| 1. Plato, Gorgias, 499e (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 341 |
2. Isocrates, Panathenaicus, 124 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 348 | 124. For they administered both the affairs of the state and their own affairs as righteously and honorably as was to be expected of men who were descended from the gods, who were the first to found a city and to make use of laws, who at all times had practised reverence in relation to the gods and justice in relation to mankind, who were neither of mixed origin nor invaders of a foreign territory but were, on the contrary, alone among the Hellenes, |
|
3. Herodotus, Histories, 2.42, 2.144, 3.28.3, 7.158, 9.122 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 120, 124, 352| 2.42. ὅσοι μὲν δὴ Διὸς Θηβαιέος ἵδρυνται ἱρὸν ἤ νομοῦ τοῦ Θηβαίου εἰσί, οὗτοι μέν νυν πάντες ὀίων ἀπεχόμενοι αἶγας θύουσι. θεοὺς γὰρ δὴ οὐ τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἅπαντες ὁμοίως Αἰγύπτιοι σέβονται, πλὴν Ἴσιός τε καὶ Ὀσίριος, τὸν δὴ Διόνυσον εἶναι λέγουσι· τούτους δὲ ὁμοίως ἅπαντες σέβονται. ὅσοι δὲ τοῦ Μένδητος ἔκτηνται ἱρὸν ἢ νομοῦ τοῦ Μενδησίου εἰσί, οὗτοι δὲ αἰγῶν ἀπεχόμενοι ὄις θύουσι. Θηβαῖοι μέν νυν καὶ ὅσοι διὰ τούτους ὀίων ἀπέχονται, διὰ τάδε λέγουσι τὸν νόμον τόνδε σφίσι τεθῆναι. Ἡρακλέα θελῆσαι πάντως ἰδέσθαι τὸν Δία, καὶ τὸν οὐκ ἐθέλειν ὀφθῆναι ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ· τέλος δέ, ἐπείτε λιπαρέειν τὸν Ἡρακλέα, τάδε τὸν Δία μηχανήσασθαι· κριὸν ἐκδείραντα προσχέσθαι τε τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποταμόντα τοῦ κριοῦ καὶ ἐνδύντα τὸ νάκος οὕτω οἱ ἑωυτὸν ἐπιδέξαι. ἀπὸ τούτου κριοπρόσωπον τοῦ Διὸς τὤγαλμα ποιεῦσι Αἰγύπτιοι, ἀπὸ δὲ Αἰγυπτίων Ἀμμώνιοι, ἐόντες Αἰγυπτίων τε καὶ Αἰθιόπων ἄποικοι καὶ φωνὴν μεταξὺ ἀμφοτέρων νομίζοντες. δοκέειν δέ μοι, καὶ τὸ οὔνομα Ἀμμώνιοι ἀπὸ τοῦδε σφίσι τὴν ἐπωνυμίην ἐποιήσαντο· Ἀμοῦν γὰρ Αἰγύπτιοι καλέουσι τὸν Δία. τοὺς δὲ κριοὺς οὐ θύουσι Θηβαῖοι, ἀλλʼ εἰσί σφι ἱροὶ διὰ τοῦτο. μιῇ δὲ ἡμέρῃ τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ, ἐν ὁρτῇ τοῦ Διός, κριὸν ἕνα κατακόψαντες καὶ ἀποδείραντες κατὰ τὠυτὸ ἐνδύουσι τὤγαλμα τοῦ Διός, καὶ ἔπειτα ἄλλο ἄγαλμα Ἡρακλέος προσάγουσι πρὸς αὐτό. ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσαντες τύπτονται οἱ περὶ τὸ ἱρὸν ἅπαντες τὸν κριὸν καὶ ἔπειτα ἐν ἱρῇ θήκῃ θάπτουσι αὐτόν. 2.144. ἤδη ὦν τῶν αἱ εἰκόνες ἦσαν, τοιούτους ἀπεδείκνυσαν σφέας πάντας ἐόντας, θεῶν δὲ πολλὸν ἀπαλλαγμένους. τὸ δὲ πρότερον τῶν ἀνδρῶν τούτων θεοὺς εἶναι τοὺς ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἄρχοντας, οὐκ ἐόντας ἅμα τοῖσι ἀνθρώποισι, καὶ τούτων αἰεὶ ἕνα τὸν κρατέοντα εἶναι· ὕστατον δὲ αὐτῆς βασιλεῦσαι ὦρον τὸν Ὀσίριος παῖδα, τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα Ἕλληνες ὀνομάζουσι· τοῦτον καταπαύσαντα Τυφῶνα βασιλεῦσαι ὕστατον Αἰγύπτου. Ὄσιρις δὲ ἐστὶ Διόνυσος κατὰ Ἑλλάδα γλῶσσαν. 7.158. οἳ μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεγον, Γέλων δὲ πολλὸς ἐνέκειτο λέγων τοιάδε. “ἄνδρες Ἕλληνες, λόγον ἔχοντες πλεονέκτην ἐτολμήσατε ἐμὲ σύμμαχον ἐπὶ τὸν βάρβαρον παρακαλέοντες ἐλθεῖν· αὐτοὶ δὲ ἐμεῦ πρότερον δεηθέντος βαρβαρικοῦ στρατοῦ συνεπάψασθαι, ὅτε μοι πρὸς Καρχηδονίους νεῖκος συνῆπτο, ἐπισκήπτοντός τε τὸν Δωριέος τοῦ Ἀναξανδρίδεω πρὸς Ἐγεσταίων φόνον ἐκπρήξασθαι, ὑποτείνοντός τε τὰ ἐμπόρια συνελευθεροῦν ἀπʼ ὧν ὑμῖν μεγάλαι ὠφελίαι τε καὶ ἐπαυρέσιες γεγόνασι, οὔτε ἐμεῦ εἵνεκα ἤλθετε βοηθήσοντες οὔτε τὸν Δωριέος φόνον ἐκπρηξόμενοι, τό τε κατʼ ὑμέας τάδε ἅπαντα ὑπὸ βαρβάροισι νέμεται. ἀλλὰ εὖ γὰρ ἡμῖν καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ ἄμεινον κατέστη. νῦν δὲ ἐπειδὴ περιελήλυθε ὁ πόλεμος καὶ ἀπῖκται ἐς ὑμέας, οὕτω δὴ Γέλωνος μνῆστις γέγονε. ἀτιμίης δὲ πρὸς ὑμέων κυρήσας οὐκ ὁμοιώσομαι ὑμῖν, ἀλλʼ ἕτοιμος εἰμὶ βοηθέειν παρεχόμενος διηκοσίας τε τριήρεας καὶ δισμυρίους ὁπλίτας καὶ δισχιλίην ἵππον καὶ δισχιλίους τοξότας καὶ δισχιλίους σφενδονήτας καὶ δισχιλίους ἱπποδρόμους ψιλούς· σῖτόν τε ἁπάσῃ τῇ Ἑλλήνων στρατιῇ, ἔστʼ ἂν διαπολεμήσωμεν, ὑποδέκομαι παρέξειν. ἐπὶ δὲ λόγῳ τοιῷδε τάδε ὑπίσχομαι, ἐπʼ ᾧ στρατηγός τε καὶ ἡγεμὼν τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἔσομαι πρὸς τὸν βάρβαρον. ἐπʼ ἄλλῳ δὲ λόγῳ οὔτʼ ἂν αὐτὸς ἔλθοιμι οὔτʼ ἂν ἄλλους πέμψαιμι.” 9.122. τούτου δὲ Ἀρταΰκτεω τοῦ ἀνακρεμασθέντος προπάτωρ Ἀρτεμβάρης ἐστὶ ὁ Πέρσῃσι ἐξηγησάμενος λόγον τὸν ἐκεῖνοι ὑπολαβόντες Κύρῳ προσήνεικαν λέγοντα τάδε. “ἐπεὶ Ζεὺς Πέρσῃσι ἡγεμονίην διδοῖ, ἀνδρῶν δὲ σοὶ Κῦρε, κατελὼν Ἀστυάγην, φέρε, γῆν γὰρ ἐκτήμεθα ὀλίγην καὶ ταύτην τρηχέαν, μεταναστάντες ἐκ ταύτης ἄλλην σχῶμεν ἀμείνω. εἰσὶ δὲ πολλαὶ μὲν ἀστυγείτονες πολλαὶ δὲ καὶ ἑκαστέρω, τῶν μίαν σχόντες πλέοσι ἐσόμεθα θωμαστότεροι. οἰκὸς δὲ ἄνδρας ἄρχοντας τοιαῦτα ποιέειν· κότε γὰρ δὴ καὶ παρέξει κάλλιον ἢ ὅτε γε ἀνθρώπων τε πολλῶν ἄρχομεν πάσης τε τῆς Ἀσίης; ” Κῦρος δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσας καὶ οὐ θωμάσας τὸν λόγον ἐκέλευε ποιέειν ταῦτα, οὕτω δὲ αὐτοῖσι παραίνεε κελεύων παρασκευάζεσθαι ὡς οὐκέτι ἄρξοντας ἀλλʼ ἀρξομένους· φιλέειν γὰρ ἐκ τῶν μαλακῶν χώρων μαλακοὺς γίνεσθαι· οὐ γὰρ τι τῆς αὐτῆς γῆς εἶναι καρπόν τε θωμαστὸν φύειν καὶ ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς τὰ πολέμια. ὥστε συγγνόντες Πέρσαι οἴχοντο ἀποστάντες, ἑσσωθέντες τῇ γνώμῃ πρὸς Κύρου, ἄρχειν τε εἵλοντο λυπρὴν οἰκέοντες μᾶλλον ἢ πεδιάδα σπείροντες ἄλλοισι δουλεύειν. | 2.42. All that have a temple of Zeus of Thebes or are of the Theban district sacrifice goats, but will not touch sheep. ,For no gods are worshipped by all Egyptians in common except Isis and Osiris, who they say is Dionysus; these are worshipped by all alike. Those who have a temple of Mendes or are of the Mendesian district sacrifice sheep, but will not touch goats. ,The Thebans, and those who by the Theban example will not touch sheep, give the following reason for their ordice: they say that Heracles wanted very much to see Zeus and that Zeus did not want to be seen by him, but that finally, when Heracles prayed, Zeus contrived ,to show himself displaying the head and wearing the fleece of a ram which he had flayed and beheaded. It is from this that the Egyptian images of Zeus have a ram's head; and in this, the Egyptians are imitated by the Ammonians, who are colonists from Egypt and Ethiopia and speak a language compounded of the tongues of both countries. ,It was from this, I think, that the Ammonians got their name, too; for the Egyptians call Zeus “Amon”. The Thebans, then, consider rams sacred for this reason, and do not sacrifice them. ,But one day a year, at the festival of Zeus, they cut in pieces and flay a single ram and put the fleece on the image of Zeus, as in the story; then they bring an image of Heracles near it. Having done this, all that are at the temple mourn for the ram, and then bury it in a sacred coffin. 2.144. Thus they showed that all those whose statues stood there had been good men, but quite unlike gods. ,Before these men, they said, the rulers of Egypt were gods, but none had been contemporary with the human priests. of these gods one or another had in succession been supreme; the last of them to rule the country was Osiris' son Horus, whom the Greeks call Apollo; he deposed Typhon, and was the last divine king of Egypt . Osiris is, in the Greek language, Dionysus. 