1. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 1.2-1.3 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, greek biographies of Found in books: Kalmin (2014), Migrating tales: the Talmud's narratives and their historical context, 212| 1.2. "וַיֹּאמֶר אֱלֹהִים יִשְׁרְצוּ הַמַּיִם שֶׁרֶץ נֶפֶשׁ חַיָּה וְעוֹף יְעוֹפֵף עַל־הָאָרֶץ עַל־פְּנֵי רְקִיעַ הַשָּׁמָיִם׃", 1.2. "וְהָאָרֶץ הָיְתָה תֹהוּ וָבֹהוּ וְחֹשֶׁךְ עַל־פְּנֵי תְהוֹם וְרוּחַ אֱלֹהִים מְרַחֶפֶת עַל־פְּנֵי הַמָּיִם׃", 1.3. "וּלְכָל־חַיַּת הָאָרֶץ וּלְכָל־עוֹף הַשָּׁמַיִם וּלְכֹל רוֹמֵשׂ עַל־הָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר־בּוֹ נֶפֶשׁ חַיָּה אֶת־כָּל־יֶרֶק עֵשֶׂב לְאָכְלָה וַיְהִי־כֵן׃", 1.3. "וַיֹּאמֶר אֱלֹהִים יְהִי אוֹר וַיְהִי־אוֹר׃", | 1.2. "Now the earth was unformed and void, and darkness was upon the face of the deep; and the spirit of God hovered over the face of the waters.", 1.3. "And God said: ‘Let there be light.’ And there was light.", |
|
2. Hebrew Bible, Proverbs, 27.20 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, greek biographies of Found in books: Kalmin (2014), Migrating tales: the Talmud's narratives and their historical context, 230 | 27.20. "The nether-world and Destruction are never satiated; So the eyes of man are never satiated.", |
|
3. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 118.20 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, greek biographies of Found in books: Kalmin (2014), Migrating tales: the Talmud's narratives and their historical context, 229, 230 | 118.20. "This is the gate of the LORD; The righteous shall enter into it.", |
|
4. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 19.14 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, greek biographies of Found in books: Kalmin (2014), Migrating tales: the Talmud's narratives and their historical context, 218| 19.14. "זֹאת הַתּוֹרָה אָדָם כִּי־יָמוּת בְּאֹהֶל כָּל־הַבָּא אֶל־הָאֹהֶל וְכָל־אֲשֶׁר בָּאֹהֶל יִטְמָא שִׁבְעַת יָמִים׃", | 19.14. "This is the law: when a man dieth in a tent, every one that cometh into the tent, and every thing that is in the tent, shall be unclean seven days.", |
|
5. Plato, Gorgias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, as a spreader of greek culture Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 341| 499e. τἀναντία τούτων κακαί; ΚΑΛ. πάνυ γε. ΣΩ. οὐκοῦν καὶ λῦπαι ὡσαύτως αἱ μὲν χρησταί εἰσιν, αἱ δὲ πονηραί; ΚΑΛ. πῶς γὰρ οὔ; ΣΩ. οὐκοῦν τὰς μὲν χρηστὰς καὶ ἡδονὰς καὶ λύπας καὶ αἱρετέον ἐστὶν καὶ πρακτέον; ΚΑΛ. πάνυ γε. ΣΩ. τὰς δὲ πονηρὰς οὔ; ΚΑΛ. δῆλον δή. ΣΩ. ἕνεκα γάρ που τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἅπαντα ἡμῖν ἔδοξεν πρακτέον εἶναι, εἰ μνημονεύεις, ἐμοί τε καὶ Πώλῳ. ἆρα καὶ σοὶ συνδοκεῖ οὕτω, τέλος εἶναι ἁπασῶν τῶν πράξεων τὸ ἀγαθόν, καὶ ἐκείνου ἕνεκα δεῖν πάντα τἆλλα πράττεσθαι | 499e. Soc. And similarly in the case of pains, are some worthy and some base? Call. of course. Soc. So it is the worthy pleasures and pains that we ought to choose in all our doings? Call. Certainly. Soc. And the base ones not? Call. Clearly so. Soc. Because, you know, Polus and I, if you recollect, decided. that everything we do should be for the sake of what is good. Do you agree with us in this view—that the good is the end of all our actions, and it is for its sake that all other things should be done, and not it for theirs? |
|
| 6. Theophrastus, Characters, 23 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, as a spreader of greek culture Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 340 |
| 7. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, 1.1-1.2 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, as a spreader of greek culture Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 341 |
| 8. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.2.86-2.2.87, 2.2.89-2.2.119, 2.4.72-2.4.75, 2.4.80, 2.4.82, 2.4.84-2.4.85, 2.4.93, 2.4.97 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54 |
9. Polybius, Histories, 2.41.8-2.41.11, 3.59, 5.10.6-5.10.8, 5.44, 5.44.7, 5.55, 5.65.9-5.65.10, 5.107.1-5.107.3, 9.29.5-9.29.6, 9.34.1-9.34.3, 10.27.3, 10.29-10.31, 10.48.8, 11.34.1, 11.34.3-11.34.6, 14.12.4, 22.3.6, 22.8, 31.9.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 344 | 10.30. 1. As these separate bodies advanced they found the road much rougher and narrower than the king had expected.,2. For the total length of the ascent was about three hundred stades, and for the greater part of this distance it was through a deep torrent bed, in which progress was rendered difficult by quantities of rock and trees that had fallen of their own accord from the precipices above, while numerous other obstacles placed there by the barbarians contributed to the result.,3. For they had constructed a series of barricades of felled trees and had collected a quantity of huge rocks, while they themselves along the whole defile had occupied favourable positions on the heights where they fancied themselves in security. So that Antiochus would have found it perfectly impossible to execute his project had they not miscalculated:,4. for these preparations had been made and these positions occupied under the idea that the whole enemy army must necessarily ascend through the defile itself;,5. but they never saw that though the phalanx and pack-train could not march by any other route than the one they supposed, since it was impossible for that part of the army to attack the mountain slopes, yet it was by no means beyond the power of unburdened and light-armed troops to ascend over the bare rocks. ,6. So that as soon as Diogenes, advancing outside the defile, came in contact with the first barbarian post the face of things was entirely changed.,7. For at once upon encountering the enemy he acted as circumstances suggested and making a further flank movement up hill got on higher ground, and by throwing showers of javelins and stones from the hand inflicted severe punishment on them, the greatest damage being done by the stones slung from a distance.,8. As soon as they had forced this first post to withdraw and occupied their position the pioneers had time to clear and level the ground in front of them at their ease, a task soon accomplished owing to their large numbers.,9. In fact, by this means, with the slingers, archers and javelineers marching along the high ground in loose order, but closing up and occupying favourable positions, and with the Cretans covering their movements and marching parallel to them close to the defile slowly and in good order, the barbarians no longer stood their ground, but abandoning their positions collected on the actual summit of the pass. |
