשֹׁנוֹת הִנֵּה בָאוּ וגו', לְקַיֵּם מַה שֶּׁכָּתוּב: מִצְרַיִם לִשְׁמָמָה תִהְיֶה וֶאֱדוֹם לְמִדְבַּר שְׁמָמָה. | |
|
| 130. Rufinus of Aquileia, In Suam Et Eusebii Caesariensis Latinam Ab Eo Factam Historiam, 10.8, 10.13, 11.13, 11.17-11.19, 11.32-11.34 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 333; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 92 |
| 131. Epiphanius, Panarion, 75.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 24 |
| 132. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Carus, 3, 2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 148, 152 |
| 133. Jerome, Vita Malchi Monachi Captivi, 1 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 148 |
| 134. Lydus Johannes Laurentius, De Magistratibus Populi Romani, 2.6 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 233 |
| 135. Cassiodorus, Variarum Libri Xii, 2.27, 10.26 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 247, 248 |
| 136. Theodosius Ii Emperor of Rome, Theodosian Code, 1.1.5, 9.7.3, 9.7.6, 11.36.4, 13.5.18, 15.5.2 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus •ammianus marcellinus, roman historian Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 159; Masterson (2016), Man to Man: Desire, Homosociality, and Authority in Late-Roman Manhood. 24, 25, 86; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 112 |
| 137. Jerome, Commentaria In Danielem, 1.2.31-1.2.35 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 13 |
| 138. Jerome, Letters, 77.10 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 24 |
| 139. Justinian, Digest, (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 20, 73 |
| 140. Jerome, Letters, 77.10 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 24 |
| 141. Jerome, Letters, 57.3, 77.10 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus, roman historian •ammianus marcellinus, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 24; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 112 |
| 142. Jerome, Commentaria In Zachariam, 3.14 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 234 |
| 143. Procopius, On Buildings, 3.14.6-3.14.8 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 209 |
| 144. Augustine, Letters, 24*, 166 (7th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 20 |
| 145. Eusebius of Caesarea, V. Const., 2.64-2.72 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 160 |
| 146. Socrates Scholasticus, Eccl., 3.25.4 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 160 |
| 147. Firmicus Maternus, Err., 28.6 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 160 |
| 148. Servius Danielis, In Aen., 1.2, 1.422, 2.692-2.693, 3.60, 3.90, 3.359, 4.453, 4.662, 5.530 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey (2007), Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions, 119 |
| 149. Servius, In Aen., 1.733, 4.166, 5.530, 10.75 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey (2007), Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions, 119 |
| 150. Sozomen, Eccl., 5.7.1 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 160 |
| 151. Julian, Or., None Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 160 |
| 153. Porphyry of Tyre, Abst., 2.34 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 145 |
| 154. Optatus of Milevis, De Schismate Donatistarum Adversus Parmenianum, 1.4.4 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 193 |
| 159. Papyri, P.Oxy., 11.1381 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus •ammianus marcellinus, Found in books: Edmonds (2019), Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World, 204; Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 240 |
| 162. Papyri, P.Bon., 3 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus, Found in books: Edmonds (2019), Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World, 204 |