7.158. This is what they said, and Gelon, speaking very vehemently, said in response to this: “Men of Hellas, it is with a self-seeking plea that you have dared to come here and invite me to be your ally against the foreigners; yet what of yourselves? ,When I was at odds with the Carchedonians, and asked you to be my comrades against a foreign army, and when I desired that you should avenge the slaying of Dorieus son of Anaxandrides on the men of Egesta, and when I promised to free those trading ports from which great advantage and profit have accrued to you,—then neither for my sake would you come to aid nor to avenge the slaying of Dorieus. Because of your position in these matters, all these lands lie beneath the foreigners' feet. ,Let that be; for all ended well, and our state was improved. But now that the war has come round to you in your turn, it is time for remembering Gelon! ,Despite the fact that you slighted me, I will not make an example of you; I am ready to send to your aid two hundred triremes, twenty thousand men-at-arms, two thousand horsemen, two thousand archers, two thousand slingers, and two thousand light-armed men to run with horsemen. I also pledge to furnish provisions for the whole Greek army until we have made an end of the war. ,All this, however, I promise on one condition, that I shall be general and leader of the Greeks against the foreigner. On no other condition will I come myself or send others.” 9.122. This Artayctes who was crucified was the grandson of that Artembares who instructed the Persians in a design which they took from him and laid before Cyrus; this was its purport: ,“Seeing that Zeus grants lordship to the Persian people, and to you, Cyrus, among them, let us, after reducing Astyages, depart from the little and rugged land which we possess and occupy one that is better. There are many such lands on our borders, and many further distant. If we take one of these, we will all have more reasons for renown. It is only reasonable that a ruling people should act in this way, for when will we have a better opportunity than now, when we are lords of so many men and of all Asia?” ,Cyrus heard them, and found nothing to marvel at in their design; “Go ahead and do this,” he said; “but if you do so, be prepared no longer to be rulers but rather subjects. Soft lands breed soft men; wondrous fruits of the earth and valiant warriors grow not from the same soil.” ,The Persians now realized that Cyrus reasoned better than they, and they departed, choosing rather to be rulers on a barren mountain side than dwelling in tilled valleys to be slaves to others. |
|
| 4. Aristippus, Fragments, 1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 118, 119 |
| 5. Theocritus, Idylls, 15, 22 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 224 |
| 6. Theophrastus, Characters, 23 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 340 |
7. Aristotle, Politics, 1327b, 1272b (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 352 | 1272b. as they live in an island remote from any people to corrupt them. Also the remedy which they employ for this defect is a curious one, and less characteristic of a republic than of a dynasty: often the Cosmi are expelled by a conspiracy formed among some of their actual colleagues or the private citizens. Also the Cosmi are allowed to resign during their term of office. Now it would be preferable for all these expedients to be put in force by law rather than at the discretion of individuals, for that is a dangerous principle. And the worst expedient of all is that of the suspension of the office of Cosmi, which is often brought about by members of the powerful class who wish to escape being punished; this proves that the constitution has a republican element, although it is not actually a republic but rather a dynasty. And the nobles frequently form parties among the common people and among their friends and so bring about a suspension of government, and form factions and engage in war with one another. Yet such a state of things is virtually the same as if for a period of time the state underwent an entire revolution, and the bonds of civil society were loosened. [2.22] And it is a precarious position for a state to be in, when those who wish to attack it also have the power to do so. But, as has been said, it is saved by its locality; for distance has had the same effect as alien-acts. A result of this is that with the Cretans the serf population stands firm, whereas the Helots often revolt; for the Cretans take no part in foreign empire, and also the island has only lately been invaded by warfare from abroad, rendering manifest the weakness of the legal system there. Let this suffice for our discussion of this form of constitution. [2.23] Carthage also appears to have a good constitution, with many outstanding features as compared with those of other nations, but most nearly resembling the Spartan in some points. For these three constitutions are in a way near to one another and are widely different from the others — the Cretan, the Spartan and, thirdly, that of Carthage. Many regulations at Carthage are good; and a proof of a well-regulated constitution is that the populace willingly remain faithful to the constitutional system, and that neither civil strife has arisen in any degree worth mentioning, nor yet a tyrant. [2.24] Points in which the Carthaginian constitution resembles the Spartan are the common mess-tables of its Comradeships corresponding to the Phiditia, and the magistracy of the Hundred and Four corresponding to the Ephors (except one point of superiority — the Ephors are drawn from any class, but the Carthaginians elect this magistracy by merit); the kings and the council of Elders correspond to the kings and Elders at Sparta, and it is another superior feature that the Carthaginian kings are not confined to the same family and that one of no particular distinction, and also that if any family distinguishes itself . . . the Elders are to be chosen from these rather than by age; for as they are put in control of important matters, if they are men of no value they do great harm, |
|
| 8. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, 1.1-1.2 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 341 |
| 9. Aristippus Historicus, Fragments, 1 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 118, 119 |
| 10. Polybius, Histories, 1.36.3, 1.65.7, 2.37-2.70, 4.20.8, 4.21, 5.64.5, 5.65.5, 5.104-5.106, 5.106.6-5.106.8, 6.4.7-6.4.10, 6.8.5-6.8.9, 6.57.9, 7.5.3, 8.19.8-8.19.9, 9.32-9.39, 11.4.6, 15.25-15.34, 15.26.1-15.26.8, 15.30.2, 15.30.4, 15.30.9-15.30.10, 15.31.2-15.31.4, 15.32.4, 15.32.7, 15.33.9-15.33.10, 16.39, 18.44.2, 18.46.15, 18.55, 21.22.7, 22.3.6, 22.8, 23.10.4-23.10.5, 27.13.1, 34.3.9, 34.14, 34.14.1-34.14.5, 39.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 353 |
11. Livy, History, 38.17 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 353 | 38.17. As it was this enemy, so much dreaded by all the people in that part of the world, that was to be met in war, the consul paraded his soldiers and delivered the following speech to them: "I am quite aware, soldiers, that of all the nations of Asia the Gauls have the highest military reputation. This fierce people, after wandering and warring over almost the entire world, have taken up their abode amongst the gentlest and most peaceable race of men. Their tall stature, their long red hair, their huge shields, their extraordinarily long swords; still more, their songs as they enter into battle, their war-whoops and dances, and the horrible clash of arms as they shake their shields in the way their fathers did before them-all these things are intended to terrify and appal. But let those fear them to whom they are strange and startling, such as the Greeks and Phrygians and Carians. We Romans are familiar with Gaulish tumults and know how they come to nothing. Once in the old days when our ancestors met them for the first time, they fled from them at the Alia; from that time for the last 200 years they have routed and slain them like so many herds of cattle, and almost more triumphs have been won over the Gauls than over the rest of the world put together. Our experience has taught us this-if you withstand their first rush with its wild excitement and blind fury, their limbs become powerless with sweat and fatigue, their weapons hang idly; their flabby bodies and, when their fury has spent