|
| 10. Livy, History, 5.47.3 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 83 |
11. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 17.9.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, greek biographies of Found in books: Kalmin (2014), Migrating tales: the Talmud's narratives and their historical context, 203 | 17.9.4. If the Thebans had yielded to the situation and had asked the Macedonians for peace and an alliance, the king would have accepted their proposals with pleasure and would have conceded everything they asked, for he was eager to be rid of these disturbances in Greece so that he might without distraction pursue the war with Persia. Finally, however, he realized that he was despised by the Thebans, and so decided to destroy the city utterly and by this act of terror take the heart out of anyone else who might venture to rise against him. |
|
12. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 11.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kalmin (2014), Migrating tales: the Talmud's narratives and their historical context, 203, 204| 11.4. προσμίξας δὲ ταῖς Θήβαις καὶ διδοὺς ἔτι τῶν πεπραγμένων μετάνοιαν ἐξῄτει Φοίνικα καὶ Προθύτην, καὶ τοῖς μεταβαλλομένοις πρὸς αὐτὸν ἄδειαν ἐκήρυττε. τῶν δὲ Θηβαίων ἀντεξαιτούντων μὲν παρʼ αὐτοῦ Φιλώταν καὶ Ἀντίπατρον, κηρυττόντων δὲ τοὺς τὴν Ἑλλάδα βουλομένους συνελευθεροῦν τάττεσθαι μετʼ αὐτῶν, οὕτως ἔτρεψε τοὺς Μακεδόνας πρὸς πόλεμον. | 11.4. Arrived before Thebes, In September, 335 B.C. Plutarch makes no mention of a previous expedition of Alexander into Southern Greece, immediately after Philip’s death, when he received the submission of all the Greek states except Sparta, and was made commander-in-chief of the expedition against Persia, in Philip’s place. See Arrian, Anab. i. 1. and wishing to give her still a chance to repent of what she had done, he merely demanded the surrender of Phoenix and Prothytes, and proclaimed an amnesty for those who came over to his side. But the Thebans made a counter-demand that he should surrender to them Philotas and Antipater, and made a counter-proclamation that all who wished to help in setting Greece free should range themselves with them; and so Alexander set his Macedonians to the work of war. |
|
13. Plutarch, Brutus, 9.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 83| 9.8. αἴτιοι δὲ τούτων οἱ Καίσαρος κόλακες ἄλλας τε τιμὰς ἐπιφθόνους ἀνευρίσκοντες αὐτῷ καὶ διαδήματα τοῖς ἀνδριᾶσι νύκτωρ ἐπιτιθέντες, ὡς τοὺς πολλοὺς ὑπαξόμενοι βασιλέα προσειπεῖν ἀντὶ δικτάτορος. | 9.8. |
|
14. Mishnah, Avot, 1.10 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, greek biographies of Found in books: Kalmin (2014), Migrating tales: the Talmud's narratives and their historical context, 220| 1.10. "שְׁמַעְיָה וְאַבְטַלְיוֹן קִבְּלוּ מֵהֶם. שְׁמַעְיָה אוֹמֵר, אֱהֹב אֶת הַמְּלָאכָה, וּשְׂנָא אֶת הָרַבָּנוּת, וְאַל תִּתְוַדַּע לָרָשׁוּת: \n", | 1.10. "Shemaiah and Abtalion received [the oral tradition] from them. Shemaiah used to say: love work, hate acting the superior, and do not attempt to draw near to the ruling authority.", |
|
| 15. Plutarch, On The Fortune Or Virtue of Alexander The Great, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 341 |
| 16. Plutarch, Demetrius, 12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, as a spreader of greek culture Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 340 |
| 17. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54 |
18. Plutarch, Aemilius Paulus, 28.11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54| 28.11. μόνα τὰ βιβλία τοῦ βασιλέως φιλογραμματοῦσι τοῖς υἱέσιν ἐπέτρεψεν ἐξελέσθαι, καὶ διανέμων ἀριστεῖα τῆς μάχης Αἰλίῳ Τουβέρωνι τῷ γαμβρῷ φιάλην ἔδωκε πέντε λιτρῶν ὁλκήν. | 28.11. It was only the books of the king that he allowed his sons, who were devoted to learning, to choose out for themselves, and when he was distributing rewards for valour in the battle, he gave Aelius Tubero, his son-in-law, a bowl of five pounds weight. |
|
| 19. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 8.194, 29.57, 33.142, 35.4, 35.85-35.86, 35.128 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54, 83 |
| 20. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 104.21 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, greek biographies of Found in books: Kalmin (2014), Migrating tales: the Talmud's narratives and their historical context, 219 |