164. Severus, Chronica, 2.3 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 13 | 2.3. Accordingly, as the prophet interpreted the matter, the image which was seen furnished a representation of the world. The golden head is the empire of the Chald ans; for we have understood that it was the first and wealthiest. The breast and the arms of silver represent the second kingdom; for Cyrus, after the Chald ans and the Medes were conquered, conferred the empire on the Persians. In the brazen belly it is said that the third sovereignty was indicated; and we see that this was fulfilled, for Alexander took the empire from the Persians, and won the sovereignty for the Macedonians. The iron legs point to a fourth power, and that is understood of the Roman empire, which is more powerful than all the kingdoms which were before it. But the fact that the feet were partly of iron and partly clay, indicates that the Roman empire is to be divided, so as never to be united. This, too, has been fulfilled, for the Roman state is ruled not by one emperor but by several, and these are always quarreling among themselves, either in actual warfare or by factions. Finally, by the clay and the iron being mixed together, yet never in their substance thoroughly uniting, are shadowed forth those future mixtures of the human race which disagree among themselves, though apparently combined. For it is obvious that the Roman territory is occupied by foreign nations, or rebels, or that it has been given over to those who have surrendered themselves under an appearance of peace. And it is also evident that barbarous nations, and especially Jews, have been commingled with our armies, cities, and provinces; and we thus behold them living among us, yet by no means agreeing to adopt our customs. And the prophets declare that these are the last times. But in the stone cut out without hands, which broke to pieces the gold, silver, brass, iron, and clay, there is a figure of Christ. For he, not born under human conditions (since he was born not of the will of man, but of the will of God), will reduce to nothing that world in which exist earthly kingdoms, and will establish another kingdom, incorruptible and everlasting, that is, the future world, which is prepared for the saints. The faith of some still hesitates about this point only, while they do not believe about things yet to come, though they are convinced of the things that are past. Daniel, then, was presented with many gifts by the king, was set over Babylon and the whole empire, and was held in the highest honor. By his influence, Anias, Azarias, and Misael were also advanced to the highest dignity and power. About the same time, the remarkable prophecies of Ezekiel came out, the mystery of future things and of the resurrection having been revealed to him. His book is one of great weight, and deserves to be read with care. |
|
| 167. Julian, Misop., None Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 145 |
| 169. Anon., Pesiqta De Rav Kahana, 4.2 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 42 |
| 170. Cyril of Jerusalem, Letter To Constantius, 7 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 19 |
| 171. Cato Maior, Orat., None Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 197 |
| 172. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 1.6.6 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 13 |
173. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.289, 1.540-1.541, 6.788-6.807, 12.523-12.528, 12.923 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus •ammianus marcellinus, res gestae Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 235; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 61, 152 | 1.289. on seasoned wine and succulent haunch of game. 1.541. “Whoe'er thou art, 6.788. Here slain adulterers be; and men who dared 6.789. To fight in unjust cause, and break all faith 6.790. With their own lawful lords. Seek not to know 6.791. What forms of woe they feel, what fateful shape 6.792. of retribution hath o'erwhelmed them there. 6.793. Some roll huge boulders up; some hang on wheels, 6.794. Lashed to the whirling spokes; in his sad seat 6.795. Theseus is sitting, nevermore to rise; 6.796. Unhappy Phlegyas uplifts his voice 6.797. In warning through the darkness, calling loud, 6.798. ‘0, ere too late, learn justice and fear God!’ 6.799. Yon traitor sold his country, and for gold 6.800. Enchained her to a tyrant, trafficking 6.801. In laws, for bribes enacted or made void; 6.802. Another did incestuously take 6.803. His daughter for a wife in lawless bonds. 6.804. All ventured some unclean, prodigious crime; 6.805. And what they dared, achieved. I could not tell, 6.806. Not with a hundred mouths, a hundred tongues, 6.807. Or iron voice, their divers shapes of sin, 12.523. flung him down prone, and stretched him on the plain. 12.524. Then Turnus, aiming with relentless sword 12.525. between the corselet's edge and helmet's rim 12.526. truck off his whole head, leaving on the sands 12.527. the mutilated corpse. While thus afield 12.528. victorious Turnus dealt out death and doom, 12.923. his sister's sorrow, as in swift career |