itself, their flabby spirits, too, are prostrated by sun and dust and thirst, even though you did not lift a sword against them. We have made trial of them, not only legions against legions, but man against man. T. Manlius and M. Valerius have shown how steady Roman courage can get the better of Gaulish frenzy. M. Manlius flung down single-handed the Gauls who were climbing the Capitol. And, besides, those ancestors of ours had to deal with genuine Gauls bred in their own land; these are degenerates, a mongrel race, truly what they are called-Gallograeci. Just as in the case of fruits and cattle, the seed is not so effective in keeping up the strain as the nature of the soil and climate in which they are reared are in changing it. "The Macedonians who occupy Alexandria, Seleucia, Babylonia and their other colonies throughout the world, have degenerated into Syrians and Parthians and Egyptians. Massilia, situated amongst Gauls, has contracted something of the temperament of its neighbours. How much of the rough and stern discipline of Sparta has survived amongst the Tarentines? Everything grows most vigorously in its own home; when planted in an alien soil its nature changes and it deteriorates into that from which it gets its subsistence. As in the battle with Antiochus you slew the Phrygians in spite of their heavy Gaulish arms, so you will slay them now, you the victors, they the vanquished. I am more afraid of our gaining too little glory in this war than of gaining too much. Antiochus has often routed and scattered them. Do not imagine that it is only wild beasts which preserve their ferocity when newly-captured but after being fed for some time at the hands of men grow tame. Nature works in the same way in softening the savagery of men. Do you suppose that these men are the same as their fathers and grandfathers were? Driven from their home by want of room they wandered across the rugged coast of Illyria, and after traversing the whole length of Paeonia and Thrace and fighting their way through warlike nations took possession of these countries. After becoming hardened and savage by all they had to go through, they have found a home in a land which makes them fat with bountiful supplies of every kind. All the ferocity which they brought with them has been tamed by a most fertile soil, a most genial climate and the gentle character of the people amongst whom they have settled. You, sons of Mars, believe me, will have to be on your guard against the attractions of Asia and shun them from the very first; such power have the pleasures of other lands to weaken and destroy your energies, so easily can the habits and practices of the people round you affect you. It is, however, fortunate for us that though they cannot oppose you with anything like the strength they once could, they still enjoy their former reputation amongst the Greeks. You will therefore gain as much credit with our allies in conquering as if the Gauls you defeat had retained all the courage of old days." |
|
12. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 1.25.2, 1.84.8, 4.1.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 124 | 1.25.2. Osiris has been given the name Sarapis by some, Dionysus by others, Pluto by others, Ammon by others, Zeus by some, and many have considered Pan to be the same god; and some say that Sarapis is the god whom the Greeks call Pluto. As for Isis, the Egyptians say that she was the discoverer of many health-giving drugs and was greatly versed in the science of healing; |
|
13. Strabo, Geography, 1.2.16, 2.5.1, 3.5.7, 5.2.2, 6.1.2, 7.1.22, 7.1.27, 7.1.31, 17.1.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 120, 347, 348 | 1.2.16. He then goes on to describe the manner in which they catch the sword-fish at Scyllaion. One look-out directs the whole body of fishers, who are in a vast number of small boats, each furnished with two oars, and two men to each boat. One man rows, the other stands on the prow, spear in hand, while the look-out has to signal the appearance of a sword-fish. (This fish, when swimming, has about a third of its body above water.) As it passes the boat, the fisher darts the spear from his hand, and when this is withdrawn, it leaves the sharp point with which it is furnished sticking in the flesh of the fish: this point is barbed, and loosely fixed to the spear for the purpose; it has a long end fastened to it; this they pay out to the wounded fish, till it is exhausted with its struggling and endeavours at escape. Afterwards they trail it to the shore, or, unless it is too large and full-grown, haul it into the boat. If the spear should fall into the sea, it is not lost, for it is jointed of oak and pine, so that when the oak sinks on account of its weight, it causes the other end to rise, and thus is easily recovered. It sometimes happens that the rower is wounded, even through the boat, and such is the size of the sword with which the galeote is armed, such the strength of the fish, and the method of the capture, that [in danger] it is not surpassed by the chase of the wild boar. From these facts (he says) we may conclude that Ulysses' wanderings were close to Sicily, since Homer describes Scylla as engaging in a pursuit exactly similar to that which is carried on at Scyllaion. As to Charybdis, he describes just what takes place at the Strait of Messina: Each day she thrice disgorges, [Od. xii. 105.] instead of twice, being only a mistake, either of the scribe or the historian. 2.5.1. AFTER these criticisms on the writers who have preceded us, we must now confine our attention to the fulfilment of our promise. We start with a maxim we laid down at the commencement, that whoever undertakes to write a Chorography, should receive as axioms certain physical and mathematical propositions, and frame the rest of his work in accordance with, and in full reliance on, these principles. We have already stated [our opinion], that neither builder nor architect could build house or city properly and as it ought to be, unless acquainted with the climax of the place, its position in respect to celestial appearances, its shape, magnitude, degree of heat and cold, and similar facts; much less should he [be without such information] who undertakes to describe the situation of the various regions of the inhabited earth. Represent to the mind on one and the same plane-surface Iberia and India with the intermediate countries, and define likewise the west, the east, and the south, which are common to every country. To a man already acquainted with the arrangement and motions of the heavens, and aware that in reality the surface of the earth is spherical, although here for the sake of illustration represented as a plane, this will give a sufficiently exact idea of the geographical [position of the various countries], but not to one who is unacquainted with those matters. The tourist travelling over vast plains like those of Babylon, or journeying by sea, may fancy that the whole country stretched before, behind, and on either side of him is a plane-surface; he may be unacquainted with the counterindications of the celestial phenomena, and with the motions and appearance of the sun and stars, in respect to us. But such facts as these should ever be present to the mind of those who compose Geographies The traveller, whether by sea or land, is directed by certain common appearances, which answer equally for the direction both of the unlearned and of the man of the world. Ignorant of astronomy, and unacquainted with the varied aspect of the heavens, he beholds the sun rise and set, and attain the meridian, but without considering how this takes place. Such knowledge could not aid the object he has in view, any more than to know whether the country he chances to be in may be under the same latitude as his own or not. Even should he bestow a slight attention to the subject, on all mathematical points he will adopt the opinions of the place; and every country has certain mistaken views of these matters. But it is not for any particular nation, nor for the man of the world who cares nothing for abstract mathematics, still less is it for the reaper or ditcher, that the geographer labours; but it is for him who is convinced that the earth is such as mathematicians declare it to be, and who admits every other fact resulting from this hypothesis. He requests that those who approach him shall have already settled this in their minds as a fact, that they may be able to lend their whole attention to other points. He will advance nothing which is not a consequence of these primary facts; therefore those who hear him, if they have a knowledge of mathematics, will readily be able to turn his instructions to account; for those who are destitute of this information he does not pretend to expound Geography. 