21. Tacitus, Annals, 1.74 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 83| 1.74. Nec multo post Granium Marcellum praetorem Bithyniae quaestor ipsius Caepio Crispinus maiestatis postulavit, subscribente Romano Hispone: qui formam vitae iniit, quam postea celebrem miseriae temporum et audaciae hominum fecerunt. nam egens, ignotus, inquies, dum occultis libellis saevitiae principis adrepit, mox clarissimo cuique periculum facessit, potentiam apud unum, odium apud omnis adeptus dedit exemplum, quod secuti ex pauperibus divites, ex contemptis metuendi perniciem aliis ac postremum sibi invenere. sed Marcellum insimulabat sinistros de Tiberio sermones habuisse, inevitabile crimen, cum ex moribus principis foedissima quaeque deligeret accusator obiectaretque reo. nam quia vera erant, etiam dicta credebantur. addidit Hispo statuam Marcelli altius quam Caesarum sitam, et alia in statua amputato capite Augusti effigiem Tiberii inditam. ad quod exarsit adeo, ut rupta taciturnitate proclamaret se quoque in ea causa laturum sententiam palam et iuratum, quo ceteris eadem necessitas fieret. manebant etiam tum vestigia morientis libertatis. igitur Cn. Piso 'quo' inquit 'loco censebis, Caesar? si primus, habebo quod sequar: si post omnis, vereor ne inprudens dissentiam.' permotus his, quantoque incautius efferverat, paenitentia patiens tulit absolvi reum criminibus maiestatis: de pecuniis repetundis ad reciperatores itum est. | 1.74. Before long, Granius Marcellus, praetor of Bithynia, found himself accused of treason by his own quaestor, Caepio Crispinus, with Hispo Romanus to back the charge. Caepio was the pioneer in a walk of life which the miseries of the age and effronteries of men soon rendered popular. Indigent, unknown, unresting, first creeping, with his private reports, into the confidence of his pitiless sovereign, then a terror to the noblest, he acquired the favour of one man, the hatred of all, and set an example, the followers of which passed from beggary to wealth, from being despised to being feared, and crowned at last the ruin of others by their own. He alleged that Marcellus had retailed sinister anecdotes about Tiberius: a damning indictment, when the accuser selected the foulest qualities of the imperial character, and attributed their mention to the accused. For, as the facts were true, they were also believed to have been related! Hispo added that Marcellus' own statue was placed on higher ground than those of the Caesars, while in another the head of Augustus had been struck off to make room for the portrait of Tiberius. This incensed the emperor to such a degree that, breaking through his taciturnity, he exclaimed that, in this case, he too would vote, openly and under oath, â the object being to impose a similar obligation on the rest. There remained even yet some traces of dying liberty. Accordingly Gnaeus Piso inquired: "In what order will you register your opinion, Caesar? If first, I shall have something to follow: if last of all, I fear I may inadvertently find myself on the other side." The words went home; and with a meekness that showed how profoundly he rued his unwary outburst, he voted for the acquittal of the defendant on the counts of treason. The charge of peculation went before the appropriate commission. |
|
22. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 31.43, 31.47-31.53, 31.71, 31.99, 31.105-31.106, 31.112, 31.155 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 83 | 31.43. "Yes," you say, "for the majority of them are Romans and who would think of touching them? But those who stand beside them here are Macedonians, while these over here are Spartans, and by heavens, it is these we touch." And yet all that stood here formerly, or the most of them at any rate, you will admit were erected in acknowledgement of a benefaction, whereas of those now receiving honour many are being courted owing to their political power. Now the question which of the two classes has the greater right to be held in higher regard I will pass over; but this further question, which of the two classes â assuming that the honours granted are not to belong rightfully to all â can more reasonably be expected to take them on the basis of so uncertain a title, this question, I say, even these men themselves know well how to answer. For all know how much more permanent a benefaction is than power, for there is no strength which time does not destroy, but it destroys no benefaction. 31.47. Now perhaps some one will say that the statues belong to the city. Yes, and the land also belongs to the city, but none the less every one who possesses any has full authority over what is his own. Speaking in a political sense, if anyone inquires who owns the Island or who owns Caria, he will be told that the Rhodians own it. But if you ask in a different sense about this specific estate here or this field, it is clear that you will learn the name of the private owner. So also with the statues; in a general sense men say that they belong to the people of Rhodes, but in the particular or special sense they say that this or that statue belongs to So-andâso or to So-andâso, naming whatever man it has been given to. And yet, whereas in the case of estates, houses, and other possessions, you cannot learn who owns them unless you inquire, the statue has an inscription on it and preserves not only the name but also the lineaments of the man to whom it was first given, so that it is possible to step near and at once know whose it is. I refer to those on which the truth is still given. 31.48. Moreover, the plea that they stand on public property is most absurd, if this is really held to be an indication that they do not belong to those who received them, but to the city. Why, if that be true, it will be possible to say that also the things which are on sale in the centre of the market-place belong to the commonwealth, and that the boats, no doubt, do belong, not to their possessors, but to the city, just because they are lying in the harbours. Then, too, an argument which I heard a man advance, as a very strong one in support of that position, I am not disposed to conceal from you: he said that you have made an official list of your statues. What, pray, is the significance of that? Why, the country lying opposite us, Carpathos yonder, the mainland, the other islands, and in general many possessions can be found which the city has listed in its public records, but they have been parcelled out among individuals. 