|
| 174. Zonaras, Epitome, 32.16-32.17 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Masterson (2016), Man to Man: Desire, Homosociality, and Authority in Late-Roman Manhood. 24 |
| 175. Quintilian, De Rebus Bellicis, 21 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 17 |
| 177. Quintus Aurelius Symmachus, Epistulae, 6.74 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 73 |
| 178. Firmicus Maternus, Matheseos, 2.30.14 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey (2007), Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions, 119 |
| 179. Eutropius, Breviarium Historiae Romanae, 3.11, 8.1.1 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 233; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 11, 95 |
| 181. Origen, Ap. Eus. He, 37 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 302 |
| 182. Epigraphy, Ils, 5795, 6091, 7741 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 302 |
| 183. Epigraphy, Zpe 130 (2000), 2.30.29 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 340 |
| 184. Aristophon, Iatros, 26.13 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 387 |
| 185. Epigraphy, Audollent, Defix. Tab., 112, 111 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmonds (2019), Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World, 84 |
| 186. Anon., Suda, None Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 240 |
| 187. Anon., Liturgy of Addai And Mari, a b c d\n0 12(2).15 12(2).15 12(2) 15\n1 12(2).23 12(2).23 12(2) 23\n2 12(2).24.1 12(2).24.1 12(2) 24 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 373 |
| 188. Anon., Panegyrici Latini, 3.10-3.12 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 94 |
189. Babylonian Talmud, Avodah Zarah, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 42| 2b. וסופריה שנאמר (ישעיהו מג, ט) ויאספו לאומים ואין לאום אלא מלכות שנאמר (בראשית כה, כג) ולאום מלאום יאמץ ומי איכא ערבוביא קמי הקב"ה אלא כי היכי דלא ליערבבו אינהו [בהדי הדדי] דלישמעו מאי דאמר להו,[מיד] נכנסה לפניו מלכות רומי תחלה מ"ט משום דחשיבא ומנלן דחשיבא דכתי' (דניאל ז, כג) ותאכל כל ארעא ותדושינה ותדוקינה אמר רבי יוחנן זו רומי חייבת שטבעה יצא בכל העולם,ומנא לן דמאן דחשיב עייל ברישא כדרב חסדא דאמר רב חסדא מלך וצבור מלך נכנס תחלה לדין שנאמר (מלכים א ח, נט) לעשות משפט עבדו ומשפט עמו ישראל [וגו'] וטעמא מאי איבעית אימא לאו אורח ארעא למיתב מלכא מאבראי ואיבעית אימא מקמי דליפוש חרון אף,אמר להם הקב"ה במאי עסקתם אומרים לפניו רבש"ע הרבה שווקים תקנינו הרבה מרחצאות עשינו הרבה כסף וזהב הרבינו וכולם לא עשינו אלא בשביל ישראל כדי שיתעסקו בתורה,אמר להם הקב"ה שוטים שבעולם כל מה שעשיתם לצורך עצמכם עשיתם תקנתם שווקים להושיב בהן זונות מרחצאות לעדן בהן עצמכם כסף וזהב שלי הוא שנאמר (חגי ב, ח) לי הכסף ולי הזהב נאם ה' צבאות,כלום יש בכם מגיד זאת שנאמר מי בכם יגיד זאת ואין זאת אלא תורה שנאמר (דברים ד, מד) וזאת התורה אשר שם משה מיד יצאו בפחי נפש,יצאת מלכות רומי ונכנסה מלכות פרס אחריה מ"ט דהא חשיבא בתרה ומנלן דכתיב (דניאל ז, ה) וארו חיוא אחרי תנינא דמיא לדוב ותני רב יוסף אלו פרסיים שאוכלין ושותין כדוב ומסורבלין [בשר] כדוב ומגדלין שער כדוב ואין להם מנוחה כדוב,אמר להם הקב"ה במאי עסקתם אומרים לפניו רבש"ע הרבה גשרים גשרנו הרבה כרכים כבשנו הרבה מלחמות עשינו וכולם לא עשינו אלא בשביל ישראל כדי שיתעסקו בתורה,אמר להם הקב"ה כל מה שעשיתם לצורך עצמכם עשיתם תקנתם גשרים ליטול מהם מכס כרכים לעשות בהם אנגריא מלחמות אני עשיתי שנאמר (שמות טו, ג) ה' איש מלחמה כלום יש בכם מגיד זאת שנאמר (ישעיהו מג, ט) מי בכם יגיד זאת ואין זאת אלא תורה שנאמר וזאת התורה אשר שם משה מיד יצאו מלפניו בפחי נפש,וכי מאחר דחזית מלכות פרס למלכות רומי דלא מהניא ולא מידי מאי טעמא עיילא אמרי אינהו סתרי בית המקדש ואנן בנינן וכן לכל אומה ואומה,וכי מאחר דחזו לקמאי דלא מהני ולא מידי מ"ט עיילי סברי הנך אישתעבדו בהו בישראל ואנן לא שעבדנו בישראל מאי שנא הני דחשיבי ומאי שנא הני דלא חשיבי להו משום דהנך משכי במלכותייהו עד דאתי משיחא,אומרים לפניו רבש"ע כלום נתת לנו ולא קיבלנוה ומי מצי למימר הכי והכתי' (דברים לג, ב) ויאמר ה' מסיני בא וזרח משעיר למו וכתיב (חבקוק ג, ג) אלוה מתימן יבוא וגו' מאי בעי בשעיר ומאי בעי בפארן,א"ר יוחנן מלמד שהחזירה הקב"ה על כל אומה ולשון ולא קבלוה עד שבא אצל ישראל וקבלוה,אלא הכי אמרי כלום קיבלנוה ולא קיימנוה ועל דא תברתהון אמאי לא קבלתוה אלא כך אומרים לפניו רבש"ע כלום כפית עלינו הר כגיגית ולא קבלנוה כמו שעשית לישראל,דכתיב (שמות יט, יז) ויתיצבו בתחתית ההר ואמר רב דימי בר חמא מלמד שכפה הקב"ה הר כגיגית על ישראל ואמר להם אם אתם מקבלין את התורה מוטב ואם לאו שם תהא קבורתכם,מיד אומר להם הקב"ה הראשונות ישמיעונו שנא' (ישעיהו מג, ט) וראשונות ישמיענו שבע מצות שקיבלתם היכן קיימתם,ומנלן דלא קיימום