3.5.7. Polybius relates that there is a spring within the sanctuary of Hercules at Gades, having a descent of a few steps to fresh water, which is affected in a manner the reverse of the sea tides, subsiding at the flow of the tide, and springing at the ebb. He assigns as the cause of this phenomenon, that air rises from the interior to the surface of the earth; when this surface is covered by the waves, at the rising of the sea, the air is deprived of its ordinary vents, and returns to the interior, stopping up the passages of the spring, and causing a want of water, but when the surface is again laid bare, the air having a direct exit liberates the channels which feed the spring, so that it gushes freely. Artemidorus rejects this explanation, and substitutes one of his own, recording at the same time the opinion of the historian Silanus; but neither one or other of their views seems to me worth relating, since both he and Silanus were ignorant in regard to these matters. Posidonius asserts that the entire account is false, and adds that there are two wells in the sanctuary of Hercules, and a third in the city. That the smaller of the two in the sanctuary of Hercules, if drawn from frequently, will become for a time exhausted, but that on ceasing to draw from it, it fills again: while in regard to the larger, it may be drawn from during the whole day; that it is true it becomes lower, like all other wells, but that it fills again during the night when drawing ceases. [He adds] that the ebb tide frequently happening to occur during the period of its re-filling, gave rise to the groundless belief of the inhabitants as to its being affected in an opposite manner [to the tides of the ocean]. However it is not only related by him that it is a commonly believed fact, but we have received it from tradition as much referred to amongst paradoxes. We have likewise heard that there are wells both within the city and also in the gardens without, but that on account of the inferiority of this water, tanks are generally constructed throughout the city for the supply of water: whether likewise any of these reservoirs give any signs of being affected in an opposite manner to the tides, we know not. If such be the case, the causes thereof should be received as amongst phenomena hard to be explained. It is likely that Polybius may have assigned the proper reason; but it is also likely that certain of the channels of the springs being damped outside become relaxed, and so let the water run out into the surrounding land, instead of forcing it along its ancient passage to the spring; and there will of course be moisture when the tide overflows. But if, as Athenodorus asserts, the ebb and flow resemble the inspiration and expiration of the breath, it is possible that some of the currents of water which naturally have an efflux on to the surface of the earth, through various channels, the mouths of which we denominate springs and fountains, are by other channels drawn towards the depths of the sea, and raise it, so as to produce a flood-tide; when the expiration is sufficient, they leave off the course in which they are then flowing, and again revert to their former direction, when that again takes a change. 5.2.2. The Tyrrheni have now received from the Romans the surname of Etrusci and Tusci. The Greeks thus named them from Tyrrhenus the son of Atys, as they say, who sent hither a colony from Lydia. Atys, who was one of the descendants of Hercules and Omphale, and had two sons, in a time of famine and scarcity determined by lot that Lydus should remain in the country, but that Tyrrhenus, with the greater part of the people, should depart. Arriving here, he named the country after himself, Tyrrhenia, and founded twelve cities, having appointed as their governor Tarcon, from whom the city of Tarquinia [received its name], and who, on account of the sagacity which he had displayed from childhood, was feigned to have been born with hoary hair. Placed originally under one authority, they became flourishing; but it seems that in after-times, their confederation being broken up and each city separated, they yielded to the violence of the neighbouring tribes. Otherwise they would never have abandoned a fertile country for a life of piracy on the sea. roving from one ocean to another; since, when united they were able not only to repel those who assailed them, but to act on the offensive, and undertake long campaigns. After the foundation of Rome, Demaratus arrived here, bringing with him people from Corinth. He was received at Tarquinia, where he had a son, named Lucumo, by a woman of that country. Lucumo becoming the friend of Ancus Marcius, king of the Romans, succeeded him on the throne, and assumed the name of Lucius Tarquinius Priscus. Both he and his father did much for the embellishment of Tyrrhenia, the one by means of the numerous artists who had followed him from their native country; the other having the resources of Rome. It is said that the triumphal costume of the consuls, as well as that of the other magistrates, was introduced from the Tarquinii, with the fasces, axes, trumpets, sacrifices, divination, and music employed by the Romans in their public ceremonies. His son, the second Tarquin, named Superbus, who was driven from his throne, was the last king [of Rome ]. Porsena, king of Clusium, a city of Tyrrhenia, endeavoured to replace him on the throne by force of arms, but not being able he made peace with the Romans, and departed in a friendly way, with honour and loaded with gifts. 6.1.2. These, then, are the places on the Tyrrhenian seaboard that belong to the Leucani. As for the other sea, they could not reach it at first; in fact, the Greeks who held the Gulf of Tarentum were in control there. Before the Greeks came, however, the Leucani were as yet not even in existence, and the regions were occupied by the Chones and the Oinotri. But after the Samnitae had grown considerably in power, and had ejected the Chones and the Oinotri, and had settled a colony of Leucani in this portion of Italy, while at the same time the Greeks were holding possession of both seaboards as far as the Strait, the Greeks and the barbarians carried on war with one another for a long time. Then the tyrants of Sicily, and afterwards the Carthaginians, at one time at war with the Romans for the possession of Sicily and at another for the possession of Italy itself, maltreated all the peoples in this part of the world, but especially the Greeks. Later on, beginning from the time of the Trojan war, the Greeks had taken away from the earlier inhabitants much of the interior country also, and indeed had increased in power to such an extent that they called this part of Italy, together with Sicily, Magna Graecia. But today all parts of it, except Taras, Rhegium, and Neapolis, have become completely barbarized, and some parts have been taken and are held by the Leucani and the Brettii, and others by the Campani — that is, nominally by the Campani but in truth by the Romans, since the Campani themselves have become Romans. However, the man who busies himself with the description of the earth must needs speak, not only of the facts of the present, but also sometimes of the facts of the past, especially when they are notable. As for the Leucani, I have already spoken of those whose territory borders on the Tyrrhenian sea, while those who hold the interior are the people who live above the Gulf of Tarentum. But the latter, and the Brettii, and the Samnitae themselves (the progenitors of these peoples) have so utterly deteriorated that it is difficult even to distinguish their several settlements; and the reason is that no common organization longer endures in any one of the separate tribes; and their characteristic differences in language, armor, dress, and the like, have completely disappeared; and, besides, their settlements, severally and in detail, are wholly without repute. 