31.49. And in fine, even if each man who has been honoured does not in this sense 'possess' his statue as he would possess anything else he has acquired, it cannot for that reason be said that it belongs to him any the less or that he suffers no wrong when you give his statue to another. For you will find countless senses in which we say that a thing 'belongs' to an individual and very different senses too, for instance, a priesthood, a public office, a wife, citizenship, none of which their possessors are at liberty either to sell or to use in any way they like. 31.50. But certainly a common principle of justice is laid down in regard to them all, to the effect that anything whatsoever which any one has received justly â whether he happens to have got it once for all or for a specified time, just as, for instance, he obtains public offices â that is his secure possession and nobody can deprive him of it. How, then, is it possible to have anything more justly, than when a man who has proved himself good and worthy of gratitude receives honour in return for many noble deeds? Or from whom could he receive it that has fuller authority and is greater than the democracy of Rhodes and your city? For it is no trifling consideration that it was not the Calymnians who gave it, or those ill-advised Caunians; just as in private business the better and more trustworthy you prove the man to be from whom you obtain any possession, the stronger your title to it is, and by so much more no one can dispute it. Yet any city which one might mention is in every way better and more trustworthy than one private citizen, even if he has the highest standing, and arrangements made by the state are more binding than those which are negotiated privately. 31.51. Then consider, further, that all men regard those agreements as having greater validity which are made with the sanction of the state and are entered in the city's records; and it is impossible for anything thus administered to be annulled, either in case one buys a piece of land from another, a boat or a slave, or if a man makes a loan to another, or frees a slave, or makes gift to any one. How in the world, then, has it come to pass that these transactions carry a greater security than any other? It is because the man who has handled any affair of his in this way has made the city a witness to the transaction. 31.52. In heaven's name, will it then be true that, while anything a person may get from a private citizen by acting through the state cannot possibly be taken from him, yet what one has received, not only by a state decree, but also as a gift of the people, shall not be inalienable? And whereas an action taken in this way by anybody else will never be annulled by the authority of the state, yet shall the state, in the offhand way we observe here, cancel what it has itself done? â and that too, not by taking it away in the same manner in which it was originally given, that is, by the commonwealth officially, but by letting one man, if he happens to be your chief magistrate, have the power to do so? 31.53. And besides, there are official records of those transactions of which I have spoken; for the decrees by which honours are given are recorded, I take it, and remain on public record for all time. For though repaying a favour is so strictly guarded among you, yet taking it back from the recipients is practised with no formality at all. Then, while the one action cannot be taken except by a decree passed by you as a body, yet the other comes to pass by a sort of custom, even though it is the will of only one person. Note, however, that, as I said, these matters have been recorded officially, not only in the decrees, but also upon the statues themselves, on which we find both the name of the man who received the honour and the statement that the assembly has bestowed it, and, again, that these statues are set up on public property. 31.71. Come, then, if any one were to question the magistrate who is set over you, who commands that the inscription be erased and another man's name engraved in its place, asking: "What does this mean? Ye gods, has this man been found guilty of having done the city some terrible wrong so many years after the deed?" In heaven's name, do you not think that he would be deterred, surely if he is a man of common decency? For my part I think that even the mason will blush for shame. And then if children or kinsmen of the great man should happen to appear, what floods of tears do you think they will shed when some one begins to obliterate the name? 31.99. Neither can we be so sure, moreover, that such treatment might not be brought about by some persons through hatred, I mean if it so happens that one of your chief magistrates has a grudge against any of his predecessors. You have heard how the Theagenes incident, at any rate, grew out of political envy and jealousy. For even if they urge that now they follow this practice only in the case of the old statues, yet as time goes on, just as ever happens in the case of all bad habits, this one too will of necessity grow worse and worse. The reason is that it is utterly impossible to call the culprit to account because the whole business from first to last lies in his hands. "Yes, by heavens," you say, "but the kinsmen will certainly put a stop to it." Well then, if the kinsmen happen to be absent or to have had no knowledge of the matter, what do we propose to do when they do learn of it? Will it be necessary to chisel out again the man's name which someone has been in a hurry to insert? 