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266 results for "alexander"

1. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 4.3 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus, Found in books: Brooten, Women Leaders in the Ancient Synagogue (1982) 23

4.3. מִבֶּן שְׁלֹשִׁים שָׁנָה וָמַעְלָה וְעַד בֶּן־חֲמִשִּׁים שָׁנָה תִּפְקְדֵם כָּל־הַבָּא לַצָּבָא לַעֲבֹד אֶת־עֲבֹדַת אֹהֶל מוֹעֵד׃ 4.3. מִבֶּן שְׁלֹשִׁים שָׁנָה וָמַעְלָה וְעַד בֶּן־חֲמִשִּׁים שָׁנָה כָּל־בָּא לַצָּבָא לַעֲשׂוֹת מְלָאכָה בְּאֹהֶל מוֹעֵד׃

4.3. from thirty years old and upward even until fifty years old, all that enter upon the service, to do work in the tent of meeting.

2. Homer, Iliad, 2.204 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rizzi, Hadrian and the Christians (2010) 12

2.204. οὐκ ἀγαθὸν πολυκοιρανίη· εἷς κοίρανος ἔστω,

2.204. Fellow, sit thou still, and hearken to the words of others that are better men than thou; whereas thou art unwarlike and a weakling, neither to be counted in war nor in counsel. In no wise shall we Achaeans all be kings here. No good thing is a multitude of lords; let there be one lord,

3. Lysias, Orations, 19.57-19.59 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 217

4. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 6.30 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 174

6.30. After this the departure for Sicily took place, it being now about midsummer. Most of the allies, with the corn transports and the smaller craft and the rest of the expedition, had already received orders to muster at Corcyra, to cross the Ionian Sea from thence in a body to the Iapygian promontory. But the Athenians themselves, and such of their allies as happened to be with them, went down to Piraeus upon a day appointed at daybreak, and began to man the ships for putting out to sea. 2 With them also went down the whole population, one may say, of the city, both citizens and foreigners; the inhabitants of the country each escorting those that belonged to them, their friends, their relatives, or their sons, with hope and lamentation upon their way, as they thought of the conquests which they hoped to make, or of the friends whom they might never see again, considering the long voyage which they were going to make from their country. 6.30. , After this the departure for Sicily took place, it being now about midsummer. Most of the allies, with the corn transports and the smaller craft and the rest of the expedition, had already received orders to muster at Corcyra, to cross the Ionian sea from thence in a body to the Iapygian promontory. But the Athenians themselves, and such of their allies as happened to be with them, went down to Piraeus upon a day appointed at daybreak, and began to man the ships for putting out to sea. ,With them also went down the whole population, one may say, of the city, both citizens and foreigners; the inhabitants of the country each escorting those that belonged to them, their friends, their relatives, or their sons, with hope and lamentation upon their way, as they thought of the conquests which they hoped to make, or of the friends whom they might never see again, considering the long voyage which they were going to make from their country.

5. Xenophon, The Education of Cyrus, 8.8.20 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 244

8.8.20. τά γε μὴν πολεμικὰ πῶς οὐκ εἰκότως νῦν τῷ παντὶ χείρους ἢ πρόσθεν εἰσίν; οἷς ἐν μὲν τῷ παρελθόντι χρόνῳ ἐπιχώριον εἶναι ὑπῆρχε τοὺς μὲν τὴν γῆν ἔχοντας ἀπὸ ταύτης ἱππότας παρέχεσθαι, οἳ δὴ καὶ ἐστρατεύοντο εἰ δέοι στρατεύεσθαι, τοὺς δὲ φρουροῦντας πρὸ τῆς χώρας μισθοφόρους εἶναι· νῦν δὲ τούς τε θυρωροὺς καὶ τοὺς σιτοποιοὺς καὶ τοὺς ὀψοποιοὺς καὶ οἰνοχόους καὶ λουτροχόους καὶ παρατιθέντας καὶ ἀναιροῦντας καὶ κατακοιμίζοντας καὶ ἀνιστάντας, καὶ τοὺς κοσμητάς, οἳ ὑποχρίουσί τε καὶ ἐντρίβουσιν αὐτοὺς καὶ τἆλλα ῥυθμίζουσι, τούτους πάντας ἱππέας οἱ δυνάσται πεποιήκασιν, ὅπως μισθοφορῶσιν αὐτοῖς.

8.8.20.

6. Aristotle, Metaphysics, 10.1076a (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi, Hadrian and the Christians (2010) 12

7. Plautus, Poenulus, 975 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 262

8. Polemon Iliensis, Fragments, 53 b44 224 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 246

9. Cicero, Brutus, 42 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus •scriptores historiae augustae, alexander severus Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper, Studies in Jewish and Christian History (2007) 865

42. si quidem uterque cum civis egregius fuisset, populi ingrati pulsus iniuria se ad hostis contulit conatumque iracundiae suae morte sedavit. Nam etsi aliter apud te est est apud te BGHM , Attice, de Coriolano, concede tamen ut huic generi mortis potius adsentiar. At ille ridens : tuo vero, inquit, arbitratu; quoniam quidem concessum est rhetoribus ementiri in historiis, ut aliquid dicere possint argutius. Vt enim tu nunc de Corio- lano, sic Clitarchus, sic Stratocles de Themistocle finxit.

42. Each of them, after distinguishing himself as an excellent citizen, being driven from his country by the wrongs of an ungrateful people, went over to the enemy: and each of them repressed the efforts of his resentment by a voluntary death. For though you, my Atticus, have represented the exit of Coriolanus in a different manner, you must give me leave to dispatch him in the way I have mentioned.""You may use your pleasure," replied Atticus with a smile: "for it is the privilege of rhetoricians to exceed the truth of history, that they may have an opportunity of embellishing the fate of their heroes: and accordingly, Cleitarchus and Stratocles have entertained us with the same pretty fiction about the death of Themistocles, which you have invented for Coriolanus.

10. Cicero, Brutus, 42 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus •scriptores historiae augustae, alexander severus Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper, Studies in Jewish and Christian History (2007) 865

11. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 5.3-5.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 85

5.3. Tum Quintus: Est plane, Piso, ut dicis, inquit. nam me ipsum huc modo venientem convertebat ad sese Coloneus ille locus, locus lucus Valckenarius ad Callimach. p. 216 cf. Va. II p. 545 sqq. cuius incola Sophocles ob oculos versabatur, quem scis quam admirer quamque eo delecter. me quidem ad altiorem memoriam Oedipodis huc venientis et illo mollissimo carmine quaenam essent ipsa haec hec ipsa BE loca requirentis species quaedam commovit, iiter scilicet, sed commovit tamen. Tum Pomponius: At ego, quem vos ut deditum Epicuro insectari soletis, sum multum equidem cum Phaedro, quem unice diligo, ut scitis, in Epicuri hortis, quos modo praeteribamus, praeteribamus edd. praeteriebamus sed veteris proverbii admonitu vivorum memini, nec tamen Epicuri epicureum Non. licet oblivisci, si cupiam, cuius imaginem non modo in tabulis nostri familiares, sed etiam in poculis et in anulis nec tamen ... anulis habent Non. p. 70 anulis anellis Non. anelis R ambus anulis V habent. habebant Non. 5.4. Hic ego: Pomponius quidem, inquam, noster iocari videtur, et fortasse suo iure. ita enim se Athenis collocavit, ut sit paene unus ex Atticis, ut id etiam cognomen videatur habiturus. Ego autem tibi, Piso, assentior usu hoc venire, ut acrius aliquanto et attentius de claris viris locorum admonitu admonitum Non. cogitemus. ut acrius...cogitemus Non. p. 190, 191 scis enim me quodam tempore Metapontum venisse tecum neque ad hospitem ante devertisse, devertisse Lambini vetus cod. in marg. ed. rep. ; divertisse quam Pythagorae ipsum illum locum, ubi vitam ediderat, sedemque viderim. hoc autem tempore, etsi multa in omni parte Athenarum sunt in ipsis locis indicia summorum virorum, tamen ego illa moveor exhedra. modo enim fuit Carneadis, Carneadis Mdv. carneades quem videre videor—est enim nota imago—, a sedeque ipsa tanta tanti RN ingenii magnitudine orbata desiderari illam vocem puto.

5.3. "Perfectly true, Piso," rejoined Quintus. "I myself on the way here just now noticed yonder village of Colonus, and it brought to my imagination Sophocles who resided there, and who is as you know my great admiration and delight. Indeed my memory took me further back; for I had a vision of Oedipus, advancing towards this very spot and asking in those most tender verses, 'What place is this?' â a mere fancy no doubt, yet still it affected me strongly." "For my part," said Pomponius, "you are fond of attacking me as a devotee of Epicurus, and I do spend much of my time with Phaedrus, who as you know is my dearest friend, in Epicurus's Gardens which we passed just now; but I obey the old saw: I 'think of those that are alive.' Still I could not forget Epicurus, even if I wanted; the members of our body not only have pictures of him, but even have his likeness on their drinking-cups and rings." < 5.4. "As for our friend Pomponius," I interposed, "I believe he is joking; and no doubt he is a licensed wit, for he has so taken root in Athens that he is almost an Athenian; in fact I expect he will get the surname of Atticus! But I, Piso, agree with you; it is a common experience that places do strongly stimulate the imagination and vivify our ideas of famous men. You remember how I once came with you to Metapontum, and would not go to the house where we were to stay until I had seen the very place where Pythagoras breathed his last and the seat he sat in. All over Athens, I know, there are many reminders of eminent men in the actual place where they lived; but at the present moment it is that alcove over there which appeals to me, for not long ago it belonged to Carneades. I fancy I see him now (for his portrait is familiar), and I can imagine that the very place where he used to sit misses the sound of his voice, and mourns the loss of that mighty intellect." <

12. Cicero, On Laws, 2.22 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Ando and Ruepke, Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome (2006) 22

13. Cicero, On Duties, 3.111 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Ando and Ruepke, Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome (2006) 27

3.111. Sed ex tota hac laude Reguli unum illud est admiratione dignum, quod captivos retinendos censuit. Nam quod rediit, nobis nunc mirabile videtur, illis quidem temporibus aliter facere non potuit; itaque ista laus non est hominis, sed temporum. Nullum enim vinculum ad astringendam fidem iure iurando maiores artius esse voluerunt. Id indicant leges in duodecim tabulis, indicant sacratae, indicant foedera, quibus etiam cum hoste devincitur fides, indicant notiones animadversionesque censorum, qui nulla de re diligentius quam de iure iurando iudicabant.

3.111. But of all that is thus praiseworthy in the conduct of Regulus, this one feature above all others calls for our admiration: it was he who offered the motion that the prisoners of war be retained. For the fact of his returning may seem admirable to us, nowadays, but in those times he could not have done otherwise. That merit, therefore, belongs to the age, not to the man. For our ancestors were of the opinion that no bond was more effective in guaranteeing good faith than an oath. That is, clearly proved by the laws of the Twelve Tables, by the "sacred" laws, by the treaties in which good faith is pledged even to the enemy, by the investigations made by the censors and the penalties, imposed by them; for there were no cases in which they used to render more rigorous decisions than in cases of violation of an oath. <

14. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 5.12.4-5.12.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316

15. Cicero, In Verrem, 1.5.14, 2.4.116 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus (emperor) •severus, alexander Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 54; Phang, The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235) (2001) 259

16. Cicero, Philippicae, 13.13.28 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 27

17. Cicero, Pro Balbo, 7.17 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 54

18. Cicero, Pro Caecina, 8.23 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 54

19. Polybius, Histories, 6.27-6.32, 12.15.6-12.15.8, 15.35.1-15.35.7, 30.18.3, 39.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander •severus alexander (roman emperor) •alexander severus Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 52; Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 27; Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 85

12.15.6. εἰ γὰρ εἰς τὰς Συρακούσας παρεγενήθη φεύγων τὸν τροχόν, τὸν καπνόν, τὸν πηλόν, περὶ ἔτη τὴν ἡλικίαν ὀκτωκαίδεκα γεγονώς, 12.15.7. καὶ μετά τινα χρόνον ὁρμηθεὶς ἀπὸ τοιαύτης ὑποθέσεως κύριος μὲν ἐγενήθη πάσης Σικελίας, μεγίστους δὲ κινδύνους περιέστησε Καρχηδονίοις, τέλος ἐγγηράσας τῇ δυναστείᾳ κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον βασιλεὺς προσαγορευόμενος, 12.15.8. ἆρʼ οὐκ ἀνάγκη μέγα τι γεγονέναι χρῆμα καὶ θαυμάσιον τὸν Ἀγαθοκλέα καὶ πολλὰς ἐσχηκέναι ῥοπὰς καὶ δυνάμεις πρὸς τὸν πραγματικὸν τρόπον; 15.35.2. ἐκείνων γὰρ ὁ μὲν ἕτερος ἐκ δημοτικῆς καὶ ταπεινῆς ὑποθέσεως ὁρμηθείς, ὁ δʼ Ἀγαθοκλῆς, ὡς ὁ Τίμαιος ἐπισκώπτων φησί, κεραμεὺς ὑπάρχων καὶ καταλιπὼν τὸν τροχὸν καὶ τὸν πηλὸν καὶ τὸν καπνόν, ἧκε νέος ὢν εἰς τὰς Συρακούσας. 15.35.6. διὸ καὶ Πόπλιον Σκιπίωνά φασι τὸν πρῶτον καταπολεμήσαντα Καρχηδονίους ἐρωτηθέντα τίνας ὑπολαμβάνει πραγματικωτάτους ἄνδρας γεγονέναι καὶ σὺν νῷ τολμηροτάτους, εἰπεῖν τοὺς περὶ Ἀγαθοκλέα καὶ Διονύσιον τοὺς Σικελιώτας.