17.1.3. We must, however, enter into a further detail of particulars. And first, we must speak of the parts about Egypt, proceeding from those that are better known to those which follow next in order.The Nile produces some common effects in this and the contiguous tract of country, namely, that of the Ethiopians above it, in watering them at the time of its rise, and leaving those parts only habitable which have been covered by the inundation; it intersects the higher lands, and all the tract elevated above its current on both sides, which however are uninhabited and a desert, from an absolute want of water. But the Nile does not traverse the whole of Ethiopia, nor alone, nor in a straight line, nor a country which is well inhabited. But Egypt it traverses both alone and entirely, and in a straight line, from the lesser cataract above Syene and Elephantine, (which are the boundaries of Egypt and Ethiopia,) to the mouths by which it discharges itself into the sea. The Ethiopians at present lead for the most part a wandering life, and are destitute of the means of subsistence, on account of the barrenness of the soil, the disadvantages of climate, and their great distance from us.Now the contrary is the case with the Egyptians in all these respects. For they have lived from the first under a regular form of government, they were a people of civilized manners, and were settled in a well-known country; their institutions have been recorded and mentioned in terms of praise, for they seemed to have availed themselves of the fertility of their country in the best possible manner by the partition of it (and by the classification of persons) which they adopted, and by their general care.When they had appointed a king, they divided the people into three classes, into soldiers, husbandmen, and priests. The latter had the care of everything relating to sacred things (of the gods), the others of what related to man; some had the management of warlike affairs, others attended to the concerns of peace, the cultivation of the ground, and the practice of the arts, from which the king derived his revenue.The priests devoted themselves to the study of philosophy and astronomy, and were companions of the kings.The country was at first divided into nomes. The Thebais contained ten, the Delta ten, and the intermediate tract sixteen. But according to some writers, all the nomes together amounted to the number of chambers in the Labyrinth. Now these were less than thirty [six]. The nomes were again divided into other sections. The greater number of the nomes were distributed into toparchies, and these again into other sections ; the smallest portions were the arourae.An exact and minute division of the country was required by the frequent confusion of boundaries occasioned at the time of the rise of the Nile, which takes away, adds, and alters the various shapes of the bounds, and obliterates other marks by which the property of one person is distinguished from that of another. It was consequently necessary to measure the land repeatedly. Hence it is said geometry originated here, as the art of keeping accounts and arithmetic originated with the Phoenicians, in consequence of their commerce.As the whole population of the country, so the separate population in each nome, was divided into three classes ; the territory also was divided into three equal portions.The attention and care bestowed upon the Nile is so great as to cause industry to triumph over nature. The ground by nature, and still more by being supplied with water, produces a great abundance of fruits. By nature also a greater rise of the river irrigates a larger tract of land; but industry has completely succeeded in rectifying the deficiency of nature, so that in seasons when the rise of the river has been less than usual, as large a portion of the country is irrigated by means of canals and embankments, as in seasons when the rise of the river has been greater.Before the times of Petronius there was the greatest plenty, and the rise of the river was the greatest when it rose to the height of fourteen cubits; but when it rose to eight only, a famine ensued. During the government of Petronius, however, when the Nile rose twelve cubits only, there was a most abundant crop; and once when it mounted to eight only, no famine followed. Such then is the nature of this provision for the physical state of the country. We shall now proceed to the next particulars. |
|
| 14. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 8.184-8.186 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 120 |
| 15. Plutarch, Table Talk, 8.1.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 120 |
16. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 3.1.2-3.1.3, 7.26.2 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 118, 119| 3.1.3. ὁ δὲ εἰς μὲν Πηλούσιον φυλακὴν εἰσήγαγε, τοὺς δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν νεῶν ἀναπλεῖν κατὰ τὸν ποταμὸν κελεύσας ἔστε ἐπὶ Μέμφιν πόλιν αὐτὸς ἐφʼ Ἡλιουπόλεως ᾔει, ἐν δεξιᾷ ἔχων τὸν ποταμὸν τὸν Νεῖλον, καὶ ὅσα καθʼ ὁδὸν χωρία ἐνδιδόντων τῶν ἐνοικούντων κατασχὼν διὰ τῆς ἐρήμου ἀφίκετο ἐς Ἡλιούπολιν· 7.26.2. λέγουσι δὲ αἱ ἐφημερίδες αἱ βασίλειοι ἐν τοῦ Σαράπιδος τῷ ἱερῷ Πείθωνά τε ἐγκοιμηθέντα καὶ Ἄτταλον καὶ Δημοφῶντα καὶ Πευκέσταν, πρὸς δὲ Κλεομένην τε καὶ Μενίδαν καὶ Σέλευκον, ἐπερωτᾶν τὸν θεὸν εἰ λῷον καὶ ἄμεινον Ἀλεξάνδρῳ εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ θεοῦ κομισθέντα καὶ ἱκετεύσαντα θεραπεύεσθαι πρὸς τοῦ θεοῦ· καὶ γενέσθαι φήμην τινὰ ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ μὴ κομίζεσθαι εἰς τὸ ἱερόν, ἀλλὰ αὐτοῦ μένοντι ἔσεσθαι ἄμεινον. | |
|
| 17. Artemidorus, Oneirocritica, 2.44.23-2.44.30 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 131 |
| 18. Mela, De Chorographia, 1.9.58 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 120 |
| 19. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 12.3.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 350 |
| 20. Plutarch, Demetrius, 12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 340 |