דתני רב יוסף (חבקוק ג, ו) עמד וימודד ארץ ראה ויתר גוים מאי ראה ראה ז' מצות שקבלו עליהן בני נח ולא קיימום כיון שלא קיימום עמד והתירן להן איתגורי איתגור א"כ מצינו חוטא נשכר,אמר מר בריה דרבינא | 2b. b with their scholars, as it is stated: “And let the peoples [ i le’umim /i ] be assembled” /b (Isaiah 43:9); b and /b the term b i le’om /i /b means b nothing other than kingdom, as it is stated: “And the one kingdom [ i ule’om /i ] shall be stronger than the other kingdom [ i mile’om /i ]” /b (Genesis 25:23). The Gemara asks: b But is /b it possible for b there /b to be b intermingling before the Holy One, Blessed be He, /b that it should be necessary for each nation to stand and be addressed separately? b Rather, /b the nations are instructed to stand separately b so that they will not become intermingled with each other /b in order b that they will /b each b hear what He says to them. /b , b Immediately, the Roman Empire enters first before Him. /b The Gemara asks: b What is the reason /b that the Roman Empire enters first? It is b because /b the Roman Empire is the most b important /b of all of the nations. b And from where do we /b derive b that it is /b the most b important? As it is written /b in the book of Daniel with regard to the fourth empire that will rule over the world: b “And it shall devour the whole earth, and shall tread it down, and break it in pieces” /b (Daniel 7:23), and b Rabbi Yoḥa says: This /b empire that will devour the earth is b the wicked Roman /b Empire, b whose name spread throughout the world. /b ,The Gemara asks: b And from where do we /b derive b that whoever is /b more b important enters first? /b This is b in accordance with /b a statement b of Rav Ḥisda, as Rav Ḥisda says: /b When b a king and a community /b are brought before God for judgment, the b king enters for judgment first, as it is stated: “That He make the judgment of His servant and the judgment of His people Israel, /b as every day shall require” (I Kings 8:59). b And what is the reason /b that it is important for the king to enter first? b If you wish, say /b that it is b not proper conduct for the king to stand outside /b and wait for the trial of his subjects to end. b And if you wish, say /b instead that the king is brought in first so that he may be judged b before /b God’s b anger intensifies /b due to the sins of the community.,The Gemara returns to its narration of the future judgment. First, the members of the Roman Empire enter. b The Holy One, Blessed be He, says to them: With what did you occupy yourselves? They say before Him /b in response: b Master of the Universe, we have established many marketplaces, we have built many bathhouses, /b and b we have increased much silver and gold. And we did all /b of this b only for /b the sake of b the Jewish people, so that they would /b be free to b engage in Torah /b study., b The Holy One, Blessed be He, says to them: Fools of the world! /b Are you attempting to deceive Me? b Everything that you did, you did for your own needs. You established marketplaces to place prostitutes in them; /b you built b bathhouses for your own enjoyment; /b and as for the b silver and gold /b that you claim to have increased, b it is Mine, as it is stated: “Mine is the silver, and Mine the gold, said the Lord of hosts” /b (Haggai 2:8)., b Is there no one among you who can declare /b that they have studied b this /b Torah? This is the meaning of the continuation of the verse from Isaiah, b as it is stated: “Who among them can declare this?” /b (Isaiah 43:9). b And “this” /b is referring to b nothing other than /b the b Torah, as it is stated: “And this is the Torah that Moses set /b before the children of Israel” (Deuteronomy 4:44), and whoever did not engage in its study does not receive reward. b Immediately, /b the members of the Roman Empire b leave disappointed. /b , b The Roman Empire leaves, and the Persian Empire enters after it. What is the reason /b that the Persian Empire enters second? The reason is b that after /b the Roman Empire it is the next most b important. And from where do we /b derive this? b As it is written /b in Daniel’s vision: b “And behold another beast, a second, like a bear” /b (Daniel 7:5). b And Rav Yosef teaches: These are the Persians, /b who are compared to a bear, b as they eat and drink /b copious amounts b as /b does b a bear, and they are fleshy like a bear, and they grow /b their b hair /b long b as /b does b a bear, and they never rest, like a bear, /b which is constantly