6.27. The manner in which they form their camp is as follows. When the site for the camp has been chosen, the position in it giving the best general view and most suitable for issuing orders is assigned to the general's tent (praetorium). <, Fixing an ensign on the spot where they are about to pitch it, they measure off round this ensign a square plot of ground each side of which is one hundred feet distant, so that the total area measures four plethra. <, Along one side of this square in the direction which seems to give the greatest facilities for watering and foraging, the Roman legions are disposed as follows. <, As I have said, there are six tribunes in each legion; and since each consul has always two Roman legions with him, it is evident that there are twelve tribunes in the army of each. <, They place then the tents of these all in one line parallel to the side of the square selected and fifty feet distant from it, to give room for the horses, mules, and baggage of the tribunes. <, These tents are pitched with their backs turned to the praetorium and facing the outer side of the camp, a direction of which I will always speak as "the front." <, The tents of the tribunes are at an equal distance from each other, and at such a distance that they extend along the whole breadth of the space occupied by the legions. < 6.27. 1. The manner in which they form their camp is as follows. When the site for the camp has been chosen, the position in it giving the best general view and most suitable for issuing orders is assigned to the general's tent (praetorium).,2. Fixing an ensign on the spot where they are about to pitch it, they measure off round this ensign a square plot of ground each side of which is one hundred feet distant, so that the total area measures four plethra.,3. Along one side of this square in the direction which seems to give the greatest facilities for watering and foraging, the Roman legions are disposed as follows.,4. As I have said, there are six tribunes in each legion; and since each consul has always two Roman legions with him, it is evident that there are twelve tribunes in the army of each.,5. They place then the tents of these all in one line parallel to the side of the square selected and fifty feet distant from it, to give room for the horses, mules, and baggage of the tribunes.,6. These tents are pitched with their backs turned to the praetorium and facing the outer side of the camp, a direction of which I will always speak as "the front.",7. The tents of the tribunes are at an equal distance from each other, and at such a distance that they extend along the whole breadth of the space occupied by the legions. 6.28. They now measure a hundred feet from the front of all these tents, and starting from the line drawn at this distance parallel to the tents of the tribunes they begin to encamp the legions, managing matters as follows. <, Bisecting the above line, they start from this spot and along a line drawn at right angles to the first, they encamp the cavalry of each legion facing each other and separated by a distance of fifty feet, the last-mentioned line being exactly half-way between them. <, The manner of encamping the cavalry and the infantry is very similar, the whole space occupied by the maniples and squadrons being a square. <, This square faces one of the streets or viae and is of a fixed length of one hundred feet, and they usually try to make the depth the same except in the case of the allies. <, When they employ the larger legions they add proportionately to the length and depth. < 6.28. 1. They now measure a hundred feet from the front of all these tents, and starting from the line drawn at this distance parallel to the tents of the tribunes they begin to encamp the legions, managing matters as follows.,2. Bisecting the above line, they start from this spot and along a line drawn at right angles to the first, they encamp the cavalry of each legion facing each other and separated by a distance of fifty feet, the last-mentioned line being exactly half-way between them.,3. The manner of encamping the cavalry and the infantry is very similar, the whole space occupied by the maniples and squadrons being a square.,4. This square faces one of the streets or viae and is of a fixed length of one hundred feet, and they usually try to make the depth the same except in the case of the allies.,5. When they employ the larger legions they add proportionately to the length and depth. 6.29. The cavalry camp is thus something like a street running down from the middle of the tribunes' tents and at right angles to the line along which these tents are placed and to the space in front of them, the whole system of viae being in fact like a number of streets, as either companies of infantry or troops of horse are encamped facing each other all along each. Behind the cavalry, then, they place the triarii of both legions in a similar arrangement, a company next each troop, but with no space between, and facing in the contrary direction to the cavalry. <, They make the depth of each company half its length, because as a rule the triarii number only half the strength of the other classes. <, So that the maniples being often of unequal strength, the length of the encampments is always the same owing to the difference in depth. <, Next at a distance of 50 feet on each side they place the principes facing the triarii, and as they are turned towards the intervening space, two more streets are formed, both starting from the same base as that of the cavalry, i.e. the hundred-foot space in front of the tribunes' tents, and both issuing on the side of the camp which is opposite to the tribunes' tents and which we decided to call the front of the whole. <, After the principes, and again back to back against them, with no interval they encamp the hastati. <, As each class by virtue of the original division consists of ten maniples, the streets are all equal in length, and they all break off on the front side of the camp in a straight line, the last maniples being here so placed as to face to the front. < 6.29. 1. The cavalry camp is thus something like a street running down from the middle of the tribunes' tents and at right angles to the line along which these tents are placed and to the space in front of them, the whole system of viae being in fact like a number of streets, as either companies of infantry or troops of horse are encamped facing each other all along each. Behind the cavalry, then, they place the triarii of both legions in a similar arrangement, a company next each troop, but with no space between, and facing in the contrary direction to the cavalry.,4. They make the depth of each company half its length, because as a rule the triarii number only half the strength of the other classes.,5. So that the maniples being often of unequal strength, the length of the encampments is always the same owing to the difference in depth.,6. Next at a distance of 50 feet on each side they place the principes facing the triarii, and as they are turned towards the intervening space, two more streets are formed, both starting from the same base as that of the cavalry, i.e. the hundred-foot space in front of the tribunes' tents, and both issuing on the side of the camp which is opposite to the tribunes' tents and which we decided to call the front of the whole.,8. After the principes, and again back to back against them, with no interval they encamp the hastati.,9. As each class by virtue of the original division consists of ten maniples, the streets are all equal in length, and they all break off on the front side of the camp in a straight line, the last maniples being here so placed as to face to the front. 6.30. At a distance again of 50 feet from the hastati, and facing them, they encamp the allied cavalry, starting from the same line and ending on the same line. <, As I stated above, the number of the allied infantry is the same as that of the Roman legions, but from these the extraordinarii must be deducted; while that of the cavalry is double after deducting the third who serve as extraordinarii. In forming the camp, therefore, they proportionately increase the depth of the space assigned to the allied cavalry, in the endeavour to make their camp equal in length to that of the Romans. <, These five streets having been completed, they place the maniples of the allied infantry, increasing the depth in proportion to their numbers; with their faces turned away from the cavalry and facing the agger and both the outer sides of the camp. <, In each maniple the first tent at either end is occupied by the centurions. In laying the whole camp out in this manner they always leave a space of 50 feet between the fifth troop and the sixth, and similarly with the companies of foot, <, so that another passage traversing the whole camp is formed, at right angles to the streets, and parallel to the line of the tribunes' tents. This they called quintana, as it runs along the fifth troops and companies. < 6.30. 1. At a distance again of 50 feet from the hastati, and facing them, they encamp the allied cavalry, starting from the same line and ending on the same line.,2. As I stated above, the number of the allied infantry is the same as that of the Roman legions, but from these the extraordinarii must be deducted; while that of the cavalry is double after deducting the third who serve as extraordinarii. In forming the camp, therefore, they proportionately increase the depth of the space assigned to the allied cavalry, in the endeavour to make their camp equal in length to that of the Romans.,4. These five streets having been completed, they place the maniples of the allied infantry, increasing the depth in proportion to their numbers; with their faces turned away from the cavalry and facing the agger and both the outer sides of the camp.,5. In each maniple the first tent at either end is occupied by the centurions. In laying the whole camp out in this manner they always leave a space of 50 feet between the fifth troop and the sixth, and similarly with the companies of foot,,6. so that another passage traversing the whole camp is formed, at right angles to the streets, and parallel to the line of the tribunes' tents. This they called quintana, as it runs along the fifth troops and companies. 6.31. The spaces behind the tents of the tribunes to right and left of the praetorium, are used in the one case for the market and in the other for the office of the quaestor and the supplies of which he is in charge. <, Behind the last tent of the tribunes on either side, and more or less at right angles to these tents, are the quarters of the cavalry picked out from the extraordinarii, and a certain number of volunteers serving to oblige the consuls. These are all encamped parallel to the two sides of the agger, and facing in the one case the quaestors' depot and in the other the market. <, As a rule these troops are not only thus encamped near the consuls but on the march and on other occasions are in constant attendance on the consul and quaestor. <, Back to back with them, and looking towards the agger are the select infantry who perform the same service as the cavalry just described. <, Beyond these an empty space is left a hundred feet broad, parallel to the tents of the tribunes, and stretching along the whole face of the agger on the other side of the market, praetorium and quaestorium, <, and on its further side the rest of the equites extraordinarii are encamped facing the market, praetorium and quaestorium. <, In the middle of this cavalry camp and exactly opposite the praetorium a passage, 50 feet wide, is left leading to the rear side of the camp and running at right angles to the broad passage behind the praetorium. <, Back to back with these cavalry and fronting the agger and the rearward face of the whole camp are placed the rest of the pedites extraordinarii. <, Finally the spaces remaining empty to right and left next the agger on each side of the camp are assigned to foreign troops or to any allies who chance to come in. <, The whole camp thus forms a square, and the way in which the streets are laid out and its general arrangement give it the appearance of a town. <, The agger is on all sides at a distance of 200 feet from the tents, and this empty space is of important service in several respects. <, To begin with it provides the proper facilities for marching the troops in and out, seeing that they all march out into this space by their own streets and thus do not come into one street in a mass and throw down or hustle each other. <, Again it is here that they collect the cattle brought into camp and all booty taken from the enemy, and keep them safe during the night. <, But the most important thing of all is that in night attacks neither fire can reach them nor missiles except a very few, which are almost harmless owing to the distance and the space in front of the tents. < 6.31. 1. The spaces behind the tents of the tribunes to right and left of the praetorium, are used in the one case for the market and in the other for the office of the quaestor and the supplies of which he is in charge.,2. Behind the last tent of the tribunes on either side, and more or less at right angles to these tents, are the quarters of the cavalry picked out from the extraordinarii, and a certain number of volunteers serving to oblige the consuls. These are all encamped parallel to the two sides of the agger, and facing in the one case the quaestors' depot and in the other the market.,3. As a rule these troops are not only thus encamped near the consuls but on the march and on other occasions are in constant attendance on the consul and quaestor.,4. Back to back with them, and looking towards the agger are the select infantry who perform the same service as the cavalry just described.,5. Beyond these an empty space is left a hundred feet broad, parallel to the tents of the tribunes, and stretching along the whole face of the agger on the other side of the market, praetorium and quaestorium,,6. and on its further side the rest of the equites extraordinarii are encamped facing the market, praetorium and quaestorium.,7. In the middle of this cavalry camp and exactly opposite the praetorium a passage, 50 feet wide, is left leading to the rear side of the camp and running at right angles to the broad passage behind the praetorium.,8. Back to back with these cavalry and fronting the agger and the rearward face of the whole camp are placed the rest of the pedites extraordinarii.,9. Finally the spaces remaining empty to right and left next the agger on each side of the camp are assigned to foreign troops or to any allies who chance to come in.,10. The whole camp thus forms a square, and the way in which the streets are laid out and its general arrangement give it the appearance of a town.,11. The agger is on all sides at a distance of 200 feet from the tents, and this empty space is of important service in several respects.,12. To begin with it provides the proper facilities for marching the troops in and out, seeing that they all march out into this space by their own streets and thus do not come into one street in a mass and throw down or hustle each other.,13. Again it is here that they collect the cattle brought into camp and all booty taken from the enemy, and keep them safe during the night.,14. But the most important thing of all is that in night attacks neither fire can reach them nor missiles except a very few, which are almost harmless owing to the distance and the space in front of the tents. 6.32. Given the numbers of cavalry and infantry, whether 4000 or 5000, in each legion, and given likewise the depth, length, and number of the troops and companies, the dimensions of the passages and open spaces and all other details, anyone who gives his mind to it can calculate the area and total circumference of the camp. <, If there ever happen to be an extra number of allies, either of those originally forming part of the army or of others who have joined on a special occasion, accommodation is provided for the latter in the neighbourhood of the praetorium, the market and quaestorium being reduced to the minimum size which meets pressing requirements, while for the former, if the excess is considerable, they add two streets, one at each side of the encampment of the Roman legions. <, Whenever the two consuls with all their four legions are united in one camp, we have only to imagine two camps like the above placed in juxtaposition back to back, the junction being formed at the encampments of the extraordinarii infantry of each camp whom we described as being stationed facing the rearward agger of the camp. <, The shape of the camp is now oblong, its area double what it was and its circumference half as much again. <, Whenever both consuls encamp together they adopt this arrangement; but when the two encamp apart the only difference is that the market, quaestorium, and praetorium are placed between the two camps. < 6.32. 1. Given the numbers of cavalry and infantry, whether 4000 or 5000, in each legion, and given likewise the depth, length, and number of the troops and companies, the dimensions of the passages and open spaces and all other details, anyone who gives his mind to it can calculate the area and total circumference of the camp.,2. If there ever happen to be an extra number of allies, either of those originally forming part of the army or of others who have joined on a special occasion, accommodation is provided for the latter in the neighbourhood of the praetorium, the market and quaestorium being reduced to the minimum size which meets pressing requirements, while for the former, if the excess is considerable, they add two streets, one at each side of the encampment of the Roman legions.,6. Whenever the two consuls with all their four legions are united in one camp, we have only to imagine two camps like the above placed in juxtaposition back to back, the junction being formed at the encampments of the extraordinarii infantry of each camp whom we described as being stationed facing the rearward agger of the camp.,7. The shape of the camp is now oblong, its area double what it was and its circumference half as much again.,8. Whenever both consuls encamp together they adopt this arrangement; but when the two encamp apart the only difference is that the market, quaestorium, and praetorium are placed between the two camps. 12.15.6. For if at the age of eighteen he reached Syracuse, escaping from the wheel, the kiln, and the clay, and in a short time, < 12.15.7. starting from such small beginnings, became master of the whole of Sicily, exposed the Carthaginians to extreme peril, and having grown old in his sovereign position, died with the title of king, < 12.15.8. must not Agathocles have had something great and wonderful in him, and must he not have been qualified for the conduct of affairs by peculiar mental force and power? Regarding all this a historian should lay before posterity not only such matters as tend to confirm slanderous accusations, but also what redounds to the credit of his prince; for such is the proper function of history. < 15.35.2. of these two, the latter started from an obscure and humble position, and Agathocles, as Timaeus ridiculing him tells us, was a potter and leaving the wheel and the clay and the smoke came to Syracuse as a young man. < 15.35.6. So that they say that Publius Scipio, who was the first to bring Carthage to her knees, when some one asked him whom he thought the greatest statesmen combining courage and wisdom, replied "Agathocles and Dionysius the Sicilians." < 39.3. Owing to the long-standing affection of the people for Philopoemen, the statues of him which existed in some towns were left standing. So it seems to me that all that is done in a spirit of truth creates in those who benefit by it an undying affection. <, Therefore we may justly cite the current saying that he had been foiled not at the door but in the street. (From Plutarch, Philopoemen 21) <, There were many statues and many decrees in his honour in the different cities, and a certain Roman at the time so disastrous to Greece, when Corinth was destroyed, attempted to destroy them all, and, as it were, to expel him from the country, accusing him as if he were still alive of being hostile and ill-disposed to the Romans. But on the matter being discussed and on Polybius refuting the false accusation, neither Mummius nor the legates would suffer the honours of the celebrated man to be destroyed. <, Polybius set himself to give full information to the legates about Philopoemen, corresponding to what I originally stated about this statesman. <, And that was, that he often was opposed to the orders of the Romans, but that his opposition was confined to giving information and advice about disputed points, and this always with due consideration. <, A real proof of his attitude, he said, was that in the wars with Antiochus and Philip he did, as the saying is, save them from the fire. <, For then, being the most influential man in Greece owing to his personal power and that of the Achaean League, he in the truest sense maintained his friendship for Rome, helping to carry the decree of the league, in which four months before the Romans crossed to Greece the Achaeans decided to make war from Achaea on Antiochus and the Aetolians, nearly all the other Greeks being at the time ill-disposed to Rome. <, The ten legates therefore, giving ear to this and approving the attitude of the speaker, permitted the tokens of honour Philopoemen had received in all the towns to remain undisturbed. <, Polybius, availing himself of this concession, begged the general to return the portraits, although they had been already carried away from the Peloponnesus to Acaria â I refer to the portraits of Achaeus, of Aratus, and of Philopoemen. <, The people so much admired Polybius's conduct in the matter that they erected a marble statue of him. < 39.3. 1. Owing to the long-standing affection of the people for Philopoemen, the statues of him which existed in some towns were left standing. So it seems to me that all that is done in a spirit of truth creates in those who benefit by it an undying affection.,2. Therefore we may justly cite the current saying that he had been foiled not at the door but in the street. (From Plutarch, Philopoemen 21),3. There were many statues and many decrees in his honour in the different cities, and a certain Roman at the time so disastrous to Greece, when Corinth was destroyed, attempted to destroy them all, and, as it were, to expel him from the country, accusing him as if he were still alive of being hostile and ill-disposed to the Romans. But on the matter being discussed and on Polybius refuting the false accusation, neither Mummius nor the legates would suffer the honours of the celebrated man to be destroyed.,4. Polybius set himself to give full information to the legates about Philopoemen, corresponding to what I originally stated about this statesman.,5. And that was, that he often was opposed to the orders of the Romans, but that his opposition was confined to giving information and advice about disputed points, and this always with due consideration.,6. A real proof of his attitude, he said, was that in the wars with Antiochus and Philip he did, as the saying is, save them from the fire.,7. For then, being the most influential man in Greece owing to his personal power and that of the Achaean League, he in the truest sense maintained his friendship for Rome, helping to carry the decree of the league, in which four months before the Romans crossed to Greece the Achaeans decided to make war from Achaea on Antiochus and the Aetolians, nearly all the other Greeks being at the time ill-disposed to Rome.,9. The ten legates therefore, giving ear to this and approving the attitude of the speaker, permitted the tokens of honour Philopoemen had received in all the towns to remain undisturbed.,10. Polybius, availing himself of this concession, begged the general to return the portraits, although they had been already carried away from the Peloponnesus to Acaria â I refer to the portraits of Achaeus, of Aratus, and of Philopoemen.,11. The people so much admired Polybius's conduct in the matter that they erected a marble statue of him.

20. Cicero, Pro Quinctio, 6.28 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 54

21. Dead Sea Scrolls, of Discipline, , 63 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan

22. Varro, Menippeae, 313 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 27

23. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 155, 132 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 285

132. But as the governor of the country, who by himself could, if he had chosen to do so, have put down the violence of the multitude in a single hour, pretended not to see what he did see, and not to hear what he did hear, but allowed the mob to carry on the war against our people without any restraint, and threw our former state of tranquillity into confusion, the populace being excited still more, proceeded onwards to still more shameless and more audacious designs and treachery, and, arraying very numerous companies, cut down some of the synagogues (and there are a great many in every section of the city), and some they razed to the very foundations, and into some they threw fire and burnt them, in their insane madness and frenzy, without caring for the neighbouring houses; for there is nothing more rapid than fire, when it lays hold of fuel.

24. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 55 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus (emperor) Found in books: Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 285

55. So when the people had received this license, what did they do? There are five districts in the city, named after the first five letters of the written alphabet, of these two are called the quarters of the Jews, because the chief portion of the Jews lives in them. There are also a few scattered Jews, but only a very few, living in some of the other districts. What then did they do? They drove the Jews entirely out of four quarters, and crammed them all into a very small portion of one;

25. Vergil, Aeneis, 8.722-8.726 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 262

8.722. postibus; incedunt victae longo ordine gentes, 8.723. quam variae linguis, habitu tam vestis et armis. 8.724. Hic Nomadum genus et discinctos Mulciber Afros, 8.725. hic Lelegas Carasque sagittiferosque Gelonos 8.726. finxerat; Euphrates ibat iam mollior undis,

8.722. what helms and shields and mighty soldiers slain 8.723. hall in confusion roll! Yea, let them lead 8.725. He said: and from the lofty throne uprose. 8.726. Straightway he roused anew the slumbering fire

26. Livy, History, 3.2.4-3.2.5, 7.9.8-7.9.10, 9.44.16, 22.61.9, 24.17.5-24.17.6, 29.18.8-29.18.9, 34.7.9, 45.44 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 85, 217

27. Propertius, Elegies, 4.11.33-4.11.35 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 27

28. Ovid, Tristia, 2.121-2.140 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Tuori, The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication< (2016) 1

2.123. atque ea sic lapsa est, ut surgere, si modo laesi 2.124. ematuruerit Caesaris ira, queat, 2.125. cuius in eventu poenae clementia tanta est, 2.126. venerit ut nostro lenior illa metu. 2.127. vita data est, citraque necem tua constitit ira, 2.128. o princeps parce viribus use tuis! 2.129. insuper accedunt, te non adimente, paternae, 2.130. tamquam vita parum muneris esset, opes. 2.131. nec mea decreto damnasti facta senatus, 2.132. nec mea selecto iudice iussa fuga est. 2.133. tristibus invectus verbis—ita principe dignum— 2.134. ultus es offensas, ut decet, ipse tuas. 2.135. adde quod edictum, quamvis immite minaxque, 2.136. attamen in poenae nomine lene fuit; 2.137. quippe relegatus, non exul, dicor in illo, 2.138. privaque fortunae sunt ibi verba meae.

29. Horace, Sermones, 1.6.24-1.6.29 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 27

30. Horace, Odes, 1.18.1, 1.21.1, 1.23.1-1.23.2, 2.1.8, 2.3.7, 2.12.7, 2.12.9, 3.28.12, 3.37.2-3.37.3, 3.41.1, 4.21.2, 4.39.2, 4.57.2, 5.4.3, 5.47.1, 5.54.2, 6.23.3, 6.26.2, 6.37.12, 6.50.5, 7.14.1, 7.16.4, 7.57.3, 7.62.2, 8.18.1, 8.35.1, 8.37.4, 8.43.1, 8.52.1, 9.8.1, 9.22.3, 9.23.1, 9.51.1, 12.35.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Tuori, The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication< (2016) 255, 256, 266, 270, 271, 272, 283

31. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, On Thucydides, 13 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 194

32. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 2.23.1-2.23.2, 6.1.3, 18.33-18.34, 19.82-19.83, 21.17.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander •scriptores historiae augustae, alexander severus Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper, Studies in Jewish and Christian History (2007) 866; Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 52, 181, 244

2.23.1. Sardanapallus, the thirtieth in succession from Ninus, who founded the empire, and the last king of the Assyrians, outdid all his predecessors in luxury and sluggishness. For not to mention the fact that he was not seen by any man residing outside the palace, he lived the life of a woman, and spending his days in the company of his concubines and spinning purple garments and working the softest of wool, he had assumed the feminine garb and so covered his face and indeed his entire body with whitening cosmetics and the other unguents used by courtesans, that he rendered it more delicate than that of any luxury-loving woman.

33. Juvenal, Satires, 3.10-3.18, 6.529 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus (emperor) •severus, alexander Found in books: Griffiths, The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI) (1975) 327; Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 285

34. New Testament, Luke, 7.11-7.20, 20.22-20.25 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus, emperor •alexander severus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 227; Geljon and Vos, Violence in Ancient Christianity: Victims and Perpetrators (2014) 52

7.11. Καὶ ἐγένετο ἐν τῷ ἑξῆς ἐπορεύθη εἰς πόλιν καλουμένην Ναίν, καὶ συνεπορεύοντο αὐτῷ οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ καὶ ὄχλος πολύς. 7.12. ὡς δὲ ἤγγισεν τῇ πύλῃ τῆς πόλεως, καὶ ἰδοὺ ἐξεκομίζετο τεθνηκὼς μονογενὴς υἱὸς τῇ μητρὶ αὐτοῦ, καὶ αὐτὴ ῆν χήρα, καὶ ὄχλος τῆς πόλεως ἱκανὸς ἦν σὺν αὐτῇ. 7.13. καὶ ἰδὼν αὐτὴν ὁ κύριος ἐσπλαγχνίσθη ἐπʼ αὐτῇ καὶ εἶπεν αὐτῇ Μὴ κλαῖε. 7.14. καὶ προσελθὼν ἥψατο τῆς σοροῦ, οἱ δὲ βαστάζοντες ἔστησαν, καὶ εἶπεν Νεανίσκε σοὶ λέγω, ἐγέρθητι. 7.15. καὶ ἀνεκάθισεν ὁ νεκρὸς καὶ ἤρξατο λαλεῖν, καὶ ἔδωκεν αὐτὸν τῇ μητρὶ αὐτοῦ. 7.16. Ἔλαβεν δὲ φόβος πάντας, καὶ ἐδόξαζον τὸν θεὸν λέγοντες ὅτι Προφήτης μέγας ἠγέρθη ἐν ἡμῖν, καὶ ὅτι Ἐπεσκέψατο ὁ θεὸς τὸν λαὸν αὐτοῦ. 7.17. καὶ ἐξῆλθεν ὁ λόγος οὗτος ἐν ὅλῃ τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ περὶ αὐτοῦ καὶ πάσῃ τῇ περιχώρῳ. 7.18. Καὶ ἀπήγγειλαν Ἰωάνει οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ περὶ πάντων τούτων. καὶ προσκαλεσάμενος δύο τινὰς τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ ὁ Ἰωάνης 7.19. ἔπεμψεν πρὸς τὸν κύριον λέγων Σὺ εἶ ὁ ἐρχόμενος ἢ ἕτερον προσδοκῶμεν; 7.20. παραγενόμενοι δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν οἱ ἄνδρες εἶπαν Ἰωάνης ὁ βαπτιστὴς ἀπέστειλεν ἡμᾶς πρὸς σὲ λέγων Σὺ εἶ ὁ ἐρχόμενος ἢ ἄλλον προσδοκῶμεν; 20.22. ἔξεστιν ἡμᾶς Καίσαρι φόρον δοῦναι ἢ οὔ; 20.23. κατανοήσας δὲ αὐτῶν τὴν πανουργίαν εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτούς 20.24. Δείξατέ μοι δηνάριον· τίνος ἔχει εἰκόνα καὶ ἐπιγραφήν; οἱ δὲ εἶπαν Καίσαρος. 20.25. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτούς Τοίνυν ἀπόδοτε τὰ Καίσαρος Καίσαρι καὶ τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τῷ θεῷ.