21. Plutarch, On Isis And Osiris, 361e, 362a, 362b, 43 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 120 | 43. They think that the risings of the Nile have some relation to the illuminations of the moon; for the greatest rising, Besides the famous ancient Nilometer at Elephantinê, others have been found at Philae, Edfu, and Esna. in the neighbourhood of Elephantinê, is twenty-eight cubits, which is the number of its illuminations that form the measure of each of its monthly cycles; the rising in the neighbourhood of Mendes and Xoïs, which is the least, is six cubits, corresponding to the first quarter. The mean rising, in the neighbourhood of Memphis, when it is normal, is fourteen cubits, corresponding to the full moon. The Apis, they say, is the animate image of Osiris, Cf. 359 b and 362 c, supra . and he comes into being when a fructifying light thrusts forth from the moon and falls upon a cow in her breeding-season. Cf. Moralia, 718 b, and Aelian, De Natura Animalium, xi. 10. Wherefore there are many things in the Apis that resemble features of the moon, his bright parts being darkened by the shadowy. Moreover, at the time of the new moon in the month of Pharnenoth they celebrate a festival to which they give the name of Osiris’s coming to the Moon, and this marks the beginning of the spring. Thus they make the power of Osiris to be fixed in the Moon, and say that Isis, since she is generation, is associated with him. For this reason they also call the Moon the mother of the world, and they think that she has a nature both male and female, as she is receptive and made pregt by the Sun, but she herself in turn emits and disseminates into the air generative principles. For, as they believe, the destructive activity of Typhon does not always prevail, but oftentimes is overpowered by such generation and put in bonds, and then at a later time is again released and contends against Horus, Cf. 358 d, supra . who is the terrestrial universe; and this is never completely exempt either from dissolution or from generation. |
|
22. Tacitus, Histories, 4.83-4.84 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 118, 119, 120, 121 | 4.83. The origin of this god has not yet been generally treated by our authors: the Egyptian priests tell the following story, that when King Ptolemy, the first of the Macedonians to put the power of Egypt on a firm foundation, was giving the new city of Alexandria walls, temples, and religious rites, there appeared to him in his sleep a vision of a young man of extraordinary beauty and of more than human stature, who warned him to send his most faithful friends to Pontus and bring his statue hither; the vision said that this act would be a happy thing for the kingdom and that the city that received the god would be great and famous: after these words the youth seemed to be carried to heaven in a blaze of fire. Ptolemy, moved by this miraculous omen, disclosed this nocturnal vision to the Egyptian priests, whose business it is to interpret such things. When they proved to know little of Pontus and foreign countries, he questioned Timotheus, an Athenian of the clan of the Eumolpidae, whom he had called from Eleusis to preside over the sacred rites, and asked him what this religion was and what the divinity meant. Timotheus learned by questioning men who had travelled to Pontus that there was a city there called Sinope, and that not far from it there was a temple of Jupiter Dis, long famous among the natives: for there sits beside the god a female figure which most call Proserpina. But Ptolemy, although prone to superstitious fears after the nature of kings, when he once more felt secure, being more eager for pleasures than religious rites, began gradually to neglect the matter and to turn his attention to other things, until the same vision, now more terrible and insistent, threatened ruin upon the king himself and his kingdom unless his orders were carried out. Then Ptolemy directed that ambassadors and gifts should be despatched to King Scydrothemis â he ruled over the people of Sinope at that time â and when the embassy was about to sail he instructed them to visit Pythian Apollo. The ambassadors found the sea favourable; and the answer of the oracle was not uncertain: Apollo bade them go on and bring back the image of his father, but leave that of his sister. 4.84. When the ambassadors reached Sinope, they delivered the gifts, requests, and messages of their king to Scydrothemis. He was all uncertainty, now fearing the god and again being terrified by the threats and opposition of his people; often he was tempted by the gifts and promises of the ambassadors. In the meantime three years passed during which Ptolemy did not lessen his zeal or his appeals; he increased the dignity of his ambassadors, the number of his ships, and the quantity of gold offered. Then a terrifying vision appeared to Scydrothemis, warning him not to hinder longer the purposes of the god: as he still hesitated, various disasters, diseases, and the evident anger of the gods, growing heavier from day to day, beset the king. He called an assembly of his people and made known to them the god's orders, the visions that had appeared to him and to Ptolemy, and the misfortunes that were multiplying upon them: the people opposed their king; they were jealous of Egypt, afraid for themselves, and so gathered about the temple of the god. At this point the tale becomes stranger, for tradition says that the god himself, voluntarily embarking on the fleet that was lying on the shore, miraculously crossed the wide stretch of sea and reached Alexandria in two days. A temple, befitting the size of the city, was erected in the quarter called Rhacotis; there had previously been on that spot an ancient shrine dedicated to Serapis and Isis. Such is the most popular account of the origin and arrival of the god. Yet I am not unaware that there are some who maintain that the god was brought from Seleucia in Syria in the reign of Ptolemy III; still others claim that the same Ptolemy introduced the god, but that the place from which he came was Memphis, once a famous city and the bulwark of ancient Egypt. Many regard the god himself as identical with Aesculapius, because he cures the sick; some as Osiris, the oldest god among these peoples; still more identify him with Jupiter as the supreme lord of all things; the majority, however, arguing from the attributes of the god that are seen on his statue or from their own conjectures, hold him to be Father Dis. |
|
| 23. Plutarch, On The Fortune Or Virtue of Alexander The Great, 328d, 328e, 342a, 332d (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 341 |
| 24. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 7.3.7-7.3.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 118 |
| 25. Plutarch, Whether Land Or Sea Animals Are More Clever, 984b, 984a (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 118, 119 |
| 26. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 45.33-45.34 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 132 |
| 27. Irenaeus, Refutation of All Heresies, 5.8.39-5.8.40 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 121 |
28. Aelian, Nature of Animals, 11.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 120 | 11.1. BOOK XI The race of the Hyperboreans and the honours there paid to Apollo are sung of by poets and are celebrated by historians, among whom is Hecataeus, not of Miletus but of Abdera. The many other matters of importance which he narrates I think there is no need for me to bring in now, and in fact I shall postpone the full recital to some other occasion, when it will be pleasanter for me and more convenient for my hearers. The only facts which this narrative invites me to relate are as follows. This god has as priests the sons of Boreas and Chione, three in number, brothers by birth, and six cubits in height. So when at the customary time they perform the established ritual of the aforesaid god there swoop down from what are called the Rhipaean mountains swans in clouds, past numbering, and after they have circled round the temple as though they were purifying it by their flight, they descend into the precinct of the temple, an area of immense size and of surpassing beauty. Now whenever the singers sing their hymns to the god and the harpers accompany the chorus with their harmonious music, thereupon the Swans also with one accord join in the chant and never once do they sing a discordant note or out of tune, but as though they had been given the key by the conductor they chant in unison with the natives who are skilled in the sacred melodies. Then when the hymn is finished the aforesaid winged choristers, so to call them, after their customary service in honour of the god and after singing and celebrating his praises all through the day, depart. |