on the move from one place to another., b The Holy One, Blessed be He, says to them: With what did you occupy yourselves? They say before Him /b in response: b Master of the Universe, we have built many bridges, we have conquered many cities, /b and b we have fought many wars. And we did all /b of this b only for /b the sake of b the Jewish people, so that they would engage in Torah /b study., b The Holy One, Blessed be He, says to them: Everything that you did, you did for your own needs. You established bridges to collect taxes from /b all who pass over b them. /b You conquered b cities to use /b their residents for b forced labor [ i angareya /i ]; /b and with regard to fighting the b wars, I wage /b wars, and your success is from Me, b as it is stated: “The Lord is a man of war” /b (Exodus 15:3). b Is there no one among you who can declare /b that they have studied b this /b Torah? b As it is stated: “Who among them can declare this” /b (Isaiah 43:9), b and “this” /b is referring to b nothing other than the Torah, as it is stated: “And this is the Torah that Moses set” /b (Deuteronomy 4:44). b Immediately, /b the members of the Persian Empire b leave from before Him disappointed. /b ,The Gemara asks: b But once the Persian Empire sees that /b everything said by b the Roman Empire is completely ineffective, what is the reason /b that they b come /b forward? The Gemara answers: They believe that their claims will be more effective, as b they say: /b The Romans b destroyed the /b Second b Temple, and we /b had b built /b it, as the Second Temple was constructed under the auspices and with the encouragement of Cyrus, the king of Persia. The Gemara adds: b And likewise, /b a similar exchange occurred b with each and every nation. /b ,The Gemara asks: b But once /b the other nations b see that /b every-thing said by b the first ones, /b Rome and Persia, b is completely ineffective, what is the reason /b that they b come /b forward? The Gemara answers that b they think: Those /b Empires b subjugated the Jewish people, but we did not subjugate the Jewish people. /b The Gemara further asks: b What is different /b about b these, /b Rome and Persia, b which were singled out /b explicitly, b and what is different /b about b those /b other empires that come afterward, b which were not singled out /b and mentioned by name? It is b because /b with regard to b these, /b Rome and Persia, b their kingship extends until the coming of the Messiah. /b ,The nations will b say before /b God: b Master of the Universe, did You give us /b the Torah b and we did not accept it? /b Since we never received the Torah, why are we being judged for not fulfilling its mitzvot? The Gemara asks: b And can one say that /b they were never offered the Torah? b But isn’t it written /b in the description of the giving of the Torah: b “And he said: The Lord came from Sinai, and rose from Seir unto them” /b (Deuteronomy 33:2), b and it is written: “God comes from Teman, /b and the Holy One from mount Paran” (Habakkuk 3:3). And the Sages asked: b What /b did God b require in Seir and what /b did He b require in Paran? /b The Torah was not given in those locations.,And b Rabbi Yoḥa says: /b This b teaches that the Holy One, Blessed be He, took /b the Torah b around to every nation and /b those who speak every b language, /b such as the Edomites in Seir and the Ishmaelites in Paran, b but they did not accept it, until He came to the Jewish people and they accepted it. /b If the other nations all rejected the Torah, how can they excuse themselves by claiming that it was never offered to them?, b Rather, this /b is what b they say: Did we accept /b the Torah b and /b then b not fulfill /b its mitzvot? The Gemara asks: b But this /b itself b serves as the refutation of their /b own claim, as one can respond: b Why didn’t you accept it? Rather, this /b is what the nations of the world b say before Him: Master of the Universe, did You overturn the mountain above us like a basin, and we /b still b did not accept /b the Torah, b as You did for the Jewish people? /b ,The Gemara provides the background for this claim: b As it is written: “And they stood at the nether part of the mount” /b (Exodus 19:17), b and Rav Dimi bar Ḥama says: /b The verse b teaches that the Holy One, Blessed be He, overturned the mountain, /b i.e., Mount Sinai, b above the Jews like a basin, and /b He b said to them: If you accept the Torah, excellent, and if not, there, /b under the mountain, b will be