7.11. It happened soon afterwards, that he went to a city called Nain. Many of his disciples, along with a great multitude, went with him. 7.12. Now when he drew near to the gate of the city, behold, one who was dead was carried out, the only son of his mother, and she was a widow. Many people of the city were with her. 7.13. When the Lord saw her, he had compassion on her, and said to her, "Don't cry." 7.14. He came near and touched the coffin, and the bearers stood still. He said, "Young man, I tell you, arise!" 7.15. He who was dead sat up, and began to speak. And he gave him to his mother. 7.16. Fear took hold of all, and they glorified God, saying, "A great prophet has arisen among us!" and, "God has visited his people!" 7.17. This report went out concerning him in the whole of Judea, and in all the surrounding region. 7.18. The disciples of John told him about all these things. 7.19. John, calling to himself two of his disciples, sent them to Jesus, saying, "Are you the one who is coming, or should we look for another?" 7.20. When the men had come to him, they said, "John the Baptizer has sent us to you, saying, 'Are you he who comes, or should we look for another?'" 20.22. Is it lawful for us to pay taxes to Caesar, or not?" 20.23. But he perceived their craftiness, and said to them, "Why do you test me? 20.24. Show me a denarius. Whose image and inscription are on it?"They answered, "Caesar's." 20.25. He said to them, "Then give to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and to God the things that are God's."

35. New Testament, John, 20.15 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Johnson Dupertuis and Shea, Reading and Teaching Ancient Fiction: Jewish, Christian, and Greco-Roman Narratives (2018) 132

20.15. λέγει αὐτῇ Ἰησοῦς Γύναι, τί κλαίεις; τίνα ζητεῖς; ἐκείνη δοκοῦσα ὅτι ὁ κηπουρός ἐστιν λέγει αὐτῷ Κύριε, εἰ σὺ ἐβάστασας αὐτόν, εἰπέ μοι ποῦ ἔθηκας αὐτόν, κἀγὼ αὐτὸν ἀρῶ.

20.15. Jesus said to her, "Woman, why are you weeping? Who are you looking for?"She, supposing him to be the gardener, said to him, "Sir, if you have carried him away, tell me where you have laid him, and I will take him away."

36. New Testament, Acts, 13.15, 18.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus, Found in books: Brooten, Women Leaders in the Ancient Synagogue (1982) 27

13.15. μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἀνάγνωσιν τοῦ νόμου καὶ τῶν προφητῶν ἀπέστειλαν οἱ ἀρχισυνάγωγοι πρὸς αὐτοὺς λέγοντες Ἄνδρες ἀδελφοί, εἴ τις ἔστιν ἐν ὑμῖν λόγος παρακλήσεως πρὸς τὸν λαόν, λέγετε. 18.8. Κρίσπος δὲ ὁ ἀρχισυνάγωγος ἐπίστευσεν τῷ κυρίῳ σὺν ὅλῳ τῷ οἴκῳ αὐτοῦ, καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν Κορινθίων ἀκούοντες ἐπίστευον καὶ ἐβαπτίζοντο.

13.15. After the reading of the law and the prophets, the rulers of the synagogue sent to them, saying, "Brothers, if you have any word of exhortation for the people, speak." 18.8. Crispus, the ruler of the synagogue, believed in the Lord with all his house. Many of the Corinthians, hearing, believed and were baptized. 17. , Now when they had passed through Amphipolis and Apollonia, they came to Thessalonica, where there was a synagogue of the Jews. , Paul, as was his custom, went in to them, and for three Sabbath days reasoned with them from the Scriptures, , explaining and demonstrating that the Christ had to suffer, and to rise again from the dead, and saying, "This Jesus, whom I proclaim to you, is the Christ.", Some of them were persuaded, and joined Paul and Silas, of the devout Greeks a great multitude, and not a few of the chief women. , But the disobedient Jews gathered some wicked men from the marketplace, and gathering a crowd, set the city in an uproar. Assaulting the house of Jason, they sought to bring them out to the people. , When they didn't find them, they dragged Jason and certain brothers before the rulers of the city, crying, "These who have turned the world upside down have come here also, , whom Jason has received. These all act contrary to the decrees of Caesar, saying that there is another king, Jesus!", The multitude and the rulers of the city were troubled when they heard these things. , When they had taken security from Jason and the rest, they let them go. , The brothers immediately sent Paul and Silas away by night to Beroea. When they arrived, they went into the Jewish synagogue. , Now these were more noble than those in Thessalonica, in that they received the word with all readiness of the mind, examining the Scriptures daily, whether these things were so. , Many of them therefore believed; also of the Greek women of honorable estate, and not a few men. , But when the Jews of Thessalonica had knowledge that the word of God was proclaimed by Paul at Beroea also, they came there likewise, agitating the multitudes. , Then the brothers immediately sent out Paul to go as far as to the sea, and Silas and Timothy still stayed there. , But those who escorted Paul brought him as far as Athens. Receiving a commandment to Silas and Timothy that they should come to him with all speed, they departed. , Now while Paul waited for them at Athens, his spirit was provoked within him as he saw the city full of idols. , So he reasoned in the synagogue with Jews and the devout persons, and in the marketplace every day with those who met him. , Some of the Epicurean and Stoic philosophers also encountered him. Some said, "What does this babbler want to say?"Others said, "He seems to be advocating foreign demons," because he preached Jesus and the resurrection. , They took hold of him, and brought him to the Areopagus, saying, "May we know what this new teaching is, which is spoken by you? , For you bring certain strange things to our ears. We want to know therefore what these things mean.", Now all the Athenians and the strangers living there spent their time in nothing else, but either to tell or to hear some new thing. , Paul stood in the midst of the Areopagus, and said, "You men of Athens, I perceive that you are very religious in all things. , For as I passed along, and observed the objects of your worship, I found also an altar with this inscription: 'TO AN UNKNOWN GOD.' What therefore you worship in ignorance, this I announce to you. , The God who made the world and all things in it, he, being Lord of heaven and earth, dwells not in temples made with hands, , neither is he served by men's hands, as though he needed anything, seeing he himself gives to all life and breath, and all things. , He made from one blood every nation of men to dwell on all the surface of the earth, having determined appointed seasons, and the bounds of their habitation, , that they should seek the Lord, if perhaps they might reach out for him and find him, though he is not far from each one of us. , 'For in him we live, and move, and have our being.' As some of your own poets have said, 'For we are also his offspring.' , Being then the offspring of God, we ought not to think that the Divine Nature is like gold, or silver, or stone, engraved by art and device of man. , The times of ignorance therefore God overlooked. But now he commands that all men everywhere should repent, , because he has appointed a day in which he will judge the world in righteousness by the man whom he has ordained; whereof he has given assurance to all men, in that he has raised him from the dead.", Now when they heard of the resurrection of the dead, some mocked; but others said, "We want to hear you yet again concerning this.", Thus Paul went out from among them. , But certain men joined with him, and believed, among whom also was Dionysius the Areopagite, and a woman named Damaris, and others with them.

37. Mishnah, Zavim, 3.2 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus (emperor) Found in books: Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 382

38. Mishnah, Megillah, 3.1 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus (emperor) Found in books: Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 382

3.1. בְּנֵי הָעִיר שֶׁמָּכְרוּ רְחוֹבָהּ שֶׁל עִיר, לוֹקְחִין בְּדָמָיו בֵּית הַכְּנֶסֶת. בֵּית הַכְּנֶסֶת, לוֹקְחִין תֵּבָה. תֵּבָה, לוֹקְחִין מִטְפָּחוֹת. מִטְפָּחוֹת, לוֹקְחִין סְפָרִים. סְפָרִים, לוֹקְחִין תּוֹרָה. אֲבָל אִם מָכְרוּ תוֹרָה, לֹא יִקְחוּ סְפָרִים. סְפָרִים, לֹא יִקְחוּ מִטְפָּחוֹת. מִטְפָּחוֹת, לֹא יִקְחוּ תֵבָה. תֵּבָה, לֹא יִקְחוּ בֵית הַכְּנֶסֶת. בֵּית הַכְּנֶסֶת, לֹא יִקְחוּ אֶת הָרְחוֹב. וְכֵן בְּמוֹתְרֵיהֶן. אֵין מוֹכְרִין אֶת שֶׁל רַבִּים לְיָחִיד, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁמּוֹרִידִין אוֹתוֹ מִקְּדֻשָּׁתוֹ, דִּבְרֵי רַבִּי יְהוּדָה. אָמְרוּ לוֹ, אִם כֵּן, אַף לֹא מֵעִיר גְּדוֹלָה לְעִיר קְטַנָּה:

3.1. Townspeople who sold the town square, they may buy with the proceeds a synagogue. [If they sold] a synagogue, they may buy with the proceeds an ark. [If they sold] an ark they may buy covers [for scrolls]. [If they sold] covers, they may buy scrolls [of the Tanakh]. [If they sold] scrolls they may buy a Torah. But if they sold a Torah they may not buy with the proceeds scrolls [of the Tanakh]. If [they sold] scrolls they may not buy covers. If [they sold] covers they may not buy an ark. If [they sold] an ark they may not buy a synagogue. If [they sold] a synagogue they may not buy a town square. The same applies to any money left over. They may not sell [something] belonging to a community because this lowers its sanctity, the words of Rabbi Meir. They said to him: if so, it should not be allowed to sell from a larger town to a smaller one.

39. Mishnah, Bava Batra, 4.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 54

4.6. הַמּוֹכֵר אֶת הַמֶּרְחָץ, לֹא מָכַר אֶת הַנְּסָרִים וְאֶת הַסַּפְסָלִים וְאֶת הַוִּילָאוֹת. בִּזְמַן שֶׁאָמַר לוֹ, הוּא וְכָל מַה שֶּׁבְּתוֹכוֹ, הֲרֵי כֻלָּן מְכוּרִין. בֵּין כָּךְ וּבֵין כָּךְ, לֹא מָכַר אֶת הַמְּגֻרוֹת שֶׁל מַיִם וְלֹא אֶת הָאוֹצָרוֹת שֶׁל עֵצִים.

4.6. If a man sold a bath house, he has not sold the planks or the benches or the curtains. But if he had said: “It and all that is in it”, all these are sold also. In neither case has he sold the water containers or the stores of wood.

40. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 2.33-2.37, 2.194 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus (emperor) •alexander severus Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper, Studies in Jewish and Christian History (2007) 743; Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 285

2.33. Τίνα τοίνυν ἐστὶ τὰ δεινὰ καὶ σχέτλια τῶν ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ κατοικούντων ̓Ιουδαίων, ἃ κατηγόρηκεν αὐτῶν, ἴδωμεν. “ἐλθόντες, φησίν, ἀπὸ Συρίας ᾤκησαν πρὸς ἀλίμενον θάλασσαν γειτνιάσαντες 2.34. ταῖς τῶν κυμάτων ἐκβολαῖς.” οὐκοῦν τόπος εἰ λοιδορίαν ἔχει, τὴν οὐ πατρίδα μὲν λεγομένην δὲ αὐτοῦ λοιδορεῖ τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν: ἐκείνης γὰρ καὶ τὸ παράλιόν ἐστι μέρος, ὡς πάντες ὁμολογοῦσιν, 2.35. εἰς κατοίκησιν τὸ κάλλιστον. ̓Ιουδαῖοι δ' εἰ μὲν βιασάμενοι κατέσχον, ὡς μηδ' ὕστερον ἐκπεσεῖν, ἀνδρείας τεκμήριόν ἐστιν αὐτοῖς: εἰς κατοίκησιν δὲ αὐτοῖς ἔδωκεν τόπον ̓Αλέξανδρος καὶ ἴσης παρὰ τοῖς Μακεδόσι τιμῆς ἐπέτυχον. 2.36. οὐκ οἶδα δέ, τί ποτ' ἂν ἔλεγεν ̓Απίων, εἰ πρὸς τῇ νεκροπόλει κατῴκουν καὶ μὴ πρὸς τοῖς βασιλικοῖς ἦσαν ἱδρυμένοι, καὶ μέχρι νῦν αὐτῶν ἡ φυλὴ τὴν προσηγορίαν εἶχεν Μακεδόνες. 2.37. εἰ μὲν οὖν ἀναγνοὺς τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ̓Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τὰς Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Λάγου καὶ τῶν μετ' ἐκεῖνον τῆς Αἰγύπτου βασιλέων ἐντυχὼν τοῖς γράμμασι καὶ τὴν στήλην τὴν ἑστῶσαν ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ καὶ τὰ δικαιώματα περιέχουσαν, ἃ Καῖσαρ ὁ μέγας τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις ἔδωκεν, εἰ μὲν οὖν ταῦτα, φημί, γιγνώσκων τἀναντία γράφειν ἐτόλμα, πονηρὸς ἦν, εἰ δὲ μηδὲν ἠπίστατο τούτων, ἀπαίδευτος. 2.194. οὗτος μετὰ τῶν συνιερέων θύσει τῷ θεῷ, φυλάξει τοὺς νόμους, δικάσει περὶ τῶν ἀμφισβητουμένων, κολάσει τοὺς ἐλεγχθέντας. ὁ τούτῳ μὴ πειθόμενος ὑφέξει δίκην ὡς εἰς θεὸν αὐτὸν ἀσεβῶν.

2.33. 4. But let us now see what those heavy and wicked crimes are which Apion charges upon the Alexandrian Jews. “They came (says he) out of Syria, and inhabited near the tempestuous sea, and were in the neighborhood of the dashing of the waves.” 2.34. Now, if the place of habitation includes any thing that is reproachful, this man reproaches not his own real country [Egypt], but what he pretends to be his own country, Alexandria; for all are agreed in this, that the part of that city which is near the sea is the best part of all for habitation. 2.35. Now, if the Jews gained that part of the city by force, and have kept it hitherto without impeachment, this is a mark of their valor: but in reality it was Alexander himself that gave them that place for their habitation, when they obtained equal privileges there with the Macedonians. 2.36. Nor can I devise what Apion would have said, had their habitation been at Necropolis, and not been fixed hard by the royal palace [as it is]; nor had their nation had the denomination of Macedonians given them till this very day [as they have]. 2.37. Had this man now read the epistles of king Alexander, or those of Ptolemy the son of Lagus, or met with the writings of the succeeding kings, or that pillar which is still standing at Alexandria, and contains the privileges which the great [Julius] Caesar bestowed upon the Jews; had this man, I say, known these records, and yet hath the impudence to write in contradiction to them, he hath shown himself to be a wicked man: but if he knew nothing of these records, he hath shown himself to be a man very ignorant; 2.194. His business must be to offer sacrifices to God, together with those priests that are joined with him, to see that the laws be observed, to determine controversies, and to punish those that are convicted of injustice; while he that does not submit to him shall be subject to the same punishment, as if he had been guilty of impiety towards God himself.

41. Martial, Epigrams, 1.23, 1.96, 2.14, 2.48, 2.52, 3.3, 3.20, 3.51, 3.68, 3.72, 3.87, 6.93, 7.35, 7.82, 8.44.6-8.44.8, 9.33, 11.52, 11.75, 12.19, 12.83 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 157, 212; Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 217

1.23. TO COTTA: You invite no one, Cotta, except those whom you meet at the bath; and the bath alone supplies you with guests. I used to wonder why you had never asked me, Cotta; I know now that my appearance in a state of nature was unpleasing in your eyes. 1.96. TO HIS VERSE, ON A LICENTIOUS CHARACTER: If it is not disagreeable, and does not annoy you, my verse, say, I pray, a word or two in the ear of our friend Maternus, so that he alone may hear. That admirer of sad-coloured coats, clad in the costume of the banks of the river Baetis, and in grey garments, who deems the wearers of scarlet not men, and calls amethyst-coloured robes the dress of women, however much he may praise natural hues, and be always seen in dark colours, has at the same time morals of an extremely flagrant hue. You will ask whence I suspect him of effeminacy. We go to the same baths; Do you ask me who this is? His name has escaped me. 2.14. TO HORMUS: In offering to no one the cup from which you drink, you give a proof, Hormus, not of pride, but of kindness. 2.48. ON TELESINA: [Not translated] 2.52. TO MAXIMUS: Do you wish to become free? You lie, Maximus, you do not wish it. But if you should wish to become so, you can in this way. You will be free, if you give up dining out; if the Veientan grape assuages your thirst; if you can smile at the golden dishes of the querulous Cinna; if you can be content in a toga like mine; if a plebeian mistress becomes yours for a coupe of small coins; if you can submit to lower your head when you enter your house. If you have strength and force of mind such as this, you may live more free than the monarch of Parthia. 3.20. ON CANIUS: Tell me, my Muse, what my Canius Rufus is doing. Is he committing to imperishable tablets the history of the family of the Claudii, for future generations to read; or refuting the falsehoods of the historian of Nero? Or is he imitating the jocosity of the plain-speaking Phaedrus? Or is he sporting in elegiacs; or writing gravely in heroic verse? Or is he terrible in the buskin of Sophocles? Or is he idling in the school of the poets, uttering jests seasoned with Attic salt? Or, if he has retired from thence, is he pacing the portico of the temple of Isis, or traversing at his ease the enclosure of the Argonauts? Or rather, is he sitting or walking, in the afternoon, free from cankering cares, in the sunny box-groves of the delicate Europa? Or is he bathing in the warm baths of Titus or of Agrippa, or in that of the shameless Tigillinus? Or is he enjoying the country seat of Tullus and Lucanus? or hastening to Pollio's delightful retreat, four miles from the city? Or has he set out for scorching Baiae, and is he now sailing about on the Lucrine lake? — "Do you wish to know what your Canius is doing? Laughing." 3.68. TO THE MODEST MATRON: Thus far this book is written entirely for you, chaste matron. Do you ask for whom the sequel is written? For myself. The gymnasium, the warm baths, the race-course, are here; you must retire. We lay aside our garments; spare yourself the sight of us in that state. Here at last, after her wine and crowns of roses, Terpsichore is intoxicated, and, laying aside all restraint, knows not what she says. She names no longer in doubtful guise, but openly, that deity whom triumphant Venus welcomes to her temple in the sixth month of the year; whom the bailiff stations as protector in the midst of his garden, and at whom all modest maidens gaze with hand before the face. If I know you well, you were laying down the long book from weariness; now you will read diligently to the end. 3.72. TO SAUFEIA: [Not translated] 3.87. TO CHIONE: Rumour says, Chione, that you have never had to do with man, and that nothing can be purer than yourself! And yet when you bathe, you veil not that part which you should veil. If you have any modesty, veil your face. 6.93. ON THAIS: Thais smells worse than an old jar of a covetous fuller just broken in the middle of the street; worse than a goat after an amorous encounter; than the belch of a lion; than a hide torn from a dog on the banks of the Tiber; than chick rotting in an abortive egg; than a jar fetid with spoilt pickle. Cunningly wishing to exchange this disagreeable odour for some other, she, on laying aside her garments to enter the bath, makes herself green with a depilatory, or conceals herself beneath a daubing of chalk dissolved in acid, or covers herself with three or four layers of rich bean-unguent. When by a thousand artifices she thinks she has succeeded in making herself safe, Thais, after all, smells of Thais. 7.35. TO LAECANIA: [Not translated] 7.82. DE MENOPHILO VERPA: [Not translated] 9.33. TO FLACCUS: [Not translated] 11.52. INVITATION TO JULIUS CEREALIS: You may have a good dinner, Julius Cerealis, with me; if you have no better engagement, come. You may keep your own hour, the eighth; we will go to the bath together; you know how near the baths of Stephanus are to my house. Lettuce will first be set before you, a plant useful as a laxative, and leeks cut into shreds; next tunny-fishy full grown, and larger than the slender eel, which will be garnished with egg and leaves of rue. Nor will there be wanting eggs lightly poached, and cheese hardened on a Velabrian hearth; nor olives which have experienced the cold of a Picenian winter. These ought to be sufficient to whet the appetite. Do you want to know what is to follow? I will play the braggart, to tempt you to come: There will be Fish, oysters, sow's teats, well-fattened tame and wild-fowl; dainties which not even Stella, except on rare occasions, is used to place before his guests. I promise you still more: I will recite no verses to you; while you shall be at liberty to read to me again your "War of the Giants," or your Georgics, second only to those of the immortal Virgil. 11.75. TO CAELIA: [Not translated in the Bohn]

42. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 1.22, 1.28, 3.87-3.90, 11.88-11.90, 34.14 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander •alexander severus •severus alexander, emperor Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 52, 210; Johnson Dupertuis and Shea, Reading and Teaching Ancient Fiction: Jewish, Christian, and Greco-Roman Narratives (2018) 132; Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 478

3.87. For no one, of and by himself, is sufficient for a single one of even his own needs; and the more and greater the responsibilities of a king are, the greater is the number of co-workers that he needs, and the greater the loyalty required of them, since he is forced to entrust his greatest and most important interests to others or else to abandon them. < 3.88. Furthermore, the law protects the private individual from being easily wronged by men with whom he enters into business relations, either by entrusting them with money, or by making them agents of an estate, or by entering into partnership with them in some enterprise; and it does so by punishing the offender. A king, however, cannot look to the law for protection against betrayal of a trust, but must depend upon loyalty. < 3.89. Naturally, those who stand near the king and help him rule the country are the strongest, and from them he has no other protection than their love. Consequently, it is not a safe policy for him to share his power carelessly with the first men he meets; but the stronger he makes his friends, < 3.90. the stronger he becomes himself. < 34.14. But at the moment I shall treat the other items that still remain, giving to them that fuller consideration which I claim is required by the present crisis. At any rate the hatred and rebellion of Mallus ought to disturb you less than it does. But the fact that your neighbours in Soli and in Adana, and possibly some others, are in a similar frame of mind and are not a whit more reasonable, but chafe under your domination and speak ill of you and prefer to be subject to others than yourselves â all this creates the suspicion that possibly the people of Aegae and of Mallus also are not wholly unwarranted in their vexation, and that their estrangement has not been due in the one instance to envy and in the other to a determination to get unfair advantage, but that possibly there is an element of truth in what they say about your city, namely, that it does somehow bully and annoy peoples who are weaker. <

43. Martial, Epigrams, 1.23, 1.96, 2.14, 2.48, 2.52, 3.3, 3.20, 3.51, 3.68, 3.72, 3.87, 6.93, 7.35, 7.82, 8.44.6-8.44.8, 9.33, 11.52, 11.75, 12.19, 12.83 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 157, 212; Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 217

44. Lucan, Pharsalia, 2.22 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 85

2.22. The world should suffer, from the truth divine, A solemn fast was called, the courts were closed, All men in private garb; no purple hem Adorned the togas of the chiefs of Rome; No plaints were uttered, and a voiceless grief Lay deep in every bosom: as when death Knocks at some door but enters not as yet, Before the mother calls the name aloud Or bids her grieving maidens beat the breast, While still she marks the glazing eye, and soothes

45. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 4.214, 4.287, 20.200 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus (emperor) •alexander severus Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper, Studies in Jewish and Christian History (2007) 743; Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 382

4.214. ̓Αρχέτωσαν δὲ καθ' ἑκάστην πόλιν ἄνδρες ἑπτὰ οἱ καὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν καὶ τὴν περὶ τὸ δίκαιον σπουδὴν προησκηκότες: ἑκάστῃ δὲ ἀρχῇ δύο ἄνδρες ὑπηρέται διδόσθωσαν ἐκ τῆς τῶν Λευιτῶν φυλῆς. 4.287. εἰ δὲ μηδὲν ἐπίβουλον δρῶν ὁ πιστευθεὶς ἀπολέσειεν, ἀφικόμενος ἐπὶ τοὺς ἑπτὰ κριτὰς ὀμνύτω τὸν θεόν, ὅτι μηδὲν παρὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ βούλησιν ἀπόλοιτο καὶ κακίαν οὐδὲ χρησαμένου τινὶ μέρει αὐτῆς, καὶ οὕτως ἀνεπαιτίατος ἀπίτω. χρησάμενος δὲ κἂν ἐλαχίστῳ μέρει τῶν πεπιστευμένων ἂν ἀπολέσας τύχῃ τὰ λοιπὰ πάντα ἃ ἔλαβεν ἀποδοῦναι κατεγνώσθω.

4.214. 14. Let there be seven men to judge in every city, and these such as have been before most zealous in the exercise of virtue and righteousness. Let every judge have two officers allotted him out of the tribe of Levi. 4.287. but if he in whom the trust was reposed, without any deceit of his own, lose what he was intrusted withal, let him come before the seven judges, and swear by God that nothing hath been lost willingly, or with a wicked intention, and that he hath not made use of any part thereof, and so let him depart without blame; but if he hath made use of the least part of what was committed to him, and it be lost, let him be condemned to repay all that he had received. 20.200. when, therefore, Aus was of this disposition, he thought he had now a proper opportunity [to exercise his authority]. Festus was now dead, and Albinus was but upon the road; so he assembled the sanhedrim of judges, and brought before them the brother of Jesus, who was called Christ, whose name was James, and some others, [or, some of his companions]; and when he had formed an accusation against them as breakers of the law, he delivered them to be stoned:

46. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 2.488, 2.571 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus (emperor) Found in books: Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 285, 382

2.488. διέμεινεν δ' αὐτοῖς ἡ τιμὴ καὶ παρὰ τῶν διαδόχων, οἳ καὶ τόπον ἴδιον αὐτοῖς ἀφώρισαν, ὅπως καθαρωτέραν ἔχοιεν τὴν δίαιταν ἧττον ἐπιμισγομένων τῶν ἀλλοφύλων, καὶ χρηματίζειν ἐπέτρεψαν Μακεδόνας, ἐπεί τε ̔Ρωμαῖοι κατεκτήσαντο τὴν Αἴγυπτον, οὔτε Καῖσαρ ὁ πρῶτος οὔτε τῶν μετ' αὐτόν τις ὑπέμεινεν τὰς ἀπ' ̓Αλεξάνδρου τιμὰς ̓Ιουδαίων ἐλαττῶσαι. 2.571. ἑπτὰ δὲ ἐν ἑκάστῃ πόλει δικαστὰς τῶν εὐτελεστέρων διαφόρων: τὰ γὰρ μείζω πράγματα καὶ τὰς φονικὰς δίκας ἐφ' ἑαυτὸν ἀναπέμπειν ἐκέλευσεν καὶ τοὺς ἑβδομήκοντα.

2.488. which honorary reward Continued among them under his successors, who also set apart for them a particular place, that they might live without being polluted [by the Gentiles], and were thereby not so much intermixed with foreigners as before; they also gave them this further privilege, that they should be called Macedonians. Nay, when the Romans got possession of Egypt, neither the first Caesar, nor anyone that came after him, thought of diminishing the honors which Alexander had bestowed on the Jews. 2.571. as he chose seven judges in every city to hear the lesser quarrels; for as to the greater causes, and those wherein life and death were concerned, he enjoined they should be brought to him and the seventy elders.

47. Mishnah, Bekhorot, 5.5 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus (emperor) Found in books: Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 382

48. New Testament, Mark, 5.22-5.43, 12.14-12.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus, •alexander severus, emperor •alexander severus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 227; Brooten, Women Leaders in the Ancient Synagogue (1982) 27; Geljon and Vos, Violence in Ancient Christianity: Victims and Perpetrators (2014) 52

5.22. Καὶ ἔρχεται εἷς τῶν ἀρχισυναγώγων, ὀνόματι Ἰάειρος, 5.23. καὶ ἰδὼν αὐτὸν πίπτει πρὸς τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ καὶ παρακαλεῖ αὐτὸν πολλὰ λέγων ὅτι Τὸ θυγάτριόν μου ἐσχάτως ἔχει, ἵνα ἐλθὼν ἐπιθῇς τὰς χεῖρας αὐτῇ ἵνα σωθῇ καὶ ζήσῃ. 5.24. καὶ ἀπῆλθεν μετʼ αὐτοῦ. Καὶ ἠκολούθει αὐτῷ ὄχλος πολύς, καὶ συνέθλιβον αὐτόν. 5.25. καὶ γυνὴ οὖσα ἐν ῥύσει αἵματος δώδεκα ἔτη 5.26. καὶ πολλὰ παθοῦσα ὑπὸ πολλῶν ἰατρῶν καὶ δαπανήσασα τὰ παρʼ αὐτῆς πάντα καὶ μηδὲν ὠφεληθεῖσα ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον εἰς τὸ χεῖρον ἐλθοῦσα, 5.27. ἀκούσασα τὰ περὶ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ, ἐλθοῦσα ἐν τῷ ὄχλῳ ὄπισθεν ἥψατο τοῦ ἱματίου αὐτοῦ· 5.28. ἔλεγεν γὰρ ὅτι Ἐὰν ἅψωμαι κἂν τῶν ἱματίων αὐτοῦ σωθήσομαι. 5.29. καὶ εὐθὺς ἐξηράνθη ἡ πηγὴ τοῦ αἵματος αὐτῆς, καὶ ἔγνω τῷ σώματι ὅτι ἴαται ἀπὸ τῆς μάστιγος. 5.30. καὶ εὐθὺς ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἐπιγνοὺς ἐν ἑαυτῷ τὴν ἐξ αὐτοῦ δύναμιν ἐξελθοῦσαν ἐπιστραφεὶς ἐν τῷ ὄχλῳ ἔλεγεν Τίς μου ἥψατο τῶν ἱματίων; 5.31. καὶ ἔλεγον αὐτῷ οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ Βλέπεις τὸν ὄχλον συνθλίβοντά σε, καὶ λέγεις Τίς μου ἥψατο; 5.32. καὶ περιεβλέπετο ἰδεῖν τὴν τοῦτο ποιήσασαν. 5.33. ἡ δὲ γυνὴ φοβηθεῖσα καὶ τρέμουσα, εἰδυῖα ὃ γέγονεν αὐτῇ, ἦλθεν καὶ προσέπεσεν αὐτῷ καὶ εἶπεν αὐτῷ πᾶσαν τὴν ἀλήθειαν. 5.34. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν αὐτῇ Θυγάτηρ, ἡ πίστις σου σέσωκέν σε· ὕπαγε εἰς εἰρήνην, καὶ ἴσθι ὑγιὴς ἀπὸ τῆς μάστιγός σου. 5.35. Ἔτι αὐτοῦ λαλοῦντος ἔρχονται ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀρχισυναγώγου λέγοντες ὅτι Ἡ θυγάτηρ σου ἀπέθανεν· τί ἔτι σκύλλεις τὸν διδάσκαλον; 5.36. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς παρακούσας τὸν λόγον λαλούμενον λέγει τῷ ἀρχισυναγώγῳ Μὴ φοβοῦ, μόνον πίστευε. 5.37. καὶ οὐκ ἀφῆκεν οὐδένα μετʼ αὐτοῦ συνακολουθῆσαι εἰ μὴ τὸν Πέτρον καὶ Ἰάκωβον καὶ Ἰωάνην τὸν ἀδελφὸν Ἰακώβου. 5.38. καὶ ἔρχονται εἰς τὸν οἶκον τοῦ ἀρχισυναγώγου, καὶ θεωρεῖ θόρυβον καὶ κλαίοντας καὶ ἀλαλάζοντας πολλά, 5.39. καὶ εἰσελθὼν λέγει αὐτοῖς Τί θορυβεῖσθε καὶ κλαίετε; τὸ παιδίον οὐκ ἀπέθανεν ἀλλὰ καθεύδει. 5.40. καὶ κατεγέλων αὐτοῦ. αὐτὸς δὲ ἐκβαλὼν πάντας παραλαμβάνει τὸν πατέρα τοῦ παιδίου καὶ τὴν μητέρα καὶ τοὺς μετʼ αὐτοῦ, καὶ εἰσπορεύεται ὅπου ἦν τὸ παιδίον· 5.41. καὶ κρατήσας τῆς χειρὸς τοῦ παιδίου λέγει αὐτῇ Ταλειθά κούμ, ὅ ἐστιν μεθερμηνευόμενον Τὸ κοράσιον, σοὶ λέγω, ἔγειρε. 5.42. καὶ εὐθὺς ἀνέστη τὸ κοράσιον καὶ περιεπάτει, ἦν γὰρ ἐτῶν δώδεκα. καὶ ἐξέστησαν εὐθὺς ἐκστάσει μεγάλῃ. 5.43. καὶ διεστείλατο αὐτοῖς πολλὰ ἵνα μηδεὶς γνοῖ τοῦτο, καὶ εἶπεν δοθῆναι αὐτῇ φαγεῖν. 12.14. καὶ ἐλθόντες λέγουσιν αὐτῷ Διδάσκαλε, οἴδαμεν ὅτι ἀληθὴς εἶ καὶ οὐ μέλει σοι περὶ οὐδενός, οὐ γὰρ βλέπεις εἰς πρόσωπον ἀνθρώπων, ἀλλʼ ἐπʼ ἀληθείας τὴν ὁδὸν τοῦ θεοῦ διδάσκεις· ἔξεστιν δοῦναι κῆνσον Καίσαρι ἢ οὔ; δῶμεν ἢ μὴ δῶμεν; 12.15. ὁ δὲ εἰδὼς αὐτῶν τὴν ὑπόκρισιν εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Τί με πειράζετε; φέρετέ μοι δηνάριον ἵνα ἴδω. 12.16. οἱ δὲ ἤνεγκαν. καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς Τίνος ἡ εἰκὼν αὕτη καὶ ἡ ἐπιγραφή; οἱ δὲ εἶπαν αὐτῷ Καίσαρος. 12.17. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν Τὰ Καίσαρος ἀπόδοτε Καίσαρι καὶ τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τῷ θεῷ. καὶ ἐξεθαύμαζον ἐπʼ αὐτῷ.

5.22. Behold, one of the rulers of the synagogue, Jairus by name, came; and seeing him, he fell at his feet, 5.23. and begged him much, saying, "My little daughter is at the point of death. Please come and lay your hands on her, that she may be made healthy, and live." 5.24. He went with him, and a great multitude followed him, and they pressed upon him on all sides. 5.25. A certain woman, who had an issue of blood for twelve years, 5.26. and had suffered many things by many physicians, and had spent all that she had, and was no better, but rather grew worse, 5.27. having heard the things concerning Jesus, came up behind him in the crowd, and touched his clothes. 5.28. For she said, "If I just touch his clothes, I will be made well." 5.29. Immediately the flow of her blood was dried up, and she felt in her body that she was healed of her affliction. 5.30. Immediately Jesus, perceiving in himself that the power had gone out from him, turned around in the crowd, and asked, "Who touched my clothes?" 5.31. His disciples said to him, "You see the multitude pressing against you, and you say, 'Who touched me?'" 5.32. He looked around to see her who had done this thing. 5.33. But the woman, fearing and trembling, knowing what had been done to her, came and fell down before him, and told him all the truth. 5.34. He said to her, "Daughter, your faith has made you well. Go in peace, and be cured of your disease." 5.35. While he was still speaking, they came from the synagogue ruler's house saying, "Your daughter is dead. Why bother the Teacher any more?" 5.36. But Jesus, when he heard the message spoken, immediately said to the ruler of the synagogue, "Don't be afraid, only believe." 5.37. He allowed no one to follow him, except Peter, James, and John the brother of James. 5.38. He came to the synagogue ruler's house, and he saw an uproar, weeping, and great wailing. 5.39. When he had entered in, he said to them, "Why do you make an uproar and weep? The child is not dead, but is asleep." 5.40. They laughed him to scorn. But he, having put them all out, took the father of the child and her mother and those who were with him, and went in where the child was lying. 5.41. Taking the child by the hand, he said to her, "Talitha cumi;" which means, being interpreted, "Young lady, I tell you, get up." 5.42. Immediately the young lady rose up, and walked, for she was twelve years old. They were amazed with great amazement. 5.43. He strictly ordered them that no one should know this, and commanded that something should be given to her to eat. 12.14. When they had come, they asked him, "Teacher, we know that you are honest, and don't defer to anyone; for you aren't partial to anyone, but truly teach the way of God. Is it lawful to pay taxes to Caesar, or not? 12.15. Shall we give, or shall we not give?"But he, knowing their hypocrisy, said to them, "Why do you test me? Bring me a denarius, that I may see it." 12.16. They brought it. He said to them, "Whose is this image and inscription?"They said to him, "Caesar's." 12.17. Jesus answered them, "Render to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and to God the things that are God's."They marveled greatly at him.

49. Mishnah, Taanit, 1.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 69

1.6. עָבְרוּ אֵלּוּ וְלֹא נַעֲנוּ, בֵּית דִּין גּוֹזְרִין שָׁלשׁ תַּעֲנִיּוֹת אֲחֵרוֹת עַל הַצִּבּוּר. אוֹכְלִין וְשׁוֹתִין מִבְּעוֹד יוֹם, וַאֲסוּרִין בִּמְלָאכָה וּבִרְחִיצָה וּבְסִיכָה וּבִנְעִילַת הַסַּנְדָּל וּבְתַשְׁמִישׁ הַמִּטָּה, וְנוֹעֲלִין אֶת הַמֶּרְחֲצָאוֹת. עָבְרוּ אֵלּוּ וְלֹא נַעֲנוּ, בֵּית דִּין גּוֹזְרִין עֲלֵיהֶם עוֹד שֶׁבַע, שֶׁהֵן שְׁלשׁ עֶשְׂרֵה תַּעֲנִיּוֹת עַל הַצִּבּוּר. הֲרֵי אֵלּוּ יְתֵרוֹת עַל הָרִאשׁוֹנוֹת, שֶׁבָּאֵלּוּ מַתְרִיעִין וְנוֹעֲלִין אֶת הַחֲנוּיוֹת, בַּשֵּׁנִי מַטִּין עִם חֲשֵׁכָה, וּבַחֲמִישִׁי מֻתָּרִין מִפְּנֵי כְבוֹד הַשַּׁבָּת:

1.6. If these passed and there was no answer, the court decrees three more fasts on the community. They may eat and drink [only] while it is still day; they may not work, bathe, anoint themselves with oil, wear shoes, or have marital, relations. And the bathhouses are closed. If these passed and there was no answer the court decrees upon the community a further seven, making a total of thirteen. These are greater than the first, for on these they blast the shofar and they lock the shops. On Mondays the shutters [of the shops] are opened a little when it gets dark, but on Thursdays they are permitted [the whole day] because of the Shabbat.