31.105. So much for that. Well then, neither can it be said that the persons you honour are more numerous; for the mere number of the statues standing which date from that time reveals the truth. And apart from that, who would say that those who are zealous to serve the state are now more numerous than then? Oh yes! you may say, "but we simply must honour the commanders who rule over us, one and all." What of it? Do not also the Athenians, Spartans, Byzantines, and Mytilenaeans pay court to these same? But nevertheless, whenever they decide to set up in bronze one of these, they do so, and they manage to find the cost. 31.106. Indeed I once heard a certain Rhodian remark â "The position of those people is not comparable to ours. For all that they, the Athenians excepted, possess is liberty and the Athenians have no great possessions either; but our city is the envy of all because it is the most prosperous, and consequently it needs a greater number of loyal friends. Furthermore, none of the Romans particularly cares to have a statue among those peoples, but they do not despise that honour here." 31.112. Then again, whereas the Eleans, who are not superior in other respects to any of the other Peloponnesians, put so high a value upon their own position, are you Rhodians so afraid of all your casual visitors that you think if you fail to set up some one person in bronze, you will lose your freedom? But if your freedom is in so precarious a state that it can be stripped from you on any petty pretext, it would in every way be better for you to be slaves forthwith. So too when men's bodies are so dangerously ill that there is no longer hope for their recovery, death is better than life. 31.155. For instance, many people assert that the statues of the Rhodians are like actors. For just as every actor makes his entrance as one character at one time and at another as another, so likewise your statues assume different rôles at different times and stand almost as if they were acting a part. For instance, one and the same statue, they say, is at one time a Greek, at another time a Roman, and later on, if it so happens, a Macedonian or a Persian; and what is more, with some statues the deception is so obvious that the beholder at once is aware of the deceit. For in fact, clothing, foot-gear, and everything else of that kind expose the fraud. |
|
| 23. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 1.2, 1.7.7-1.7.11, 1.8.1-1.8.2, 1.8.8, 4.7.5, 4.9.1, 6.12.1-6.12.3, 6.13.4, 7.2.1-7.2.4, 7.3.4, 7.19.6, 7.28.1-7.28.2 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kalmin (2014), Migrating tales: the Talmud's narratives and their historical context, 222 |
| 24. Gellius, Attic Nights, 6.1.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 83 |
25. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 43.45.3-43.45.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 83 | 43.45.3. Another likeness they set up in the temple of Quirinus with the inscription, "To the Invincible God," and another on the Capitol beside the former kings of Rome. 43.45.4. Now it occurs to me to marvel at the coincidence: there were eight such statues, â seven to the kings, and an eighth to the Brutus who overthrew the Tarquins, â and they set up the statue of Caesar beside the last of these; and it was from this cause chiefly that the other Brutus, Marcus, was roused to plot against him. |
|
| 26. Babylonian Talmud, Gittin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, greek biographies of Found in books: Kalmin (2014), Migrating tales: the Talmud's narratives and their historical context, 204, 205 |
27. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 7.130 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, greek biographies of Found in books: Kalmin (2014), Migrating tales: the Talmud's narratives and their historical context, 218, 219 | 7.130. Their definition of love is an effort toward friendliness due to visible beauty appearing, its sole end being friendship, not bodily enjoyment. At all events, they allege that Thrasonides, although he had his mistress in his power, abstained from her because she hated him. By which it is shown, they think, that love depends upon regard, as Chrysippus says in his treatise of Love, and is not sent by the gods. And beauty they describe as the bloom or flower of virtue.of the three kinds of life, the contemplative, the practical, and the rational, they declare that we ought to choose the last, for that a rational being is expressly produced by nature for contemplation and for action. They tell us that the wise man will for reasonable cause make his own exit from life, on his country's behalf or for the sake of his friends, or if he suffer intolerable pain, mutilation, or incurable disease. |
|
28. Babylonian Talmud, Berachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, greek biographies of Found in books: Kalmin (2014), Migrating tales: the Talmud's narratives and their historical context, 218| 63b. ואמרו לאחינו שבגולה אם שומעין מוטב ואם לאו יעלו להר אחיה יבנה מזבח חנניה ינגן בכנור ויכפרו כולם ויאמרו אין להם חלק באלהי ישראל,מיד געו כל העם בבכיה ואמרו חס ושלום יש לנו חלק באלהי ישראל,וכל כך למה משום שנאמר (ישעיהו ב, ג) כי מציון תצא תורה ודבר ה' מירושלים,בשלמא הוא מטהר והם מטמאין לחומרא אלא הוא מטמא והם מטהרין היכי הוי והא תניא חכם שטמא אין חברו רשאי לטהר אסר אין חברו רשאי להתיר קסברי כי היכי דלא נגררו בתריה:,תנו רבנן כשנכנסו רבותינו לכרם ביבנה היו שם רבי יהודה ורבי יוסי ור' נחמיה ור' אליעזר בנו של רבי יוסי הגלילי פתחו כולם בכבוד אכסניא ודרשו,פתח רבי יהודה ראש המדברים בכל מקום בכבוד תורה ודרש (שמות לג, ז) ומשה יקח את האהל ונטה לו מחוץ למחנה והלא דברים קל וחומר ומה ארון ה' שלא היה מרוחק אלא שנים עשר מיל אמרה תורה (שמות לג, ז) והיה כל מבקש ה' יצא אל אהל מועד תלמידי חכמים שהולכים מעיר לעיר וממדינה למדינה ללמוד תורה על אחת כמה וכמה,(שמות לג, יא) ודבר ה' אל משה פנים אל פנים אמר ר' יצחק אמר לו הקדוש ברוך הוא למשה משה אני ואתה נסביר פנים בהלכה איכא דאמרי כך אמר לו הקדוש ברוך הוא למשה כשם שאני הסברתי לך פנים כך אתה הסבר פנים לישראל והחזר האהל למקומו,(שמות לג, יא) ושב אל המחנה וגו' אמר רבי אבהו אמר לו הקדוש ברוך הוא למשה עכשו יאמרו הרב בכעס ותלמיד בכעס ישראל מה תהא עליהם אם אתה מחזיר האהל למקומו מוטב ואם לאו יהושע בן נון תלמידך משרת תחתיך,והיינו דכתיב ושב אל המחנה אמר רבא אף על פי כן לא יצא הדבר לבטלה