|
| 29. Hippolytus, Refutation of All Heresies, 5.8.39-5.8.40 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 121 |
| 30. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 1.21.106 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 119 |
| 31. Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation To The Greeks, 4.48.2-4.48.6 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 118, 119, 120, 121 |
| 32. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, 14.632a (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 348 |
| 33. Lucian, Parliament of The Gods, 10, 100-109, 11, 110-111, 12-75, 77-99, 76 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 120 |
| 34. Theophilus, To Autolycus, 1.9.15-1.9.23 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 118 |
| 35. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, 3.16.3-3.16.4 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 118 |
36. Origen, Against Celsus, 5.38 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 118 | 5.38. I wish, however, to show how Celsus asserts without any good reason, that each one reveres his domestic and native institutions. For he declares that those Ethiopians who inhabit Meroe know only of two gods, Jupiter and Bacchus, and worship these alone; and that the Arabians also know only of two, viz., Bacchus, who is also an Ethiopian deity, and Urania, whose worship is confined to them. According to his account, neither do the Ethiopians worship Urania, nor the Arabians Jupiter. If, then, an Ethiopian were from any accident to fall into the hands of the Arabians, and were to be judged guilty of impiety because he did not worship Urania, and for this reason should incur the danger of death, would it be proper for the Ethiopian to die, or to act contrary to his country's laws, and do obeisance to Urania? Now, if it would be proper for him to act contrary to the laws of his country, he will do what is not right, so far as the language of Celsus is any standard; while, if he should be led away to death, let him show the reasonableness of selecting such a fate. I know not whether, if the Ethiopian doctrine taught men to philosophize on the immortality of the soul, and the honour which is paid to religion, they would reverence those as deities who are deemed to be such by the laws of the country. A similar illustration may be employed in the case of the Arabians, if from any accident they happened to visit the Ethiopians about Meroe. For, having been taught to worship Urania and Bacchus alone, they will not worship Jupiter along with the Ethiopians; and if, adjudged guilty of impiety, they should be led away to death, let Celsus tell us what it would be reasonable on their part to do. And with regard to the fables which relate to Osiris and Isis, it is superfluous and out of place at present to enumerate them. For although an allegorical meaning may be given to the fables, they will nevertheless teach us to offer divine worship to cold water, and to the earth, which is subject to men, and all the animal creation. For in this way, I presume, they refer Osiris to water, and Isis to earth; while with regard to Serapis the accounts are numerous and conflicting, to the effect that very recently he appeared in public, agreeably to certain juggling tricks performed at the desire of Ptolemy, who wished to show to the people of Alexandria as it were a visible god. And we have read in the writings of Numenius the Pythagorean regarding his formation, that he partakes of the essence of all the animals and plants that are under the control of nature, that he may appear to have been fashioned into a god, not by the makers of images alone, with the aid of profane mysteries, and juggling tricks employed to invoke demons, but also by magicians and sorcerers, and those demons who are bewitched by their incantations. |
|
| 37. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 5.76.7-5.76.10 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 131 |
| 38. Epigraphy, I. Louvre, 11 Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 131 |
| 40. Chrysippus, Ap. Diog. Laert. 7.188 = Svf, 7.188 Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 221 |
| 41. Xenophanes, Fr.13, 23, ap. clem. al. strom. 5.109.1 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 216 |
| 42. Papyri, Bgu, 2.423 Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 132 |
| 45. Epigraphy, I. Varsovie, 45 Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 125 |
| 46. Papyri, P.Oxy., 15.1803, 22.2332 Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 119, 136 |
| 47. Catilius, Anth. Graec., 159 Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 132 |
| 48. Papyri, Near Eastern Texts, 1, 106, 19, 41, 42, 54, 57, Dec-13, 107 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 135 |
| 50. Epigraphy, Welles, Rc, 3 Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 3 |
| 51. Epigraphy, Ricis, 401/0401 Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 128 |
| 52. Papyri, Sm, 1.1934 Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 131 |
| 53. Epigraphy, Be, 1994, no. 432 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 355 |
54. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 657 Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 340 | 657. In the archonship of Euthios (283/2), in the third prytany, of [[AntigonisI]], for which Nausimenes son of Nausikydes of CholargosVII was secretary. On the eighteenth of Boedromion, the nineteenth of the prytany. Principal Assembly. (5) of the presiding committee Hieromnemon son of Teisimachos of Koile was putting to the vote and his fellow presiding committee members. The Council and People decided. Nikeratos son of Phileas of Kephale proposed: since Philippides has continued at every opportunity to demonstrate his good will for the People, and (10) on going abroad to king Lysimachos first after discussions with the king he delivered to the People a gift of 10,000 Attic medimnoi of wheat (purōn) which was distributed to all Athenians in the archonship of Euktemon (299/8); and also discussed the yard (keraias) and the mast (histou), that (15) they might be given to the goddess for the robe (peplōi) at the Panathenaia, which were delivered in the archonship of Euktemon (299/8); and when king Lysimachos won the battle at Ipsos against Antigonos and Demetrios, those citizens who perished in the crisis (kindunōi) he buried at his (20) own expense, while he alerted the king to those who became prisoners, and after gaining their release, those wishing to remain in service he arranged that they be assigned to regiments, and those preferring to leave he supplied with clothes and travelling money (ephodia) (25) from his own resources and sent them where each wished, more than three hundred in all; and he pleaded for the release of as many of those citizens who were captured in Asia and held prisoner by Demetrios and Antigonos; and to those Athenians who happen to be at the court at any time he continues (30) to be useful in whatever way each requests of him; and since the People have recovered their freedom, he has continued to say and to do what is in the interests of the preservation (sōtēriai) of the city, including requesting the king to help with money and grain, so that the People may remain (35) free and recover the Piraeus and the forts as quickly as possible, and concerning all these matters