50. Tosefta, Avodah Zarah, 4.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 212

51. Plutarch, Demetrius, 41.6-41.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 240

52. Seneca The Younger, On Anger, 1.4-1.5, 1.11.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 246

53. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi, Hadrian and the Christians (2010) 14

8. After taking such measures to secure the goodwill and favour of the people, Numa straightway attempted to soften the city, as iron is softened in the fire, and change its harsh and warlike temper into one of greater gentleness and justice. For if a city was ever in what Plato calls Cf. Lycurgus, v. 6. a feverish state, Rome certainly was at that time. It was brought into being at the very outset by the excessive daring and reckless courage of the boldest and most warlike spirits, who forced their way thither from all parts, ,and in its many expeditions and its continuous wars it found nourishment and increase of its power; and just as what is planted in the earth gets a firmer seat the more it is shaken, so Rome seemed to be made strong by its very perils. And therefore Numa, judging it to be no slight or trivial undertaking to mollify and newly fashion for peace so presumptuous and stubborn a people, called in the gods to aid and assist him. ,It was for the most part by sacrifices, processions, and religious dances, which he himself appointed and conducted, and which mingled with their solemnity a diversion full of charm and a beneficent pleasure, that he won the people’s favour and tamed their fierce and warlike tempers. At times, also, by heralding to them vague terrors from the god, strange apparitions of divine beings and threatening voices, he would subdue and humble their minds by means of superstitious fears. ,This was the chief reason why Numa’s wisdom and culture were said to have been due to his intimacy with Pythagoras; for in the philosophy of the one, and in the civil polity of the other, religious services and occupations have a large place. It is said also that the solemnity of his outward demeanour was adopted by him because he shared the feelings of Pythagoras about it. ,That philosopher, indeed, is thought to have tamed an eagle, which he stopped by certain cries of his, and brought down from his lofty flight; also to have disclosed his golden thigh as he passed through the assembled throngs at Olympia. And we have reports of other devices and performances of his which savoured of the marvellous, regarding which Timon the Phliasian wrote:— Down to a juggler’s level he sinks with his cheating devices, Laying his nets for men, Pythagoras, lover of bombast. ,In like manner Numa’s fiction was the love which a certain goddess or mountain nymph bore him, arid her secret meetings with him, as already mentioned, Chapter iv. 1-2. and his familiar converse with the Muses. For he ascribed the greater part of his oracular teachings to the Muses, and he taught the Romans to pay especial honours to one Muse in particular, whom he called Tacita, that is, the silent, or speechless one ; thereby perhaps handing on and honouring the Pythagorean precept of silence.,Furthermore, his ordices concerning images are altogether in harmony with the doctrines of Pythagoras. For that philosopher maintained that the first principle of being was beyond sense or feeling, was invisible and uncreated, and discernible only by the mind. And in like manner Numa forbade the Romans to revere an image of God which had the form of man or beast. Nor was there among them in this earlier time any painted or graven likeness of Deity, ,but while for the first hundred and seventy years they were continually building temples and establishing sacred shrines, they made no statues in bodily form for them, convinced that it was impious to liken higher things to lower, and that it was impossible to apprehend Deity except by the intellect. Their sacrifices, too, were altogether appropriate to the Pythagorean worship; for most of them involved no bloodshed, but were made with flour, drink-offerings, and the least costly gifts.,And apart from these things, other external proofs are urged to show that the two men were acquainted with each other. One of these is that Pythagoras was enrolled as a citizen of Rome. This fact is recorded by Epicharmus the comic poet, in a certain treatise which he dedicated to Antenor; and Epicharmus was an ancient, and belonged to the school of Pythagoras. Another proof is that one of the four sons born to king Numa was named Mamercus, after the son of Pythagoras. ,And from him they say that the patrician family of the Aemilii took its name, Aemilius being the endearing name which the king gave him for the grace and winsomeness of his speech. Moreover, I myself have heard many people at Rome recount how, when an oracle once commanded the Romans to erect in their city monuments to the wisest and the bravest of the Greeks, they set up in the forum two statues in bronze, one of Alcibiades, and one of Pythagoras. According to the elder Pliny ( N.H. xxxiv. 12 ), these statues stood in the comitium at Rome from the time of the Samnite wars (343-290 B.C.) down to that of Sulla (138-78 B.C.). However, since the matter of Numa’s acquaintance with Pythagoras is involved in much dispute, to discuss it at greater length, and to win belief for it, would savour of youthful contentiousness. 8. After taking such measures to secure the goodwill and favour of the people, Numa straightway attempted to soften the city, as iron is softened in the fire, and change its harsh and warlike temper into one of greater gentleness and justice. For if a city was ever in what Plato calls Cf. Lycurgus, v. 6. a feverish state, Rome certainly was at that time. It was brought into being at the very outset by the excessive daring and reckless courage of the boldest and most warlike spirits, who forced their way thither from all parts,,and in its many expeditions and its continuous wars it found nourishment and increase of its power; and just as what is planted in the earth gets a firmer seat the more it is shaken, so Rome seemed to be made strong by its very perils. And therefore Numa, judging it to be no slight or trivial undertaking to mollify and newly fashion for peace so presumptuous and stubborn a people, called in the gods to aid and assist him.,It was for the most part by sacrifices, processions, and religious dances, which he himself appointed and conducted, and which mingled with their solemnity a diversion full of charm and a beneficent pleasure, that he won the people’s favour and tamed their fierce and warlike tempers. At times, also, by heralding to them vague terrors from the god, strange apparitions of divine beings and threatening voices, he would subdue and humble their minds by means of superstitious fears.,This was the chief reason why Numa’s wisdom and culture were said to have been due to his intimacy with Pythagoras; for in the philosophy of the one, and in the civil polity of the other, religious services and occupations have a large place. It is said also that the solemnity of his outward demeanour was adopted by him because he shared the feelings of Pythagoras about it.,That philosopher, indeed, is thought to have tamed an eagle, which he stopped by certain cries of his, and brought down from his lofty flight; also to have disclosed his golden thigh as he passed through the assembled throngs at Olympia. And we have reports of other devices and performances of his which savoured of the marvellous, regarding which Timon the Phliasian wrote:— Down to a juggler’s level he sinks with his cheating devices, Laying his nets for men, Pythagoras, lover of bombast.,In like manner Numa’s fiction was the love which a certain goddess or mountain nymph bore him, arid her secret meetings with him, as already mentioned, Chapter iv. 1-2. and his familiar converse with the Muses. For he ascribed the greater part of his oracular teachings to the Muses, and he taught the Romans to pay especial honours to one Muse in particular, whom he called Tacita, that is, the silent, or speechless one ; thereby perhaps handing on and honouring the Pythagorean precept of silence.,Furthermore, his ordices concerning images are altogether in harmony with the doctrines of Pythagoras. For that philosopher maintained that the first principle of being was beyond sense or feeling, was invisible and uncreated, and discernible only by the mind. And in like manner Numa forbade the Romans to revere an image of God which had the form of man or beast. Nor was there among them in this earlier time any painted or graven likeness of Deity,,but while for the first hundred and seventy years they were continually building temples and establishing sacred shrines, they made no statues in bodily form for them, convinced that it was impious to liken higher things to lower, and that it was impossible to apprehend Deity except by the intellect. Their sacrifices, too, were altogether appropriate to the Pythagorean worship; for most of them involved no bloodshed, but were made with flour, drink-offerings, and the least costly gifts.,And apart from these things, other external proofs are urged to show that the two men were acquainted with each other. One of these is that Pythagoras was enrolled as a citizen of Rome. This fact is recorded by Epicharmus the comic poet, in a certain treatise which he dedicated to Antenor; and Epicharmus was an ancient, and belonged to the school of Pythagoras. Another proof is that one of the four sons born to king Numa was named Mamercus, after the son of Pythagoras.,And from him they say that the patrician family of the Aemilii took its name, Aemilius being the endearing name which the king gave him for the grace and winsomeness of his speech. Moreover, I myself have heard many people at Rome recount how, when an oracle once commanded the Romans to erect in their city monuments to the wisest and the bravest of the Greeks, they set up in the forum two statues in bronze, one of Alcibiades, and one of Pythagoras. According to the elder Pliny ( N.H. xxxiv. 12 ), these statues stood in the comitium at Rome from the time of the Samnite wars (343-290 B.C.) down to that of Sulla (138-78 B.C.). However, since the matter of Numa’s acquaintance with Pythagoras is involved in much dispute, to discuss it at greater length, and to win belief for it, would savour of youthful contentiousness.

54. Seneca The Younger, Dialogi, 7.28.1, 9.4-9.7, 10.20.3, 11.14.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus •severus alexander Found in books: Borg, Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic (2008) 307; Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 85

55. Tosefta, Bekhorot, 3.25 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus (emperor) Found in books: Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 382

56. Seneca The Younger, De Clementia, 1.24.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 262

57. Tacitus, Histories, 1.82 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 85

1.82. The excited soldiers were not kept even by the doors of the palace from bursting into the banquet. They demanded to be shown Otho, and they wounded Julius Martialis, the tribune, and Vitellius Saturninus, prefect of the legion, when they opposed their onrush. On every side were arms and threats directed now against the centurions and tribunes, now against the whole senate, for all were in a state of blind panic, and since they could not fix upon any individual as the object of their wrath, they claimed licence to proceed against all. Finally Otho, disregarding the dignity of his imperial position, stood on his couch and barely succeeded in restraining them with appeals and tears. Then they returned to camp neither willingly nor with guiltless hands. The next day private houses were closed as if the city were in the hands of the enemy; few respectable people were seen in the streets; the rabble was downcast. The soldiers turned their eyes to the ground, but were sorrowful rather than repentant. Licinius Proculus and Plotius Firmus, the prefects, addressed their companies, the one mildly, the other severely, each according to his nature. They ended with the statement that five thousand sesterces were to be paid to each soldier. Only then did Otho dare to enter the camp. He was surrounded by tribunes and centurions, who tore away the insignia of their rank and demanded discharge and safety from their dangerous service. The common soldiers perceived the bad impression that their action had made and settled down to obedience, demanding of their own accord that the ringleaders of the mutiny should be punished.

58. Tosefta, Hulin, 2.24 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 54

59. Tosefta, Megillah, 2.12, 2.17 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus (emperor) Found in books: Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 382

60. Plutarch, Comparison of Demetrius And Antony, 1.1-1.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 52

1.1. ἐπεὶ τοίνυν μεγάλαι περὶ ἀμφοτέρους γεγόνασι μεταβολαί, πρῶτον τὰ τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ τῆς ἐπιφανείας σκοπῶμεν, ὅτι τῷ μὲν ἦν πατρῷα καὶ προκατειργασμένα, μέγιστον ἰσχύσαντος Ἀντιγόνου τῶν διαδόχων καὶ πρὸ τοῦ Δημήτριον ἐν ἡλικίᾳ γενέσθαι τὰ πλεῖστα τῆς Ἀσίας ἐπελθόντος καὶ κρατήσαντος·

1.1. Since, then, both these men experienced great reversals of fortune, let us first observe, with regard to their power and fame, that in the one case these were acquired for him by his father and inherited, since Antigonus became the strongest of Alexander's successors, and before Demetrius came of age had attacked and mastered the greater part of Asia; 2 Antony, on the contrary, was the son of a man who, though otherwise gifted, was yet no warrior, and could leave him no great legacy of reputation; and yet Antony had the courage to seek the power of Caesar, to which his birth gave him no claim, and to all that Caesar had wrought out before him he made himself the rightful successor. And so great strength did he attain, in reliance upon his own resources alone, that, after forcing a division of the empire into two parts, he chose one, and took the more splendid one of the two; and though absent himself, through his assistants and lieutet-generals he defeated the Parthians many times, and drove the barbarous tribes about the Caucasus as far as the Caspian Sea. 3 Moreover, even the things that brought him ill-repute bear witness to his greatness. For Antigonus was well pleased to have his son Demetrius marry Phila, the daughter of Antipater, in spite of her disparity in years, because he thought her a greater personage; whereas Antony's marriage to Cleopatra was a disgrace to him, although she was a woman who surpassed in power and splendour all the royalties of her time except Arsaces. But he made himself so great that men thought him worthy of greater things than he desired. 1.1.

61. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 4.1.10, 4.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander •emperors, alexander severus Found in books: Ando and Ruepke, Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome (2006) 27; Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 78

4.1.10. Nor does the younger Africanus permit us to pass him by in silence. When he was censor, he was concluding the lustrum, and at the customary sacrifice, the scribe was singing a solemn hymn of praise as set down in the public records, in which the gods were supplicated to prosper and advance the affairs of the Roman people. "They are," said Africanus, "in a condition good and great enough, and therefore I desire the gods to preserve them safe as they are." And therefore he ordered the song to be amended accordingly in the public records. This modest form of prayer was used by the censors when they concluded the lustrum for ever after. Prudently he believed, that the increase of the Roman empire was to be sought, in the days when they fought for triumphs just seven miles from the city. But when they now possessed the greater part of the world, that it was a greediness to desire more. They should be happy if they lost nothing of what they had already won. 4.4. After the pride of Tarquinius had led to the end of government by kings, Valerius Publicola with Junius Brutus as his colleague auspiciously instituted the office of consulship. The same person was subsequently consul on three occasions to the great content of the people, and by many and most renowned actions enlarged the glory of his reputation. And yet this great pillar of history died, not leaving a patrimony sufficient for the cost of his funeral, which were therefore defrayed at public expense. There is no need to make any further search into the poverty of so great a person, for it is apparent how little he possessed while he lived, when after his death he lacked both a bier and funeral-pyre.,We may well guess how high in dignity Agrippa Menenius was, whom the senate and people chose to be the arbitrator of their differences, and to make peace between them - that he was as great as he ought to be, who was judge of the public welfare. This man, if the people had not gathered among themselves one sextans each to make up the sum, could not have defrayed his simple funeral expenses, dying so poor that he could not afford a decent burial. Yet the state, rent by a pernicious sedition, was content to be reconciled by the hands of Agrippa, because it had observed that they were be pure, even though they were poor. Although he had nothing while he lived that could be publicly taxed, yet after his death he has as his patrimony, even today, the concord and unity of Rome.,I cannot deny that there was silver in the houses of C. Fabricius and Q. Aemilius Papus, the principal men of their times. Each of them had a dish for the worship of the gods and a salt-cellar. Fabricius seemed more opulent, because he had a base of horn to his dish. But Papus seemed more spirited, who having received his vessels as an inheritance, for religion's sake would not part with them,.,Those rich men who were called from the plough to be made consuls - did they plough the sandy and barren soil of Pupinia for pleasure's sake, and break those vast clods with continual sweat and labour for entertainment? No, those men, whom the perils of the commonwealth called to be generals, were compelled by their poverty at home to lead the the life of (for why should truth conceal the proper name?) ploughmen.,They who were sent by the senate to call Atilius to undertake the government of the Roman people, found him sowing seeds. But those hands, hardened with rustic labour, established the safety of the commonwealth, and defeated mighty armies of the enemies; and those hands that lately held the ox-plough, now held the reins of the triumphal chariot. Nor was he ashamed, when he had laid down his ivory sceptre, to return again to the plough-handle. Well may Atilius comfort the poor, but much more may instruct the rich, how unnecessary is the troublesome care of gathering wealth, for the sincere desire of purchasing solid honour.,of the same name and blood, Atilius Regulus, the greatest glory and the greatest calamity of the Punic War, when in Africa he had destroyed the prosperity of the most insolent Carthaginians by the success of his many victories, learnt that his authority was continued for the next year, on account of his worthy deeds. He wrote to the consuls, that the steward of his little farm of seven iugera that he had in the territory of Pupinia was dead, and that a man whom he had hired had run away with the farm equipment, and therefore he desired that a successor might be sent him, because if his land remained untilled, his wife and children would be without food. When the consuls had reported this to the senate, they caused his farm to be let, and provided sustece for his wife and children, and ordered those things that he had lost to be publicly redeemed. Such was the cost to our treasury of Atilius's virtue, that every age will boast of among the Romans.,Equally large was the estate of L. Quinctius Cincinnatus. For he possessed only seven iugera of land, and of these he had lost three, which he had given to the treasury as surety for a friend, in payment of a fine. And with the rest of this little land he paid another fine for his son Caeso, who had not appeared when he was summoned to a lawsuit. And yet when he was ploughing only four iugera of this land, he not only upheld the dignity of his family, but had the dictatorship conferred upon him. He accounts himself to live splendidly now, whose house stands upon as much ground as all Cincinnatus' farm contained.,What shall I say of the Aelian family? How rich were they? There were sixteen of that name, whose little house stood where now the Marian monuments are located, and a small farm in the territory of Veii, that needed fewer men to till it than it had owners, and spectators' places in the Circus Maximus and Circus Flaminius; these places were publicly bestowed upon them on account of their virtue.,That family had not one scruple of silver, before Paullus, after he had utterly defeated Perseus, gave to Aelius Tubero, his son-in-law, five pounds of silver, out of the spoils that were taken. I omit, that the chief person of the city gave his daughter in marriage to one whose family and estate was so exceeding meagre. And he himself died so very poor, that if he had not sold the one farm which he had left, there would not been sufficient for his wife to recover her dowry. The minds of men and women were then most vigorous in the city, and the worth of every man was then in all things weighed against his good character. It was this that earned high offices, that brought together marriage alliances, that had the greatest influence in the forum and within the walls of a private home. For everyone made it his business to increase the prosperity of his country, not of himself; and they rather chose poverty in a rich empire, than riches in a poor empire. And to this noble resolution this reward was given, that it was not possible to buy any of those things which were earned by virtue; and the needs of illustrious men were supplied out of public funds.,And therefore, during the Second Punic War Cn. Scipio wrote from Spain to the senate, desiring that a successor might be sent to him, because he had a daughter now fit for marriage, and no dowry could be provided for her, unless he was present. The senate, lest the commonwealth should lose a good general, performed the duty of a father, and having with the advice of his wife and relatives agreed upon the dowry, caused it to be paid out of the public treasury. The dowry was (?) four thousand asses: from which not only the kindness of the conscript fathers is apparent, but the usual size of ancient estates may be guessed at. For they were so small, that Tuccia the daughter of Caeso was said to have brought her husband a large dowry, when she brought him ten thousand asses. And Megullia, who entered her husband's house with fifty thousand asses, was called for that reason, the girl with the dowry. And therefore the senate rescued the daughters of Fabricius Luscinus and Scipio, from lacking dowries, by their own liberality, seeing that their parents had nothing to give them but their abundant honours.,What inheritance M. Scaurus received from his father, he himself relates in the first book that he wrote concerning his life. For he says that he had only six slaves, and the whole value of his estate was only thirty five thousand sesterces. This is the wealth that nurtured the spirit of the man who later became the princeps senatus.

62. Tacitus, Annals, 1.73.2-1.73.4, 2.33.1, 2.82, 2.85, 4.55.3, 4.56.1, 4.57, 5.4, 12.8, 12.25-12.26, 12.41-12.42, 12.64-12.65, 13.5-13.6, 13.13-13.15, 13.18, 14.1-14.13, 15.22, 15.37, 15.42 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 112

63. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Helviam, 14.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 209

64. Plutarch, Philopoemen, 21.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 85

65. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 4.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 112, 209

66. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 5.1570-3, 9.56.114, 10.141, 12.54111-15, 34.43, 35.51, 35.52 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 85, 217

34.43. Iron ore is found in the greatest abundance of all metals. In the coastal part of Biscaya washed by the Atlantic there is a very high mountain which, marvellous to relate, consists entirely of that mineral, as we stated in our account of the lands bordering on the Ocean., Iron that has been heated by fire is spoiled unless it is hardened by blows of the hammer. It is not suitable for hammering while it is red hot, nor before it begins to turn pale. If vinegar or alum is sprinkled on it it assumes the appearance of copper. It can be protected from rust by means of lead acetate, gypsum and vegetable pitch; rust is called by the Greeks 'antipathia,' natural opposite to iron. It is indeed said that the same result may also be produced by a religious ceremony, and that in the city called Zeugma on the river Euphrates there is an iron chain that was used by Alexander the Great in making the bridge at that place, the links of which [331 BC] that are new replacements are attacked by rust although the original links are free from it.

67. Xenophon of Ephesus, The Ephesian Story of Anthica And Habrocomes, 1.2.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 240

68. Suetonius, Tiberius, 50.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 112, 209

69. Suetonius, Nero, 52, 6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 112, 209

70. Suetonius, Caligula, 50.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 246

50.1. He was very tall and extremely pale, with an unshapely body, but very thin neck and legs. His eyes and temples were hollow, his forehead broad and grim, his hair thin and entirely gone on the top of his head, though his body was hairy. Because of this to look upon him from a higher place as he passed by, or for any reason whatever to mention a goat, was treated as a capital offence. While his face was naturally forbidding and ugly, he purposely made it even more savage, practising all kinds of terrible and fearsome expressions before a mirror.

71. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 68, 67 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 78

67. But tell me, Gaius, why is Fortunata not at dinner?" "Do you not know her better?" said Trimalchio."Until she has collected the silver, and divided the remains among the slaves, she will not let a drop of water pass her lips." "Oh," replied Habinnas, "but unless she is here I shall take myself off," and he was just getting up, when at a given signal all the slaves called "Fortunata" four times and more. So she came in with a high yellow waist-band on, which allowed a cherry-red bodice to appear under it, and twisted anklets, and white shoes embroidered with gold. She wiped her hands on a cloth which she had round her neck, took her place on the sofa, where Scintilla, Habinnas's wife, was lying, kissed her as she was clapping her hands, and said, "Is it really you, dear?" Fortunata then went so far as to take the bracelets off her fat arms to exhibit them to Scintilla's admiring gaze. At last she even took off her anklets and her hair-net, which she said was eighteen carat. Trimalchio saw her, and ordered the whole lot to be brought to him. "There," he said, "are a woman's fetters; that is how we poor fools are plundered. She must have six pounds and a half of gold on her. I have got a bracelet myself, made out of the percentage which I owe to Mercury, that weighs not an ounce under ten pounds." At last, for fear we should think he was lying, he ordered the scales to be brought, and had the weight carried round and tested. Scintilla was just as bad. She took off a little gold box from her neck, which she called her lucky box. Then she brought out two earrings, and gave them to Fortunata to look at in her turn, and said, "Thanks to my husband's kindness, nobody has finer ones." "What?" said Habinnas, you bullied me to buy you a glass bean. I declare if I had a daughter I would cut off her ears. If there were no women, we should never trouble about anything: as it is, we sweat for them and get cold thanks." Meanwhile the tipsy wives laughed together, and gave each other drunken kisses, one prating of her prudence as a housewife, the other of the favourites of her husband and his inattention to her. While they were hobnobbing, Habinnas got up quietly, took Fortunata by the legs, and threw her over on the sofa. She shouted out, "Oh! goodness!" and her dress flew up over her knees. She took refuge in Scintilla's arms, and buried her burning red face in a napkin.

72. Suetonius, Augustus, 25.1, 33.1, 101.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander •alexander severus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 112; Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 52; Tuori, The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication< (2016) 1

33.1. He himself administered justice regularly and sometimes up to nightfall, having a litter placed upon the tribunal, if he was indisposed, or even lying down at home. In his administration of justice he was both highly conscientious and very lenient; for to save a man clearly guilty of parricide from being sown up in the sack, a punishment which was inflicted only on those who pleaded guilty, he is said to have put the question to him in this form: "You surely did not kill your father, did you?"

73. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 68, 67 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 78

74. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 114.4, 114.14, 114.21 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 244

114.4. How Maecenas lived is too well-known for present comment. We know how he walked, how effeminate he was, and how he desired to display himself; also, how unwilling he was that his vices should escape notice. What, then? Does not the looseness of his speech match his ungirt attire?[3] Are his habits, his attendants, his house, his wife,[4] any less clearly marked than his words? He would have been a man of great powers, had he set himself to his task by a straight path, had he not shrunk from making himself understood, had he not been so loose in his style of speech also. You will therefore see that his eloquence was that of an intoxicated man – twisting, turning, unlimited in its slackness. 114.4. If one might behold such a face, more exalted and more radiant than the mortal eye is wont to behold, would not one pause as if struck dumb by a visitation from above, and utter a silent prayer, saying: "May it be lawful to have looked upon it!"? And then, led on by the encouraging kindliness of his expression, should we not bow down and worship? Should we not, after much contemplation of a far superior countece, surpassing those which we are wont to look upon, mild-eyed and yet flashing with life-giving fire – should we not then, I say, in reverence and awe, give utterance to those famous lines of our poet Vergil: 114.21. You note this tendency in those who pluck out, or thin out, their beards, or who closely shear and shave the upper lip while preserving the rest of the hair and allowing it to grow, or in those who wear cloaks of outlandish colours, who wear transparent togas, and who never deign to do anything which will escape general notice; they endeavour to excite and attract men's attention, and they put up even with censure, provided that they can advertise themselves. That is the style of Maecenas and all the others who stray from the path, not by hazard, but consciously and voluntarily.

75. Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 26.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 240

76. New Testament, Matthew, 22.18-22.21 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 227

22.18. γνοὺς δὲ ὁ Ἰησοῦς τὴν πονηρίαν αὐτῶν εἶπεν Τί με πειράζετε, ὑποκριταί; 22.19. ἐπιδείξατέ μοι τὸ νόμισμα τοῦ κήνσου. οἱ δὲ προσήνεγκαν αὐτῷ δηνάριον. 22.20. καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς Τίνος ἡ εἰκὼν αὕτη καὶ ἡ ἐπιγραφή; 22.21. λέγουσιν Καίσαρος. τότε λέγει αὐτοῖς Ἀπόδοτε οὖν τὰ Καίσαρος Καίσαρι καὶ τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τῷ θεῷ.

22.18. But Jesus perceived their wickedness, and said, "Why do you test me, you hypocrites? 22.19. Show me the tax money."They brought to him a denarius. 22.20. He asked them, "Whose is this image and inscription?" 22.21. They said to him, "Caesar's."Then he said to them, "Give therefore to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and to God the things that are God's."

77. Cassius Dio, Roman History, a b c d\n0 79.2 79.2 79 2\n1 79.4 79.4 79 4\n2 60.24 60.24 60 24\n3 79.7 79.7 79 7\n4 79.6 79.6 79 6\n.. ... ... .. ..\n154 78.18.2 78.18.2 78 18\n155 78.1.1 78.1.1 78 1\n156 78.1.2 78.1.2 78 1\n157 59.7 59.7 59 7\n158 59.6 59.6 59 6\n\n[159 rows x 4 columns] (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar, Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity (2021) 251

78. Sextus, Against The Mathematicians, 1.263-1.269 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Johnson Dupertuis and Shea, Reading and Teaching Ancient Fiction: Jewish, Christian, and Greco-Roman Narratives (2018) 132

79. Clement of Alexandria, Christ The Educator, 3.5.31-3.5.32 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 212

80. Heliodorus, Ethiopian Story, 3.4.2 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 240

81. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 1.1.3, 1.1.5-1.1.6, 1.2.2-1.2.4, 1.3.1-1.3.5, 1.4, 1.4.3-1.4.5, 1.5.1, 1.5.3-1.5.5, 1.5.8, 1.6.1, 1.6.6, 1.6.9, 1.7.3-1.7.6, 1.8.1, 1.8.4, 1.9.1-1.9.10, 1.12, 1.12.6, 1.13.1-1.13.4, 1.13.7-1.13.8, 1.14.8-1.14.9, 1.15.7, 1.15.9, 1.16.3, 1.17.3, 2.2.3-2.2.5, 2.2.7-2.2.10, 2.3, 2.3.2-2.3.5, 2.3.11, 2.4.2, 2.4.8, 2.5.2-2.5.3, 2.6.6-2.6.7, 2.6.10, 2.6.12-2.6.13, 2.7.1, 2.8.6, 2.8.9, 2.9.3-2.9.7, 2.9.13, 2.10.9, 2.11.2-2.11.3, 2.11.5-2.11.8, 2.12.2-2.12.3, 2.13.1, 2.14.1-2.14.4, 2.14.6, 3.1.1, 3.2.2, 3.2.6, 3.2.10, 3.4.4-3.4.6, 3.5.2, 3.6.4, 3.6.6-3.6.7, 3.6.10, 3.7.1-3.7.3, 3.7.6-3.7.7, 3.8.8-3.8.9, 3.9.4-3.9.6, 3.9.12, 3.10.3-3.10.5, 3.10.7-3.10.8, 3.13.3, 3.13.6, 3.14.2-3.14.3, 3.14.5-3.14.8, 3.14.10, 3.15.4-3.15.6, 4.1, 4.1.3-4.1.4, 4.3, 4.3.2-4.3.4, 4.3.8-4.3.9, 4.4.1-4.4.3, 4.5.5-4.5.7, 4.7.3-4.7.7, 4.8.1-4.8.2, 4.8.5, 4.8.7-4.8.8, 4.9.8, 4.11.1, 4.12.1-4.12.2, 4.13.6-4.13.8, 4.14.2-4.14.6, 4.15.1-4.15.4, 4.15.6-4.15.9, 5.1.1-5.1.8, 5.2.2, 5.2.4-5.2.5, 5.3.2-5.3.12, 5.4.1-5.4.3, 5.4.5-5.4.7, 5.4.10-5.4.12, 5.5.1, 5.5.3-5.5.10, 5.6.6-5.6.10, 5.7-5.8, 5.7.1-5.7.7, 5.8.1-5.8.4, 5.8.6-5.8.10, 6.1.1-6.1.10, 6.2.1-6.2.7, 6.3.1-6.3.7, 6.4.1-6.4.2, 6.4.4-6.4.7, 6.5-6.6, 6.5.1-6.5.9, 6.6.1-6.6.6, 6.7.2-6.7.10, 6.8.1-6.8.8, 6.9.1-6.9.8, 7.1.1-7.1.4, 7.1.6, 7.1.8, 7.1.12, 7.2.1-7.2.9, 7.3.1-7.3.6, 7.4, 7.4.2-7.4.3, 7.5.1-7.5.2, 7.5.5, 7.5.7, 7.6.2-7.6.4, 7.6.9, 7.7.1-7.7.2, 7.7.6, 7.8.2-7.8.5, 7.8.8-7.8.9, 7.9.4-7.9.5, 7.9.7-7.9.9, 7.10.1, 7.10.3-7.10.9, 7.11-7.12, 7.11.1-7.11.9, 7.12.1-7.12.7, 8.1.5, 8.2.2, 8.3.1-8.3.9, 8.4.6, 8.5.1, 8.5.8-8.5.9, 8.6.1-8.6.4, 8.6.8, 8.7.2, 8.7.4, 8.7.6, 8.8.1-8.8.8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 52, 112, 113

82. Palestinian Talmud, Berachot, 6a, 6b, 6c, 4c (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 69

83. Palestinian Talmud, Megillah, 3.2, 74a (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan

84. Palestinian Talmud, Pesahim, 31a (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 69

85. Philostratus The Athenian, On Heroes, 138, 24, 139 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Johnson Dupertuis and Shea, Reading and Teaching Ancient Fiction: Jewish, Christian, and Greco-Roman Narratives (2018) 132

86. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, a b c d\n0 275-276 275 275 None\n1 None\n2 1.15 1.15 1 15\n3 "4.45" "4.45" "4 45" (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan

87. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 1.25.2 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper, Studies in Jewish and Christian History (2007) 743

88. Lucian, The Syrian Goddess, 3, 2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rizzi, Hadrian and the Christians (2010) 14

2. The first men on earth to receive knowledge of the gods, and to build temples and shrines and to summon meetings for religious observances are said to have been the Egyptians. They were the first, too, to take cognizance of holy names, and to repeat sacred traditions. Not long after them the Assyrians heard from the Egyptians their doctrines as to the gods, and they reared temples and shrines: in these they placed statues and images.

89. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 10.15-10.18, 10.22.1, 10.32, 10.56-10.57, 10.96, 10.110, 10.110.1, 10.114-10.115 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander •alexander severus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 113; Bickerman and Tropper, Studies in Jewish and Christian History (2007) 743; Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 54, 192

10.15. To Trajan: It is because I feel sure, Sir, that you will be interested to hear, that I send you news that I have rounded Cape Malea and have made my way with all my retinue to Ephesus. Though I have been delayed by contrary winds, I am now on the point of setting out for my province, travelling part of the way by coasters and part by land carriage, for the prevailing Etesian winds are as great an obstacle to journeying by sea as the overpowering heat is by land. 10.15. To Trajan. It is because I feel sure, Sir, that you will be interested to hear, that I send you news that I have rounded Cape Malea and have made my way with all my retinue to Ephesus. Though I have been delayed by contrary winds, I am now on the point of setting out for my province, travelling part of the way by coasters and part by land carriage, for the prevailing Etesian winds are as great an obstacle to journeying by sea as the overpowering heat is by land. 10.16. Trajan to Pliny: You have done well to send me news, my dear Pliny, for I am exceedingly interested to hear what sort of a journey you are having to your province. You are doing wisely to make use of coasters and land carriage alternately, according to the difficulties of the various districts. 10.16. Trajan to Pliny. You have done well to send me news, my dear Pliny, for I am exceedingly interested to hear what sort of a journey you are having to your province. You are doing wisely to make use of coasters and land carriage alternately, according to the difficulties of the various districts. 10.18. Trajan to Pliny: I wish it had been possible for you and your companions to reach Bithynia without the slightest inconvenience or illness, and that you could have had as pleasant a journey by water from Ephesus as you had as far as that city. However, I have learned from your letters, my dear Pliny, the date of your arrival in Bithynia, and I trust the people of the province will understand that I have had an eye to their interests, for you too will do what you can to make it clear to them that you were specially selected to be sent to them as my representative. The examination of their public accounts must be one of your first duties, for it is fairly evident that they have been tampered with. I have scarcely enough surveyors for the public works which are in progress at Rome or the immediate district, but surely there are trustworthy persons to be found in every province, and therefore you too will be able to find some, provided you take the trouble to make a careful search. 10.18. Trajan to Pliny. I wish it had been possible for you and your companions to reach Bithynia without the slightest inconvenience or illness, and that you could have had as pleasant a journey by water from Ephesus as you had as far as that city. However, I have learned from your letters, my dear Pliny, the date of your arrival in Bithynia, and I trust the people of the province will understand that I have had an eye to their interests, for you too will do what you can to make it clear to them that you were specially selected to be sent to them as my representative. The examination of their public accounts must be one of your first duties, for it is fairly evident that they have been tampered with. I have scarcely enough surveyors for the public works which are in progress at Rome or the immediate district, but surely there are trustworthy persons to be found in every province, and therefore you too will be able to find some, provided you take the trouble to make a careful search. 10.32. Trajan to Pliny: Let us not forget that you were sent to your province for the express reason that there seemed to be many abuses rampant there which required correction. And most certainly we must redress such a scandal as that persons condemned to penalties should not only, as you say, be released therefrom without authorisation, but even be placed in stations which ought to be filled by honest servants. So all those who were sentenced within the last ten years and released on insufficient authority must be sent back to work out their sentences, and if there are any whose condemnation dates back beyond the last ten years and are now old men, let us apportion them to fulfil duties which are not far removed from being penal. For it is the custom to send such cases to work in the public baths, to clean out the sewers, and to repair the roads and streets. 10.32. Trajan to Pliny. Let us not forget that you were sent to your province for the express reason that there seemed to be many abuses rampant there which required correction. And most certainly we must redress such a scandal as that persons condemned to penalties should not only, as you say, be released therefrom without authorisation, but even be placed in stations which ought to be filled by honest servants. So all those who were sentenced within the last ten years and released on insufficient authority must be sent back to work out their sentences, and if there are any whose condemnation dates back beyond the last ten years and are now old men, let us apportion them to fulfil duties which are not far removed from being penal. For it is the custom to send such cases to work in the public baths, to clean out the sewers, and to repair the roads and streets. 10.56. To Trajan: I thank you. Sir, most sincerely that in the midst of your most pressing business of state you have deigned to give me directions on the matters about which I have consulted you, and I beg that you will do the same now. For a certain person came to me and informed me that some enemies of his who had been banished for three years by that distinguished man, Servilius Calvus, were still lingering in the province, while they on the other hand declared that the sentence against them had been revoked - also by Calvus - and read out to me his edict. That is why I think it necessary to refer the whole matter to you just as it stands. For while your instructions warn me against recalling those who have been banished by others or by myself, they do not cover the case of those who have been banished and recalled from banishment by another governor. Hence, Sir, I thought I ought to consult you as to the course you would wish me to adopt, not only in the instances I have quoted, but also when persons are discovered in the province who have been banished for ever and have not had the sentence revoked. A case of this sort came under my notice in my judicial capacity. For a man was brought before me who had been banished for ever by the proconsul, Julius Bassus. Knowing as I did that the decrees of Bassus had been rescinded, and that the senate had given permission to all who had been sentenced by him to have their cases tried over again, if they brought their appeal within two years, I asked this man who had been banished by Bassus which proconsul he had approached and told his story to. He said he had not laid his case before anyone. It is this which made me consult you whether I should hand him over to complete his sentence or inflict additional punishment, and I should like to know what course you think I ought to adopt towards him and others who may be found to be similarly situated. I enclose with this letter the decree of Calvus and his edict, and also the decree of Bassus. 10.56. To Trajan. I thank you. Sir, most sincerely that in the midst of your most pressing business of state you have deigned to give me directions on the matters about which I have consulted you, and I beg that you will do the same now. For a certain person came to me and informed me that some enemies of his who had been banished for three years by that distinguished man, Servilius Calvus, * were still lingering in the province, while they on the other hand declared that the sentence against them had been revoked - also by Calvus - and read out to me his edict. That is why I think it necessary to refer the whole matter to you just as it stands. For while your instructions warn me against recalling those who have been banished by others or by myself, they do not cover the case of those who have been banished and recalled from banishment by another governor. Hence, Sir, I thought I ought to consult you as to the course you would wish me to adopt, not only in the instances I have quoted, but also when persons are discovered in the province who have been banished for ever and have not had the sentence revoked. A case of this sort came under my notice in my judicial capacity. For a man was brought before me who had been banished for ever by the proconsul, Julius Bassus. ** Knowing as I did that the decrees of Bassus had been rescinded, and that the senate had given permission to all who had been sentenced by him to have their cases tried over again, if they brought their appeal within two years, I asked this man who had been banished by Bassus which proconsul he had approached and told his story to. He said he had not laid his case before anyone. It is this which made me consult you whether I should hand him over to complete his sentence or inflict additional punishment, and I should like to know what course you think I ought to adopt towards him and others who may be found to be similarly situated. I enclose with this letter the decree of Calvus and his edict, and also the decree of Bassus. 0 10.57. Trajan to Pliny: What steps ought to be taken with respect to those who were banished for three years by the proconsul Servilius Calvus, and afterwards were recalled by an edict of his and remained in the province, I will write and tell you shortly as soon as I have ascertained from Calvus the reason for his recalling them. As to the man who was banished for ever by Julius Bassus, he had two years allowed him in which to appeal if he considered he had been unjustly banished, and as he failed to do so and continued to linger in the province, he must be sent in chains to the prefects of my praetorian guard. For he will not be sufficiently punished by being sent to complete his former sentence, inasmuch as he impudently evaded it. 10.57. Trajan to Pliny. What steps ought to be taken with respect to those who were banished for three years by the proconsul Servilius Calvus, and afterwards were recalled by an edict of his and remained in the province, I will write and tell you shortly as soon as I have ascertained from Calvus the reason for his recalling them. As to the man who was banished for ever by Julius Bassus, he had two years allowed him in which to appeal if he considered he had been unjustly banished, and as he failed to do so and continued to linger in the province, he must be sent in chains to the prefects of my praetorian guard. * For he will not be sufficiently punished by being sent to complete his former sentence, inasmuch as he impudently evaded it. 10.96. To Trajan: It is my custom, Sir, to refer to you in all cases where I do not feel sure, for who can better direct my doubts or inform my ignorance? I have never been present at any legal examination of the Christians, and I do not know, therefore, what are the usual penalties passed upon them, or the limits of those penalties, or how searching an inquiry should be made. I have hesitated a great deal in considering whether any distinctions should be drawn according to the ages of the accused; whether the weak should be punished as severely as the more robust; whether if they renounce their faith they should be pardoned, or whether the man who has once been a Christian should gain nothing by recanting; whether the name itself, even though otherwise innocent of crime, should be punished, or only the crimes that gather round it. 10.96. In the meantime, this is the plan which I have adopted in the case of those Christians who have been brought before me. I ask them whether they are Christians; if they say yes, then I repeat the question a second and a third time, warning them of the penalties it entails, and if they still persist, I order them to be taken away to prison. For I do not doubt that, whatever the character of the crime may be which they confess, their pertinacity and inflexible obstinacy certainly ought to be punished. There were others who showed similar mad folly whom I reserved to be sent to Rome, as they were Roman citizens. Subsequently, as is usually the way, the very fact of my taking up this question led to a great increase of accusations, and a variety of cases were brought before me. A pamphlet was issued anonymously, containing the names of a number of people. Those who denied that they were or had been Christians and called upon the gods in the usual formula, reciting the words after me, those who offered incense and wine before your image, which I had given orders to be brought forward for this purpose, together with the statues of the deities - all such I considered should be discharged, especially as they cursed the name of Christ, which, it is said, those who are really Christians cannot be induced to do. Others, whose names were given me by an informer, first said that they were Christians and afterwards denied it, declaring that they had been but were so no longer, some of them having recanted many years before, and more than one so long as twenty years back. They all worshipped your image and the statues of the deities, and cursed the name of Christ. But they declared that the sum of their guilt or their error only amounted to this, that on a stated day they had been accustomed to meet before daybreak and to recite a hymn among themselves to Christ, as though he were a god, and that so far from binding themselves by oath to commit any crime, their oath was to abstain from theft, robbery, adultery, and from breach of faith, and not to deny trust money placed in their keeping when called upon to deliver it. When this ceremony was concluded, it had been their custom to depart and meet again to take food, but it was of no special character and quite harmless, and they had ceased this practice after the edict in which, in accordance with your orders, I had forbidden all secret societies. † I thought it the more necessary, therefore, to find out what truth there was in these statements by submitting two women, who were called deaconesses, to the torture, but I found nothing but a debased superstition carried to great lengths. So I postponed my examination, and immediately consulted you. The matter seems to me worthy of your consideration, especially as there are so many people involved in the danger. Many persons of all ages, and of both sexes alike, are being brought into peril of their lives by their accusers, and the process will go on. For the contagion of this superstition has spread not only through the free cities, but into the villages and the rural districts, and yet it seems to me that it can be checked and set right. It is beyond doubt that the temples, which have been almost deserted, are beginning again to be thronged with worshippers, that the sacred rites which have for a long time been allowed to lapse are now being renewed, and that the food for the sacrificial victims is once more finding a sale, whereas, up to recently, a buyer was hardly to be found. From this it is easy to infer what vast numbers of people might be reclaimed, if only they were given an opportunity of repentance. 10.110. To Trajan: The public prosecutor, Sir, of the city of Amisus has claimed in court before me the sum of 40,000 denarii from Julius Piso, which was given to him out of the public funds twenty years before by the senate and confirmed by a public meeting, and he urged in defence of the claim your edicts, in which donations of that sort are forbidden. Piso, on the other hand, declared that he had made great monetary contributions to the city funds, and had well-nigh spent all his means. He urged, moreover, the length of time which had elapsed since the gift was made, and begged that he might not be compelled to pay back what he had received many years before for a number of services rendered, saying that to do so would mean the ruin of what position he still had left to him. For these reasons I thought it best to adjourn the case as it stood, that I might consult you on the course you think best to adopt. 10.114. To Trajan: Sir, according to the Lex Pompeia, the free cities of Bithynia have the right to enrol anyone they please as a citizen, provided that he does not belong to any of the other Bithynian cities. The same law lays down provisions stating the causes for which a member of a senate may be expelled by the censors. Consequently, certain censors have consulted me on the point whether they ought to expel any member who belonged to another city. However, I was influenced by the fact that, though the law forbids the election of such a person, it does not order his expulsion from the senate for that reason ; and, besides, I was assured that in every city there were a number of senators belonging to other cities, and that any interference would seriously affect the position of a host of individuals and cities, inasmuch as that section of the law had for many years fallen into abeyance by general consent. So I thought it necessary to consult you as to the line you would wish me to adopt. I enclose with this letter the sections of the law on the subject. 10.115. Trajan to Pliny: You did right to hesitate, my dear Pliny, before giving your answer to the censors who consulted you about the admission to the senate of citizens belonging to other cities but to the same province. For the authority of the law, and the old-established custom of acting contrary to it, naturally pulled you different ways. My own feeling in the matter is that we should not attempt to disturb past arrangements, and that those persons who have been appointed senators, no matter what cities they belonged to, should retain their position. For the future, however, the Lex Pompeia must be observed, although to try and enforce it retrospectively would necessarily entail great disturbance.