שנאמר (שמות לג, יא) ומשרתו יהושע בן נון נער לא ימיש מתוך האהל:,ועוד פתח ר' יהודה בכבוד תורה ודרש (דברים כז, ט) הסכת ושמע ישראל היום הזה נהיית לעם וכי אותו היום נתנה תורה לישראל והלא אותו יום סוף ארבעים שנה היה אלא ללמדך שחביבה תורה על לומדיה בכל יום ויום כיום שנתנה מהר סיני,אמר ר' תנחום בריה דר' חייא איש כפר עכו תדע שהרי אדם קורא קריאת שמע שחרית וערבית וערב אחד אינו קורא דומה כמי שלא קרא קריאת שמע מעולם,הסכת עשו כתות כתות ועסקו בתורה לפי שאין התורה נקנית אלא בחבורה כדר' יוסי ברבי חנינא דאמר ר' יוסי ברבי חנינא מאי דכתיב (ירמיהו נ, לו) חרב (על) הבדים ונואלו חרב על שונאיהם של תלמידי חכמים שיושבים בד בבד ועוסקים בתורה ולא עוד אלא שמטפשים כתיב הכא ונואלו וכתיב התם (במדבר יב, יא) אשר נואלנו ולא עוד אלא שחוטאים שנאמר ואשר חטאנו,איבעית אימא מהכא (ישעיהו יט, יג) נואלו שרי צוען,דבר אחר הסכת ושמע ישראל כתתו עצמכם על דברי תורה כדאמר ריש לקיש דאמר ריש לקיש מנין שאין דברי תורה מתקיימין אלא במי שממית עצמו עליה שנאמר (במדבר יט, יד) זאת התורה אדם כי ימות באהל,דבר אחר הסכת ושמע ישראל הס ואחר כך כתת כדרבא דאמר רבא לעולם ילמוד אדם תורה ואחר כך יהגה,אמרי דבי ר' ינאי מאי דכתיב (משלי ל, לג) כי מיץ חלב יוציא חמאה ומיץ אף יוציא דם ומיץ אפים יוציא ריב,במי אתה מוצא חמאה של תורה במי שמקיא חלב שינק משדי אמו עליה,ומיץ אף יוציא דם כל תלמיד שכועס עליו רבו פעם ראשונה ושותק זוכה להבחין בין דם טמא לדם טהור,ומיץ אפים יוציא ריב כל תלמיד שכועס עליו רבו פעם ראשונה ושניה ושותק זוכה להבחין בין דיני ממונות לדיני נפשות דתנן ר' ישמעאל אומר הרוצה שיתחכם יעסוק בדיני ממונות שאין לך מקצוע בתורה יותר מהן שהן כמעין נובע,אמר ר' שמואל בר נחמני מאי דכתיב (משלי ל, לב) אם נבלת בהתנשא ואם זמות יד לפה כל המנבל עצמו על דברי תורה סופו להתנשא ואם זמם יד לפה:,פתח ר' נחמיה בכבוד אכסניא ודרש מאי דכתיב (שמואל א טו, ו) ויאמר שאול אל הקיני לכו סורו רדו מתוך עמלקי פן אוסיפך עמו ואתה עשיתה חסד עם כל בני ישראל והלא דברים קל וחומר ומה יתרו שלא קרב את משה אלא לכבוד עצמו כך המארח תלמיד חכם בתוך ביתו ומאכילו ומשקהו ומהנהו מנכסיו על אחת כמה וכמה:,פתח ר' יוסי בכבוד אכסניא ודרש (דברים כג, ח) לא תתעב אדומי כי אחיך הוא לא תתעב מצרי כי גר היית בארצו והלא דברים קל וחומר ומה מצריים שלא קרבו את ישראל אלא לצורך עצמן שנאמר (בראשית מז, ו) ואם ידעת ויש בם אנשי חיל ושמתם שרי מקנה על אשר לי כך המארח תלמיד חכם בתוך ביתו ומאכילו ומשקהו ומהנהו מנכסיו על אחת כמה וכמה:,פתח ר' אליעזר בנו של ר' יוסי הגלילי בכבוד אכסניא ודרש (שמואל ב ו, יא) ויברך ה' את עובד אדום (הגתי) בעבור ארון האלהים והלא דברים ק"ו ומה ארון שלא אכל ושתה אלא כבד ורבץ לפניו כך המארח תלמיד חכם בתוך ביתו ומאכילו ומשקהו ומהנהו מנכסיו עאכ"ו,מאי היא ברכה שברכו אמר רב יהודה בר זבידא זו חמות וח' כלותיה שילדו ששה ששה בכרס אחד | 63b. b And /b in order to underscore this, b tell our brethren in exile: If they obey /b the Sages of Eretz Yisrael to excommunicate Ḥanina, b fine; and if /b they do b not /b obey us, it is as if they are seceding from the Jewish people. b They should climb a mountain; Aḥiya, /b one of the leaders of the Babylonian Jewish community, b will build an altar, Ḥaya, /b son of Rabbi Yehoshua’s brother, who was a Levite, b will play the lute, and all will /b proclaim b heresy and say that they have no portion in the God of Israel. /b ,This message had a profound impact on the people, and b immediately the entire nation burst into tears, saying: God forbid. We do have a portion in the God of Israel. /b They reconsidered their plans to establish Babylonia as the center of the Jewish people.,The Gemara asks: b Why /b did the Sages of Eretz Yisrael go b to that extent /b to stop Ḥanina? The Gemara answers: b Because it is stated: “For out of Zion shall go forth the Torah, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem” /b (Isaiah 2:3).,The Gemara considers the details of this event: b Granted, /b Ḥanina would rule an item b pure and /b the Sages from Eretz Yisrael would rule it b impure; /b they ruled b stringently. But /b in a case where b he /b ruled an item b impure and they /b ruled it b pure, what are /b the circumstances? How could they rule pure that which he ruled impure? b Was it not taught /b in a i baraita /i : b If a Sage /b ruled an item b impure, his colleague is not permitted /b to rule it b pure; /b if he b prohibited /b it, b his colleague may not permit /b it? The Gemara explains: b They held /b that they must do so in this case, b so that people would not be drawn after him; /b due to the exigencies of the time they overturned his rulings., b The Sages taught: When our Rabbis, /b the Sages of the Mishna, b entered the vineyard, /b the academy, b in Yavne, Rabbi Yehuda, Rabbi Yosei, Rabbi Neḥemya, and Rabbi Eliezer, son of Rabbi Yosei HaGelili, were there /b presiding over the Sages. b They all began /b to speak b in honor of /b their b hosts, /b the local population hosting them and their students as guests, b and they taught. /b , b Rabbi Yehuda, head of the speakers in every place, opened /b his speech b in honor of Torah, and taught: /b It is stated: b “Now Moses used to take the tent and pitch it outside the camp, /b far off from the camp; and he called it the Tent of Meeting. And it came to pass, that every seeker of God went out unto the Tent of Meeting, which was outside the camp” (Exodus 33:7). He said: b Isn’t this an i a fortiori /i inference? Just as the Torah says /b of b the ark of God, which was only twelve i mil /i from the camp: “Every seeker of God went out unto the Tent of Meeting”; all the more so /b should b Torah scholars, /b who wander great distances and b go from city to city and country to country to study Torah, /b be called seekers of God.,The Gemara continues: It is stated: b “And the Lord spoke unto Moses, face to face” /b (Exodus 33:11). b Rabbi Yitzḥak said: The Holy One, Blessed be He, said to Moses: Moses, you and I will show cheerful faces in /b the study of b i halakha /i /b to those who come to study. b Some say /b that b the Holy One, Blessed be He, told Moses: Just as I showed you a cheerful face, so too you will show Israel a cheerful face and restore