the king has often testified on his behalf to Athenian ambassadors sent to him; and when he was elected competition director (agōnothetēs) in the archonship of Isaios (284/3) he complied (40) with the People willingly from his own resources, and he sacrificed to the gods the ancestral sacrifices on behalf of the People, and he gave to all Athenians the . . . for all the competitions, and he was the first to institute an additional competition to Demeter and Kore as a memorial (hupomnēma) to the [freedom] (45) of the People; and he managed the other competitions and sacrifices on behalf of the city, and on all these things he spent much money from his own resources and rendered accounts according to the laws, and he has never done anything contrary to democracy either in word or (50) deed; so, therefore, that it might be clear to all that the People understands how to give thanks to its benefactors to the value of the benefactions they perform, for good fortune, the Council shall decide: that the presiding committee (proedrous) who are allotted to preside in the People, when the days for the request (aitēseōs) set by the law (55) have passed, shall put the matter on the agenda for the next Assembly according to the law, and submit the opinion of the Council to the People, that it seems good to the Council to praise Philippides son of Philokles of Kephale for the excellence and good will which he continues to have for (60) the Athenian People and to crown him with a gold crown according to the law and to announce the crown at the tragedy competition of the Great Dionysia, and to stand a bronze statue of him in the theatre; and he shall have dining privileges (sitēsin) in the city hall (prutaneiōi), as will (65) the eldest of his descendants at the time, and a front row seat (proedrian) at all competitions that the city puts on; and the board of administrators (tous epi tēi dioikēsei) shall manage the making of the crown and the announcement; and the prytany secretary shall inscribe this decree on a stone stele (70) and stand it by the temple (neō) of Dionysos; and for inscribing the stele the board of administrators (tous epi tēi dioikēsei) shall allocate 20 drachmas from the People’s fund for expenditure on decrees. In crown The People. text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG II2 657 - Honours for the poet Philippides |
|
| 55. Epigraphy, Magnesia, 46 Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 109 |
| 56. Epigraphy, Mylasa, 01-May Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 11 |
| 57. Epigraphy, Ogis, 168, 64, 725, 36 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 356 |
| 58. Epigraphy, Philae, 5 Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 128, 132 |
59. Epigraphy, Seg, 18.69, 28.6, 43.221, 45.101, 46.555 Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 125, 340, 355 | 45.101. In the archonship of Olympiodoros (293/2), when Epikouros son of Epiteles of Rhamnous was recorder (anagrapheōs), in the tenth prytany, of PandionisV, on the old and new day (henei kai neai) of Mounichion, the first of the prytany. Assembly. of the presiding (5) committee Nikoboulos son of Nikias of Phrearrhioi was putting to the vote and his fellow presiding committee members. The People decided. Stratokles son of Euthydemos of Diomeia proposed: since the ancestors of Philippides were ever good men to the Athenian People and at all opportunities (10) proved their good will and love of honour (philotimian), and they provided many and great services for the People, and they spent much money on the voluntary contributions (tas epidoseis) and trierarchies and theatrical sponsorships (chorēgias) and the other liturgies from their own resources, to which tripods and (15) other dedications in the sanctuaries of the city still stand as memorials (hupomnēmata); and they performed many fine (kalas) and glorious generalships both on land and sea; and Philippides himself, rating highly in his turn the duty arising from his ancestors’ service to (20) the People, has ever proven his good will and love of honour (philotimian) in public subscriptions (tais epidosesin) and trierarchies and theatrical sponsorships (chorēgiais) and all the other liturgies and honour-loving acts (philotimiais); and when he was elected general in charge of the fleet he served (25) well and in the interests of the People; and as king he has sacrificed all the sacrifices, as many as were his concern, on behalf of the city piously and according to ancestral custom; and all the other duties which the laws require of him in his office he has taken care of well and (30) incorruptibly (adōrodokētōs); and chosen as competition director (agōnothetēs) he has put on all the competitions for the gods well and with love of honour (philotimōs), and all the other duties to which the People or the Council have elected him he has taken care of justly; and he has served on successful (kalas) embassies in the (35) interests of the People; and he has offered himself as a champion (agōnistēn) for the interests of the fatherland at every opportunity, the People shall decide: to praise Philippides son of Philomelos of Paiania both for his [ancestors' and his own?] excellence and love of honour (philotimias) (40) towards the People, and to crown him with a gold crown . . . , and to announce the crown at the city Dionysia and the Demetrieia at the tragedy competition; and the [competition director (agōnothetēn) or games directors (athlothetas)] shall take care of the announcement; and the People shall stand a (45) [bronze statue of him in the Agora]; and he and the eldest of his descendants at the time shall have dining rights (sitēsin) in the city hall (prutaneiōi) and a front row seat at all competitions which the city puts on; and the recorder shall inscribe this decree on stone stelai and stand one on the acropolis, (50) the other next to his statue; and Philippides shall be permitted to inscribe in addition on the stelai the benefactions, [public subscriptions], trierarchies and the other liturgies performed by his ancestors and by himself; and the administrator (ton epi tēi dioikēsei) shall allocate (55) the expenditure for the making of the crown and the statue and the inscription of the stelai. text from Attic Inscriptions Online, SEG 45.101 - Honours for Philippides of Paiania |
|
60. Anon., Letter of Aristeas, 107-111, 129-149, 15, 151-159, 16, 160-171, 182, 92-99, 150 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 216 | 150. characters should be destroyed to the same extent? Wherefore all the rules which he has laid down with regard to what is permitted in the case of these birds and other animals, he has enacted with the object of teaching us a moral lesson. For the division of the hoof and the separation of the claws are intended to teach us that we must discriminate between our individual actions with a view |
|
| 63. Epigraphy, I. Sultan Daği, 1.393 Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 332, 339, 340, 341, 342, 346, 347, 348, 349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 355, 356 |
| 66. Georgius Cedrenus, Hist., 1.567 Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 118 |
| 68. Pseudo-Callisthenes, Hist. Alex. Magn., 1.33.1-1.33.13 Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 118 |
| 71. Callimachus, Hymns, 4.165-4.170, 4.205-4.208 Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 225 |
| 72. Canali De Rossi, F. 2004. Iscrizioni, I. Alex.Ptol., 1, 18-19, 2, 20-21, 34, 5, 13 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 123 |
| 73. Canali De Rossi, F. 2004. Iscrizioni, I. Delos, 1.234, 2.749 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 125, 128 |
| 74. Canali De Rossi, F. 2004. Iscrizioni, Cil, 8.1007 Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 120 |