90. Gaius, Instiutiones, 1.13-1.41 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Huebner and Laes, Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae' (2019) 123

91. Anon., Mekhilta Derabbi Yishmael, mishpatim 18 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 212

92. Irenaeus, Refutation of All Heresies, 1.25.6 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper, Studies in Jewish and Christian History (2007) 867

1.25.6. Others of them employ outward marks, branding their disciples inside the lobe of the right ear. From among these also arose Marcellina, who came to Rome under [the episcopate of] Anicetus, and, holding these doctrines, she led multitudes astray. They style themselves Gnostics. They also possess images, some of them painted, and others formed from different kinds of material; while they maintain that a likeness of Christ was made by Pilate at that time when Jesus lived among them. They crown these images, and set them up along with the images of the philosophers of the world that is to say, with the images of Pythagoras, and Plato, and Aristotle, and the rest. They have also other modes of honouring these images, after the same manner of the Gentiles.

93. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, 7.296c, 12.533d (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 473

94. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 1.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 69

1.5. "What you promise," he said, "is fair and just, and I'll repeat what I left unfinished. But first I swear to you, by the all-seeing god of the Sun, I'm speaking things I know to be true; and you'll have no doubt when you arrive at the next Thessalian town and find the story on everyone's lips of a happening in plain daylight. But first so you know who I am, I'm from Aegium. And here's how I make my living: I deal in cheese and honey, all that sort of innkeeper's stuff, travelling here and there through Boeotia, Aetolia, Thessaly. So when I learned that at Hypata, Thessaly's most important town, some fresh cheese with a fine flavour was being sold at a very good price, I rushed there, in a hurry to buy the lot. But as usual I went left foot first, and my hopes of a profit were dashed. A wholesale dealer called Lupus had snapped it up the day before. So, exhausted after my useless chase, I started to walk to the baths as Venus began to shine."

95. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 10.15-10.18, 10.22.1, 10.32, 10.56-10.57, 10.96, 10.110, 10.110.1, 10.114-10.115 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander •alexander severus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 113; Bickerman and Tropper, Studies in Jewish and Christian History (2007) 743; Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 54, 192

96. Anon., Qohelet Rabba, 1.8 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 54

97. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 4.67 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus, election of roman provincial governors to be modeled on jewish procedures Found in books: Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 89

98. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, 4.43.4, 5.23.3 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander •severus alexander, emperor Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 523; Mitchell and Pilhofer, Early Christianity in Asia Minor and Cyprus: From the Margins to the Mainstream (2019) 23

99. Origen, Commentary On John, 14.11863 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 112

100. Babylonian Talmud, Megillah, 26a, 26b, 27a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 382

27a. כוותיה דרב פפי מסתברא דא"ר יהושע בן לוי בהכ"נ מותר לעשותו בית המדרש ש"מ,דרש בר קפרא מאי דכתיב (מלכים ב כה, ט) וישרף את בית ה' ואת בית המלך ואת כל בתי ירושלם ואת כל בית גדול שרף באש בית ה' זה בהמ"ק בית המלך אלו פלטרין של מלך ואת כל בתי ירושלם כמשמען ואת כל בית גדול שרף באש ר' יוחנן ור' יהושע בן לוי חד אמר מקום שמגדלין בו תורה וחד אמר מקום שמגדלין בו תפלה,מ"ד תורה דכתיב (ישעיהו מב, כא) ה' חפץ למען צדקו יגדיל תורה ויאדיר ומ"ד תפלה דכתיב (מלכים ב ח, ד) ספרה נא הגדולות אשר עשה אלישע ואלישע דעבד ברחמי הוא דעבד,תסתיים דר' יהושע בן לוי הוא דאמר מקום שמגדלין בו תורה דאמר ר' יהושע בן לוי בית הכנסת מותר לעשותו בית המדרש ש"מ:,אבל מכרו תורה לא יקחו ספרים וכו': איבעיא להו מהו למכור ס"ת ישן ליקח בו חדש כיון דלא מעלי ליה אסור או דלמא כיון דליכא לעלויי עילוייא אחרינא שפיר דמי,תא שמע אבל מכרו תורה לא יקחו ספרים ספרים הוא דלא הא תורה בתורה שפיר דמי מתני' דיעבד כי קא מיבעיא לן לכתחלה,ת"ש גוללין ס"ת במטפחות חומשין וחומשין במטפחות נביאים וכתובים אבל לא נביאים וכתובים במטפחות חומשין ולא חומשין במטפחות ס"ת,קתני מיהת גוללים ס"ת במטפחות חומשין מטפחות חומשין אין מטפחות ס"ת לא,אימא סיפא ולא חומשין במטפחות ס"ת הא תורה בתורה ש"ד אלא מהא ליכא למישמע מינה,תא שמע מניחין ס"ת על גבי תורה ותורה ע"ג חומשין וחומשין ע"ג נביאים וכתובים אבל לא נביאים וכתובים ע"ג חומשין ולא חומשין על גבי תורה,הנחה קאמרת שאני הנחה דלא אפשר דאי לא תימא הכי מיכרך היכי כרכינן והא קא יתיב דפא אחבריה אלא כיון דלא אפשר שרי הכא נמי כיון דלא אפשר שרי,ת"ש דאמר רבה בר בר חנה א"ר יוחנן משום רשב"ג לא ימכור אדם ס"ת ישן ליקח בו חדש,התם משום פשיעותא כי קאמרינן כגון דכתיב ומנח לאיפרוקי מאי,ת"ש דא"ר יוחנן משום ר"מ אין מוכרין ס"ת אלא ללמוד תורה ולישא אשה,ש"מ תורה בתורה שפיר דמי דלמא שאני תלמוד שהלמוד מביא לידי מעשה אשה נמי (ישעיהו מה, יח) לא תהו בראה לשבת יצרה אבל תורה בתורה לא,ת"ר לא ימכור אדם ס"ת אע"פ שאינו צריך לו יתר על כן ארשב"ג אפי' אין לו מה יאכל ומכר ס"ת או בתו אינו רואה סימן ברכה לעולם:,וכן במותריהן: אמר רבא ל"ש אלא שמכרו והותירו אבל גבו והותירו מותר,איתיביה אביי בד"א שלא התנו אבל התנו אפילו לדוכסוסיא מותר,ה"ד אילימא שמכרו והותירו כי התנו מאי הוי אלא שגבו והותירו טעמא דהתנו הא לא התנו לא,לעולם שמכרו והותירו וה"ק בד"א שלא התנו שבעה טובי העיר במעמד אנשי העיר אבל התנו שבעה טובי העיר במעמד אנשי העיר אפילו לדוכסוסיא נמי מותר,א"ל אביי לההוא מרבנן דהוה מסדר מתניתא קמיה דרב ששת מי שמיע לך מרב ששת מאי דוכסוסיא אמר ליה הכי אמר רב ששת פרשא דמתא,אמר אביי הלכך האי צורבא מרבנן דשמע ליה מילתא ולא ידע פירושא לישיילה קמיה דשכיח קמיה רבנן דלא אפשר דלא שמיע ליה מן גברא רבה,אמר רבי יוחנן משום ר"מ בני העיר שהלכו לעיר אחרת ופסקו עליהן צדקה נותנין וכשהן באין מביאין אותה עמהן ומפרנסין בה עניי עירן,תניא נמי הכי בני העיר שהלכו לעיר אחרת ופסקו עליהן צדקה נותנין וכשהן באין מביאין אותה עמהן ויחיד שהלך לעיר אחרת ופסקו עליו צדקה תנתן לעניי אותה העיר,ר"ה גזר תעניתא על לגביה רב חנה בר חנילאי וכל בני מתיה רמו עלייהו צדקה ויהבו כי בעו למיתי אמרו ליה נותבה לן מר וניזול ונפרנס בה עניי מאתין,אמר להו תנינא בד"א בשאין שם

27a. It stands to reason to rule in accordance with the opinion of Rav Pappi, as Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said: It is permitted for a synagogue to be made into a study hall. The Gemara concludes: Indeed, learn from it that the opinion of Rav Pappi is correct.,§ Bar Kappara interpreted a verse homiletically: What is the meaning of that which is written: “And he burnt the house of the Lord, and the king’s house, and all the houses of Jerusalem, and every great house he burnt with fire” (II Kings 25:9)? He explained: “The house of the Lord”; this is the Holy Temple. “The king’s house”; these are the king’s palaces [palterin]. “And all the houses of Jerusalem”; as understood in its literal sense. With regard to the final phrase: “And every great house he burnt with fire,” Rabbi Yoḥa and Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi disagree about the meaning of “great house”: One of them said: It is referring to a place where the Torah is made great, i.e., the study hall; and the other one said: It is referring to a place where prayer is made great, i.e., the synagogue.,The Gemara explains their respective opinions: The one who said that the reference is to where the Torah is made great bases his opinion on a verse that describes Torah study as great, as it is written: “The Lord was pleased, for His righteousness’ sake, to make Torah great and glorious” (Isaiah 42:21). And the one who said that the reference is to where prayer is made great bases his opinion on a verse that describes prayer as great, as it is written: “Tell me, I pray you, all the great things that Elisha has done” (II Kings 8:4), and that which Elisha did, i.e., restored a boy to life, he did through prayer.,The Gemara comments: Conclude that Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi is the one who said that “great house” is referring to a place where the Torah is made great, as Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said elsewhere: It is permitted for a synagogue to be made into a study hall. This ruling indicates that he holds that a study hall has a higher degree of sanctity than a synagogue. It is therefore reasonable that he assumes that “great house” is referring specifically to a study hall. The Gemara concludes: Indeed, learn from it that he was the one who said the term is referring to a place where the Torah is made great.,§ The mishna states: However, if they sold a Torah scroll, they may not use the proceeds to purchase scrolls of the Prophets and the Writings. Similarly, the proceeds of the sale of any sacred item may not be used to purchase an item of a lesser degree of sanctity. A dilemma was raised before the Sages: What is the halakha with regard to whether it is permitted to sell an old Torah scroll in order to purchase a new one? The Gemara explains the sides of the dilemma: On the one hand, since the proceeds are not raised to a higher degree of sanctity by doing so, maybe it is prohibited; or, perhaps in this case, since there is no possibility of raising it to another, higher degree of sanctity, it seems well and should be permitted?,Come and hear a resolution to this dilemma from the mishna: However, if they sold a Torah scroll, they may not use the proceeds to purchase scrolls of the Prophets and the Writings. One may infer: It is only scrolls of the Prophets and the Writings that may not be purchased with the proceeds, but to purchase a new Torah scroll with the proceeds of an old Torah scroll seems well and is permitted. The Gemara rejects this proof: The mishna discusses the halakha that applies only after the fact that a Torah scroll was sold. Perhaps it is only in that case where the proceeds may be used to purchase another Torah scroll. When the dilemma was raised to us, it was with respect to permitting the sale of one Torah scroll in order to purchase another ab initio.,Come and hear a resolution to this dilemma from a baraita: A Torah scroll may be rolled up in wrapping cloths that are used for scrolls of one of the five books of the Torah. And scrolls of one of the five books of the Torah may be rolled up in wrapping cloths that are used for scrolls of the Prophets or Writings, since in each case the wrapping cloths are being used for something with a greater degree of sanctity. However, a scroll of the Prophets or Writings may not be rolled up in wrapping cloths that are used for scrolls of one of the five books of the Torah, and scrolls of one of the five books of the Torah may not be rolled up in wrapping cloths that are used for a Torah scroll.,The Gemara explains the proof: In any event, the baraita is teaching: A Torah scroll may be rolled up in wrapping cloths that are used for scrolls of one of the five books of the Torah. One may infer: A Torah scroll may be rolled up only in wrapping cloths that are used for scrolls of one of the five books of the Torah; but to roll it up in wrapping cloths of another Torah scroll, no, it is not permitted. By extension, one Torah scroll may certainly not be sold in order to purchase another.,The Gemara rejects the proof: If this inference is valid, one should be able to say the latter clause and make a similar inference from it. The latter clause teaches: And scrolls of one of the five books of the Torah may not be rolled up in wrapping cloths that are used for a Torah scroll. It may be inferred from this that it is prohibited only to roll up scrolls of one of the five books of the Torah in wrapping cloths that are used for a Torah scroll, but to roll up one Torah scroll in the wrapping cloths of another Torah scroll seems well. By extension, one should be permitted to sell a Torah scroll to purchase another. Rather, perforce one must conclude that no inference beyond its basic meaning can be deduced from the baraita, as the inferences are contradictory.,Come and hear a resolution to this dilemma from the Tosefta (Megilla 3:12): A Torah scroll may be placed upon another Torah scroll, and a Torah scroll may be placed upon scrolls of one of the five books of the Torah, and scrolls of one of the five books of the Torah may be placed upon scrolls of the Prophets or Writings. However, scrolls of the Prophets or Writings may not be placed upon scrolls of one of the five books of the Torah, and scrolls of one of the five books of the Torah may not be placed upon a Torah scroll. From the first clause, it is apparent that one Torah scroll may be used for the sake of another. By extension, it should be permitted to sell one Torah scroll to purchase another.,The Gemara rejects this proof: Can you say a proof from the halakha of placing one Torah scroll upon another? The halakha of placing scrolls upon one another is different, because it is impossible to place them in any other way, as they must be laid one atop the other when placed in the ark. As, if you do not say so, that it is indeed permitted when in an unavoidable situation, how could we furl a Torah scroll at all? Does one sheet of parchment not rest upon another? Rather, since it is impossible to furl the scroll in any other way, it is permitted. Here too, since it is impossible to place the scrolls in the ark in any other way, it is permitted.,Come and hear a resolution to this dilemma from a baraita: As Rabba bar bar Ḥana said that Rabbi Yoḥa said in the name of Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel: A person may not sell an old Torah scroll in order to purchase a new one.,The Gemara rejects this proof. There, in the case of the baraita, it is prohibited because of a concern for negligence. The old one might be sold and a new one never bought. However, when we speak, it is of a case where the new scroll is already written and waiting to be redeemed immediately with the proceeds of the sale. Therefore, the question remains: What is the halakha in this case?,Come and hear a resolution to this dilemma from a baraita: As Rabbi Yoḥa said in the name of Rabbi Meir: A Torah scroll may be sold only if the seller needs the money in order to study Torah or to marry a woman.,Learn from this baraita that exchanging one entity of Torah, i.e., a Torah scroll, for another entity of Torah, i.e., Torah study, seems well, and by extension, it should be permitted to sell one Torah scroll to purchase another. The Gemara rejects the proof: Perhaps Torah study is different, as the study of Torah leads to action, i.e., the fulfillment of the mitzvot, and perhaps it is only due to its great importance of Torah study that it is permitted to sell a Torah scroll for it. Similarly, marrying a woman is also of utmost importance, as it is stated with regard to Creation: “He created it not a waste; He formed it to be inhabited” (Isaiah 45:18). This indicates that marrying and having children fulfills a primary goal of Creation. But selling an old Torah in order to buy a new Torah might not be permitted.,On the same topic, the Sages taught in a baraita: A person may not sell a Torah scroll, even if he does not need it. Furthermore, Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel said: Even if a person has nothing to eat, and out of his need he sold a Torah scroll or he sold his daughter to be a maidservant, he never sees a sign of blessing from the proceeds of either sale. Clearly, it is never appropriate to sell a Torah scroll for any purpose.,The mishna states: And similarly, the same limitation applies to any surplus funds from the sale of sacred items. Rava said: They taught that the surplus funds have sanctity only in a case where the community sold a sacred object and then used the proceeds to purchase something with a greater degree of sanctity, and there was money left over. However, if the community collected money from its members in order to purchase a sacred object, and there was extra money left over beyond the price of the object, that extra money is permitted to be used for any purpose, as the money was never sanctified.,Abaye raised an objection to Rava from a baraita: In what case is this statement of the mishna said? When they did not explicitly stipulate that they would do with the surplus funds as they see fit. However, if they made such a stipulation, then even to use the money for a dukhsusya is permitted. The Gemara will explain the meaning of the term dukhsusya.,Abaye explains the challenge: What are the circumstances of this stipulation? If we say that they sold a sacred object and after using the proceeds to purchase another sacred object there was money left over, then even when they made a stipulation, of what avail is it? How can a stipulation desanctify the money? Rather, the mishna must be referring to a case where they collected money to purchase a sacred object and there was money left over after they made the purchase. In such a case, the reason that it is permitted to use the extra money for any purpose is that they made an explicit stipulation. However, if they did not make a stipulation, no, it would not be permitted.,Rava rejects this argument: Actually, you can explain that the mishna is referring to a case where they sold a sacred object and there was money left over after purchasing a new one, and this is what the baraita is saying: In what case is this statement of the mishna said? In a case where the seven representatives of the town did not explicitly stipulate that they could use the money as they see fit, in an assembly of the residents of the town. However, if the seven representatives of the town made such a stipulation in an assembly of the residents of the town, then even to use the money for a dukhsusya would also be permitted.,Abaye said to one of the Sages who would arrange the Mishna before Rav Sheshet: Did you hear anything from Rav Sheshet with regard to what the meaning of the term dukhsusya is? He said to him: This is what Rav Sheshet said: It is the town horseman who would serve the townspeople as a sentry and for public dispatches.,The Gemara introduces a parenthetical comment: Abaye said: Accordingly, one can learn from this incident that with regard to this young Torah scholar who has heard something and does not know the meaning of it, he should inquire of its meaning before somebody who is frequently before the Sages, as it is impossible that such a person did not hear something about it from some great man.,§ Rabbi Yoḥa said in the name of Rabbi Meir: In the case of residents of a town who collectively went to another town and, while there, the charity collectors in that town made them pledge a certain sum for charity, they must give the promised sum to the town’s charity collector, so as not to be suspected of reneging. But when they go home, their money is returned to them, and they bring it back with them, and with it they fice the poor of their own town.,The Gemara comments: That is also taught in a baraita: In the case of residents of a town who collectively went to another town and, while there, the local charity collectors made them pledge a certain sum for charity, they must give the promised sum to the town’s charity collector. But when they go home, their money is returned to them, and they bring it back with them. But in the case of an individual who went from his hometown to another town and, while there, the local charity collectors made him pledge a certain sum for charity, he should give it to the poor of that town.,The Gemara relates: Rav Huna once decreed a fast day. On the day of the fast, Rav Ḥana bar Ḥanilai and all the people of his town came to Rav Huna. A certain sum of charity was imposed upon them and they gave it. When they wanted to go home, they said to Rav Huna: May our Master give to us the charity that we gave, and we will go back, and with it we will fice the poor of our own town.,He said to them: It was taught in a baraita: In what case is this statement, that the money is returned when the people leave, said? When there is no