the tent to its place /b in the camp.,It is said: b “And he would return into the camp; /b but his minister, Joshua bin-Nun, a young man, departed not out of the Tent” (Exodus 33:11). b Rabbi Abbahu said: The Holy One, Blessed be He, told Moses: Now, /b they will say: b The Master, /b God, b is angry and /b the b student, /b Moses, is also b angry, and what will happen to Israel? /b Rather, you must restore the tent to its place among the people. b If you restore the tent to its place, fine; and if not, Joshua bin-Nun, your student, /b will b serve /b as Israel’s leader b in your place. /b , b And that is what is written: “And he would return into the camp; /b but his minister, Joshua bin-Nun, a young man, departed not out of the Tent.” b Rava said: Nevertheless, /b though Moses obeyed and restored the tent, b the statement /b written with regard to the role of Joshua b was not uttered for naught. /b Joshua bin-Nun remained as deputy to Moses, and ultimately served in his place, as it is stated: b “But his minister, Joshua bin-Nun, a young man, departed not out of the Tent.” /b , b And Rabbi Yehuda again began /b to speak b in honor of Torah and taught: /b When Moses took leave of Israel on his last day in this world, he said: b “Keep silence [ i hasket /i ] and hear, Israel; this day you have become a people /b unto the Lord your God” (Deuteronomy 27:9). This is surprising: b Was the Torah given to Israel on that day? Wasn’t that day at the end of forty years /b since the Torah was given? b Rather, /b it comes b to teach that each and every day the Torah is as dear to those who study it, as /b it was b on the day it was given from Mount Sinai. /b , b Rabbi Tanḥum, son of Rabbi Ḥiyya, of the village of Akko, said: Know /b that the Torah is indeed beloved, b as one who recites i Shema /i , morning and evening, /b for his entire life, and b does not recite it one evening, it is as if he never recited i Shema /i . /b He cannot compensate for what he missed.,The Gemara interprets the word b i hasket /i /b in this verse homiletically, as an acronym of the words i as /i , make, and i kat /i , group. b Form [ i asu /i ] many groups [ i kitot /i ] and study Torah, for the Torah is only acquired /b through study b in a group. /b This is b in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi Yosei, son of Rabbi Ḥanina; as Rabbi Yosei, son of Rabbi Ḥanina, said: What is /b the meaning of b that which is written: “A sword is upon the boasters [ i habaddim /i ], and they shall become fools [ i noalu /i ]” /b (Jeremiah 50:36)? This verse can be interpreted homiletically: b A sword upon the enemies of Torah scholars, /b a euphemism for the Torah scholars themselves, b who sit alone [ i bad bevad /i ] and study Torah. And furthermore, /b those who study alone b grow foolish, as it is written here, i noalu /i , and elsewhere it is written /b that after Miriam was afflicted with leprosy, Aaron told Moses: b “For that we have done foolishly [ i noalnu /i ]” /b (Numbers 12:11). b And furthermore, they sin /b due to that ignorance, b as /b at the end of that same verse b it is stated: /b “For that we have done foolishly, b and for that we have sinned.” /b , b If you wish, say /b instead that it is derived b from here: “The princes of Tzoan are become fools [ i noalu /i ]” /b (Isaiah 19:13).,The Gemara offers b an alternative /b explanation of this verse: b “Keep silence [ i hasket /i ] and hear, Israel”; break [ i kattetu /i ] yourselves over words of the Torah. /b This is b in accordance with /b the opinion of b Reish Lakish, as Reish Lakish said: From where /b is it derived b that matters of Torah are only retained by one who kills himself over it? As it is stated: “This is the Torah: When one dies in a tent” /b (Numbers 19:14); true Torah study demands the total devotion of one who is willing to dedicate his life in the tent of Torah.,The Gemara offers yet another b alternative explanation /b of this verse: b “Keep silence [ i hasket /i ] and hear, Israel”; /b first b be silent [ i has /i ] /b and listen and b then /b study intensively in order to b analyze [ i kattet /i ] /b and clarify the details. This is b in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rava, as Rava said: One must always study Torah /b and gain expertise in it, b and /b only b then analyze /b and delve into it., b In the school of Rabbi Yannai they said: What is /b the meaning of b that which is written: “For the churning of milk brings forth curd, and the wringing of the nose [ i af /i ] brings forth blood, so the forcing of wrath [ i appayim /i ] brings forth strife” /b (Proverbs 30:33)?,With regard to the beginning of the verse: For the churning of milk brings forth curd; b in whom do you find the cream of Torah? With one who spits out the milk that he nursed from his mother’s breasts over it; /b one who struggles with all his might to study Torah.,With regard to: b And the wringing of the nose brings forth blood, any student whose rabbi is angry [ i af /i ] with him the first time and he is silent /b and does not react, b will merit /b to be able b to distinguish between blood that is ritually impure and blood that is ritually pure. /b ,As for: b And the forcing of wrath [ i appayim /i ] brings forth strife; any student whose rabbi is angry with him for the first and second times, /b i appayim /i being the plural of i af /i , b and he is silent, merits to distinguish between monetary cases, /b strife, b and capital cases, /b as that is the highest level of learning. b As we learned /b in a mishna: b Rabbi Yishmael says: One who seeks to become wise should engage in monetary laws, as there is no greater discipline in Torah, as they are like a flowing well /b in which innovations constantly spring forth.,Similarly, b Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani said: What is /b the meaning of b that which is written: “If