your burial. /b The nations of the world will claim that they too could have been coerced to accept the Torah., b Immediately, the Holy One, Blessed be He, says to them: The first /b mitzvot b will let us hear /b the truth, b as it is stated /b in the continuation of the same verse under discussion: b “And announce to us the first things” /b (Isaiah 43:9). With regard to the b seven /b Noahide b mitzvot /b that preceded the giving of the Torah b that /b even b you accepted, where /b is the proof that b you fulfilled them? /b ,The Gemara asks: b And from where do we /b derive b that they did not fulfill them? As Rav Yosef teaches /b in explanation of the verse: b “He stands, and shakes the earth, He sees, and makes the nations tremble [ i vayater /i ]” /b (Habakkuk 3:6): b What did /b God b see? He saw /b the b seven mitzvot that the descendants of Noah accepted upon themselves, and /b He saw that they b did not fulfill them. Since they did not fulfill them, He arose and nullified for them [ i vehitiran /i ] /b the command to heed these mitzvot. The Gemara asks: Do they b gain /b from not obeying, as they are now released from the obligation to fulfill these mitzvot? b If so, we find /b that b a sinner profits /b from his transgression., b Mar, son of Ravina, said: /b |
|
| 190. Julian, Or., None Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 94 |
| 191. Historia Augusta, Hel., 3.4-3.5 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus, roman historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 115 |
| 192. Juvenal, Satyrae, 15.44-15.45 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 115 |
| 193. Epigraphy, Gager, Curse Tablets, 53 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus, Found in books: Edmonds (2019), Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World, 84 |
| 194. Augustine, Tractate On The Gospel of John, 97.4 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 24 |
| 195. Panegyric To Theodosius, Panegyric To Theodosius, 47.3 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: O'Daly (2020), Augustine's City of God: A Reader's Guide (2nd edn), 12, 13, 14 |
| 196. Ennodius, Opuscula, 1.78 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 156 |
| 197. Cornelius Nepos, Consularia Constantinopolitana, None Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 92 |
| 198. Prosper Tiro, De Providentia Dei, 908-910, 912, 911 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 79 |
| 199. Minucius Felix, Apol., 25.12 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 13 |
| 200. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, History, 1.2 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 13 |
| 201. Demetrius, De Viris Illustribus Urbis Romae, 76.4 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 11, 95 |
| 202. Stobaeus, Thebais, 4.34.7 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 148 |
| 203. Agathias, History, 1.7.3 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 247 |
| 204. Macrobius, Menander Protector, None Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 156 |
| 205. Thucydides, Valerius Maximus, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 92 |
| 206. Paulinus of Nola, Periochae, 77.6 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 11, 95 |
| 207. Justin, Ars Rhetorica, None Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 79 |
| 208. Ausonius, Prog., 2.21, 20.8, 26.1-26.6 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 68, 78 |
| 209. Anon., Chronicle of Zuqnin, 3.101 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 61 |
| 210. Florus, De Verborum Significatione, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 20, 148 |
| 211. Anon., Consularia Constantinopolitana, 380-384, 379 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 110 |
| 212. Quintilian, Rhetorica Ad Herrenium, 1.15, 2.49, 4.11-4.13, 4.48, 4.51, 4.68 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 11, 20, 62, 68, 136 |
| 213. Epigraphy, Sm, 77 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus, Found in books: Edmonds (2019), Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World, 204 |
| 214. Ovid, Panegyrici Latini, 2.32, 2.47.6, 3.18 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 62, 68 |
| 215. Pseudo-Hegesippus, Historiae, 1.1.8, 1.30.13, 1.41.1, 2.9, 2.9.1, 3.2, 3.5.2, 5.15.1, 5.31.2, 5.46, 5.46.1, 5.50 Tagged with subjects: •ammianus marcellinus, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 22, 24 |