you have done foolishly in lifting up yourself, or if you have planned devices [ i zamota /i ], lay your hand over your mouth” /b (Proverbs 30:32)? b Anyone who abases himself over matters of Torah, /b asking questions despite the shame he feels for his ignorance, b will ultimately be exalted. And if he muzzles [ i zamam /i ] himself /b due to embarrassment, he will end up with his b hand over /b his b mouth, /b unable to answer.,The Gemara returns to the homilies offered by the Sages in the vineyard of Yavne. b Rabbi Neḥemya began /b to speak b in honor of the hosts and taught: What is /b the meaning of b that which is written: “And Saul said unto the Kenites: Go, depart, get you down from among the Amalekites lest I destroy you with them, for you showed kindness to all the Children of Israel when they came up out of Egypt” /b (I Samuel 15:6)? b Isn’t this an i a fortiori /i inference: Just as Jethro, /b the forbearer of the Kenite tribe, who b only befriended Moses for his own honor, /b is treated b in this way /b and rewarded that his merit would protect his descendants; b all the more so /b should b one who hosts a Torah scholar in his home, providing him with food and drink and availing him of his possessions, /b be rewarded with that protection., b Rabbi Yosei began /b to speak b in honor of the hosts, and taught: /b It is said: b “You shall not abhor an Edomite, for he is your brother; you shall not abhor an Egyptian, because you were a stranger in his land” /b (Deuteronomy 23:8). b Isn’t this an i a fortiori /i inference: Just as the Egyptians, who only befriended Israel, /b even when they hosted them, b for their own benefit, /b as Pharaoh said to Joseph, b as it is stated: “And if you know any able men among them, then make them rulers over my cattle” /b (Genesis 47:6), are treated b this way, all the more so /b should b one who hosts a Torah scholar in his home, providing him with food and drink and availing him of his possessions /b without concern for personal gain, be treated this way., b Rabbi Eliezer, son of Rabbi Yosei HaGelili, began /b to speak b in honor of the hosts, and taught: /b It is stated: b “The Lord has blessed the house of Oved-edom…because of the ark of God” /b (II Samuel 6:12). b Isn’t this an i a fortiori /i inference: Just as in reward for honoring the ark, which neither ate nor drank, but before which /b Oved-edom simply b swept and sprinkled /b water to settle the dust, he was treated b this way /b and merited a blessing, b all the more so /b should b one who hosts a Torah scholar in his home, providing him with food and drink and availing him of his possessions /b without concern for his personal gain, be rewarded with such a blessing.,The Gemara asks: b What is /b that b blessing with which /b Oved-edom b was blessed? Rav Yehuda bar Zevida said: This is Ḥamot and her eight daughters-in-law, each of whom bore six in a single womb, /b |
|
| 29. Babylonian Talmud, Tamid, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, greek biographies of Found in books: Kalmin (2014), Migrating tales: the Talmud's narratives and their historical context, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231 |
| 30. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Maximinus, 12.10-12.11 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54 |
| 31. Palladius of Aspuna, De Gentibus Indiae Et Bragmanibus [Sp.], 20-25, 27-31, 26 (4th cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kalmin (2014), Migrating tales: the Talmud's narratives and their historical context, 217, 222 |
| 32. Procopius, De Bellis, 3.2.24 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 83 |
| 33. Anon., Avot Derabbi Nathan B, None (6th cent. CE - 8th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, greek biographies of Found in books: Kalmin (2014), Migrating tales: the Talmud's narratives and their historical context, 218 |
| 34. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 657 Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, as a spreader of greek culture Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 340 |
| 35. Dioscorides (Epigrammatist), Anthologia Palatina, 7.707 Tagged with subjects: •alexander iii (‘the great’) of macedon, and greek drama Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 74 |
| 36. Philostratus Maior, Imagines, None Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 83 |
| 37. Various, Anthologia Planudea, 40 Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 83 |
| 38. Epigraphy, I. Sultan Daği, 1.393 Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, as a spreader of greek culture Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 340, 341, 344, 345, 359 |
| 39. Plutarch, Comm. Not., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 341 |
| 40. Anon., Alexander Romance, 1.38, 2.39-2.41, 3.6, 3.25, 3.40-3.41 Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, greek biographies of Found in books: Kalmin (2014), Migrating tales: the Talmud's narratives and their historical context, 212, 213, 215, 216, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229 |
| 41. Various, Anthologia Palatina, 7.707 Tagged with subjects: •alexander iii (‘the great’) of macedon, and greek drama Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 74 |
| 42. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 4.4.9 Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54 |
| 43. Strabo, Geography, 15.1.68(718), 16.1.11(741) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kalmin (2014), Migrating tales: the Talmud's narratives and their historical context, 204 |
| 44. Philostratus Minor, Imagines, None Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 83 |
| 45. Epigraphy, Seg, 28.6, 45.101 Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, as a spreader of greek culture Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 340 |