101. Babylonian Talmud, Bekhorot, 36b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus (emperor) Found in books: Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 382

102. Babylonian Talmud, Avodah Zarah, 38a, 38b, 10a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar, Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity (2021) 251

10a. שית שנין יתירתא סבור רבנן קמיה דרב' למימר האי שטר מאוחר הוא ניעכביה עד דמטיא זמניה ולא טריף אמר רב נחמן האי ספרא דוקנא כתביה והנך שית שנין דמלכו בעילם דאנן לא חשבינן להו הוא קחשיב ליה ובזמניה כתביה,דתניא ר' יוסי אומר שש שנים מלכו בעילם ואח"כ פשטה מלכותן בכל העולם כולו:,מתקיף לה רב אחא בר יעקב ממאי דלמלכות יונים מנינן דלמא ליציאת מצרים מנינן ושבקיה לאלפא קמא ונקטיה אלפא בתרא והאי מאוחר הוא אמר רב נחמן בגולה אין מונין אלא למלכי יונים בלבד,הוא סבר דחויי קא מדחי ליה נפק דק ואשכח דתניא בגולה אין מונין אלא למלכי יונים בלבד,אמר רבינא מתניתין נמי דיקא דתנן באחד בניסן ר"ה למלכים ולרגלים ואמרינן למלכים למאי הלכתא אמר רב חסדא לשטרות,ותנן באחד בתשרי ר"ה לשנים ולשמיטין ואמרינן לשנים למאי הלכתא ואמר רב חסדא לשטרות קשיא שטרות אהדדי,ומשנינן כאן למלכי ישראל כאן למלכי עובדי כוכבים למלכי עובדי כוכבים מתשרי מנינן למלכי ישראל מניסן מנינן,ואנן השתא מתשרי מנינן ואי ס"ד ליציאת מצרים מנינן מניסן בעינן למימני אלא לאו ש"מ למלכי יונים מנינן ש"מ:,ויום גינוסיא של מלכיהם וכו': מאי ויום גינוסיא של מלכיהם אמר רב יהודה יום שמעמידין בו עובדי כוכבים את מלכם והתניא יום גינוסיא ויום שמעמידין בו את מלכם לא קשיא הא דידיה הא דבריה,ומי מוקמי מלכא בר מלכא והתני רב יוסף (עובדיה א, ב) הנה קטן נתתיך בגוים שאין מושיבין מלך בן מלך (עובדיה א, ב) בזוי אתה מאד שאין להן לא כתב ולא לשון אלא מאי יום גינוסיא יום הלידה,והתניא יום גינוסיא ויום הלידה לא קשיא הא דידיה הא דבריה,והתניא יום גינוסיא שלו יום גינוסיא של בנו ויום הלידה שלו ויום הלידה של בנו אלא מאי יום גינוסיא יום שמעמידין בו מלכם ולא קשיא הא דידיה הא דבריה,ואי קשיא לך דלא מוקמי מלכא בר מלכא ע"י שאלה מוקמי כגון אסוירוס בר אנטונינוס דמלך,א"ל אנטונינוס לרבי בעינא דימלוך אסוירוס ברי תחותי ותתעביד טבריא קלניא ואי אימא להו חדא עבדי תרי לא עבדי אייתי גברא ארכביה אחבריה ויהב ליה יונה לעילאי בידיה וא"ל לתתאה אימר לעילא דלמפרח מן ידיה יונה אמר שמע מינה הכי קאמר לי את בעי מינייהו דאסוירוס ברי ימלוך תחותי ואימא ליה לאסוירוס דתעביד טבריא קלניא,א"ל מצערין לי חשובי [רומאי] מעייל ליה לגינא כל יומא עקר ליה פוגלא ממשרא קמיה אמר ש"מ הכי קאמר לי את קטול חד חד מינייהו ולא תתגרה בהו בכולהו

10a. a date that had six additional years relative to the correct scribal date, which takes for its starting point the beginning of Greek rule. The Sages who studied before Rabba thought to say: This is a postdated promissory note, which can be used only from the date it specifies. Therefore, let us hold it until its time arrives so that the creditor will not repossess property that the debtor sold prior to the date that appears in the note. Rav Naḥman disagreed and said: This promissory note was written by an exacting scribe, and those six years are referring to the years when the Greeks ruled only in Elam. We do not count them, as Greek rule had not yet spread throughout the world, but he does count them. And therefore he wrote in the promissory note the correct time, as the date does in fact match the year in which the promissory note was written.,Rav Naḥman cites a proof for his resolution: As it is taught in a baraita that Rabbi Yosei says: The Greeks ruled for six years in Elam alone, and afterward their dominion spread throughout the entire world. It is the later event that serves as the basis for the dating system used by most scribes.,Rav Aḥa bar Ya’akov objects to Rav Naḥman’s answer: From where is it known that we count years according to the Greek rule, and that this promissory note was dated according to a system that uses the Greek rule as a starting point and was written by an exacting scribe? Perhaps we count the years using the exodus from Egypt as the starting point, which occurred one thousand years before the start of the Greek rule, and in this case the scribe left out the first thousand years from the time of the exodus and held on only to the last thousand years, omitting the thousands digit and writing merely the hundreds, tens, and single digits. And if so, this promissory note is postdated. Rav Naḥman said in response: The practice is that in the exile we count years only according to the Greek kings.,Upon hearing this reply, Rav Aḥa bar Ya’akov thought: Rav Naḥman is merely deflecting my legitimate questions with this answer. Afterward, he went out, examined the matter, and discovered that it was as Rav Naḥman said. As it is taught in a baraita: In the exile we count years only according to the Greek kings.,Ravina said: The mishna is also precisely formulated, as it teaches that we calculate years according to the Greek kings. As we learned in a mishna (Rosh HaShana 2a): On the first of Nisan is the New Year for kings and for the Festivals. And we say about this: With regard to what halakha is it stated that the first of Nisan is the New Year for kings? Rav Ḥisda said: It is said with regard to dating documents and determining their validity.,And we learned in the same mishna: On the first of Tishrei is the New Year for counting years and for calculating Sabbatical cycles. And we say: With regard to what halakha is it stated that the first of Tishrei is the New Year for counting years? And Rav Ḥisda said: It is said with regard to dating documents. These two statements with regard to the dating of documents are difficult in light of each other, as according to one statement the dating system is based on Nisan as the first month, whereas according to the other the year begins in Tishrei.,And we resolved the contradiction by explaining that here the dating is according to kings of Israel, and there the dating is according to the kings of the gentile nations of the world. That is, when we date years according to the kings of the nations of the world, we count from the month of Tishrei, whereas when we date years according to the kings of Israel, we count from the month of Nisan.,Ravina explains his proof: And now that we count from the month of Tishrei when dating documents, one can claim as follows: If it enters your mind that we count and date years using the exodus from Egypt as the starting point, while leaving off the first thousand years, then we should count from the month of Nisan, when the exodus occurred. Rather, isn’t it correct to conclude from the mishna that we count years according to the Greek kings? The Gemara affirms: Conclude from it that the scribal years are in fact calculated according to the Greek kings. Therefore, one should explain as did Rav Naḥman: A promissory note that appears to be postdated by six years may not actually be a postdated promissory note; rather, it is assumed to have been written by an exacting scribe.,§ One of the gentile festivals listed in the mishna is the day of the festival [geinuseya] of their kings. The Gemara asks: What is meant by: The day of geinuseya of their kings? Rav Yehuda says: This is referring to the day on which the gentiles appoint and crown their king. The Gemara asks: But isn’t it taught in a baraita: Two gentile festivals are the day of geinuseya and the day on which the gentiles appoint their king? This indicates that these are two separate occasions. The Gemara answers that it is not difficult: This, the day of geinuseya, is referring to the coronation of the king himself, whereas that, the day on which the gentiles appoint and crown their king, is referring to the coronation of his son, when a son is crowned during his father’s lifetime.,The Gemara asks: And do the Romans actually appoint as king the son of the king? But didn’t Rav Yosef teach: The verse relating a prophesy about Edom, associated with the Roman Empire: “Behold, I made you small among the nations” (Obadiah 1:2), is a reference to the fact that the Romans do not place on the throne as king the son of the king. The continuation of the verse: “You are greatly despised,” is a reference to the fact that the Romans have neither their own script nor their own language, but use those of other nations. The Gemara therefore rejects the explanation of the baraita that distinguishes between coronation of a king and coronation of the king’s son: Rather, what is the day of geinuseya? It is the king’s birthday.,The Gemara asks: But isn’t it taught in a baraita: Two gentile festivals are the day of geinuseya and the birthday. Once again, these two events cannot be the same. The Gemara answers: It is not difficult: This, the day of geinuseya, is referring to the birthday of the king himself, whereas that, the birthday mentioned in the baraita, is referring to the birthday of his son.,The Gemara further asks: But isn’t it taught in a baraita: The day of geinuseya of the king, the day of geinuseya of his son, and the king’s birthday and the birthday of his son? If so, the geinuseya cannot be either his or his son’s birthday. Rather, what is meant by the day of geinuseya? In fact it is referring to the day on which the gentiles appoint and crown their king. And the fact that a baraita mentions both the day of geinuseya and the day on which the gentiles appoint and crown their king is not difficult, as this, the day of geinuseya, is referring to his own coronation, whereas that, the day on which the gentiles appoint and crown their king, is referring to the coronation of his son.,And if it is difficult for you that which was stated earlier, that the Romans do not appoint as king the son of the king, in fact they do appoint a son of the king as king through the request of the king. For example, there was Asveirus, son of Antoninus, who ruled at the request of Antoninus.,The Gemara provides the background for this assertion. It is related that Antoninus said to Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi: I wish for Asveirus my son to rule instead of me, and that the city Tiberias be released [kelaneya] from paying taxes. And if I tell the Roman senate one of my wishes, they will do as I wish, but if I ask for two of them they will not do as I wish. Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi conveyed his answer in the following manner: He brought a man, placed him on the shoulders of another man, and put a dove in the hands of the one on top. And he said to the one on the bottom: Tell the one on top that he should cause the dove to fly from his hands. Antoninus said to himself: Learn from it that this is what Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi is saying to me: You should ask the Senate: Let Asveirus my son rule instead of me, and say to Asveirus that he should release Tiberias from paying taxes.,Antoninus also said to Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi: Important Romans are upsetting me; what can I do about them? Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi brought him to his garden, and every day he uprooted a radish from the garden bed before him. Antoninus said to himself: Learn from it that this is what Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi is saying to me: You should kill them one by one, and do not incite all of them at once.

103. Philostratus, Heroicus, 138, 24, 139 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Johnson Dupertuis and Shea, Reading and Teaching Ancient Fiction: Jewish, Christian, and Greco-Roman Narratives (2018) 132

104. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, a b c d\n0 8.2 8.2 8 2\n1 7.11 7.11 7 11\n2 7.10 7.10 7 10\n3 4.9.1 4.9.1 4 9\n4 7.30.22 7.30.22 7 30\n.. ... ... .. ..\n65 5.21.2 5.21.2 5 21\n66 5.21.3 5.21.3 5 21\n67 6.21.4 6.21.4 6 21\n68 6.21.3 6.21.3 6 21\n69 "6.1" "6.1" "6 1"\n\n[70 rows x 4 columns] (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tabbernee, Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism (2007) 168

8.2. All these things were fulfilled in us, when we saw with our own eyes the houses of prayer thrown down to the very foundations, and the Divine and Sacred Scriptures committed to the flames in the midst of the market-places, and the shepherds of the churches basely hidden here and there, and some of them captured ignominiously, and mocked by their enemies. When also, according to another prophetic word, Contempt was poured out upon rulers, and he caused them to wander in an untrodden and pathless way.,But it is not our place to describe the sad misfortunes which finally came upon them, as we do not think it proper, moreover, to record their divisions and unnatural conduct to each other before the persecution. Wherefore we have decided to relate nothing concerning them except the things in which we can vindicate the Divine judgment.,Hence we shall not mention those who were shaken by the persecution, nor those who in everything pertaining to salvation were shipwrecked, and by their own will were sunk in the depths of the flood. But we shall introduce into this history in general only those events which may be usefull first to ourselves and afterwards to posterity. Let us therefore proceed to describe briefly the sacred conflicts of the witnesses of the Divine Word.,It was in the nineteenth year of the reign of Diocletian, in the month Dystrus, called March by the Romans, when the feast of the Saviour's passion was near at hand, that royal edicts were published everywhere, commanding that the churches be leveled to the ground and the Scriptures be destroyed by fire, and ordering that those who held places of honor be degraded, and that the household servants, if they persisted in the profession of Christianity, be deprived of freedom.,Such was the first edict against us. But not long after, other decrees were issued, commanding that all the rulers of the churches in every place be first thrown into prison, and afterwards by every artifice be compelled to sacrifice.

105. Eusebius of Caesarea, De Laudibus Constantini, 14 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scriptores historiae augustae, alexander severus Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper, Studies in Jewish and Christian History (2007) 866

106. Gregory of Nazianzus, Letters, 57.3 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Mitchell and Pilhofer, Early Christianity in Asia Minor and Cyprus: From the Margins to the Mainstream (2019) 23

107. Libanius, Orations, 18.78 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scriptores historiae augustae, alexander severus Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper, Studies in Jewish and Christian History (2007) 866

108. Eutropius, Breviarium Ab Urbe Condita (Paeanii Translatio), 8.23 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 177

109. Anon., Exodus Rabbah, 31.11 (4th cent. CE - 9th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 54

31.11. דָּבָר אַחֵר, אִם כֶּסֶף תַּלְוֶה אֶת עַמִּי, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (משלי כח, ח): מַרְבֶּה הוֹנוֹ בְּנֶשֶׁךְ וְתַרְבִּית לְחוֹנֵן דַּלִּים יְקַבְּצֶנּוּ, יֵשׁ אָדָם שֶׁהוּא עָשִׁיר וּמַלְוֶה בְּרִבִּית וּמְכַנֵּס מָמוֹן הַרְבֵּה וְהוּא מֵת בְּלֹא בָנִים וְכָל הַמָּמוֹן שֶׁלּוֹ נִכְנַס לְטִמְיוֹן, מָה הַמֶּלֶךְ עוֹשֶׂה בְּאוֹתוֹ מָמוֹן, בּוֹנֶה בִּימְסָאוֹת וּמֶרְחֲצָאוֹת וְאִיצְטַבָּאוֹת וּבָתֵּי כִסְאוֹת, כְּדֵי שֶׁיְהֵא לְצָרְכֵי הָעֲנִיִּים, הֱוֵי: לְחוֹנֵן דַּלִּים יְקַבְּצֶנּוּ. דָּבָר אַחֵר, מַרְבֶּה הוֹנוֹ בְּנֶשֶׁךְ, זֶה עֵשָׂו הָרָשָׁע שֶׁהוּא מַלְוֶה בְּנֶשֶׁךְ וְתַרְבִּית, וּלְמִי הוּא מַכְנִיס כָּל הַמָּמוֹן, לְיִשְׂרָאֵל, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר: לְחוֹנֵן דַּלִּים, וְנֶאֱמַר (יחזקאל לט, י): וְשָׁלְלוּ אֶת שֹׁלְלֵיהֶם וּבָזְזוּ אֶת בֹּזְזֵיהֶם, לְפִיכָךְ הִזְהִיר הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא אֶת יִשְׂרָאֵל שֶׁלֹא יַלְווּ בְּרִבִּית כְּדֵי שֶׁלֹא יֹאכְלוּ אֲחֵרִים אֶת נִכְסֵיהֶם, הֲרֵי אִם כֶּסֶף תַּלְוֶה אֶת עַמִּי אֶת הֶעָנִי.

110. Epiphanius, Panarion, 27.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper, Studies in Jewish and Christian History (2007) 867

111. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Diadumenus, 2.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 227

112. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 13 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi, Hadrian and the Christians (2010) 14

113. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Marcus Antoninus, 8.4, 8.10, 11.5-11.7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 216, 282

114. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Gallieni Duo, 12.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 227

115. Augustine, Reply To Faustus, 13.15 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scriptores historiae augustae, alexander severus Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper, Studies in Jewish and Christian History (2007) 866

116. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Verus, 1.4, 5.6-5.7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aurelius severus alexander, m. Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard, Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic (2020) 89

117. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Caracalla, a b c\n0 6-7.1 6 6\n1 6 6 6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 355

118. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Elagabalus, 2.1, 3.4, 4.1, 4.2, 4.3, 4.4, 5.1, 5.2, 5.3, 5.4, 5.5, 6.1, 6.2, 6.3, 6.4, 6.5, 6.7, 10.1, 10.2, 10.3, 10.4, 10.5, 10.6, 10.7, 11, 12, 12.2, 12.3, 12.4, 14.2-15.6, 15.6, 16.4, 16.5, 17.1, 17.2, 17.4, 17.6, 17.7, 18.1, 18.2, 18.3, 20.3, 23.3, 23.4, 23.5, 23.6, 26.1, 30.7, 31.4, 33.7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper, Studies in Jewish and Christian History (2007) 865

119. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Tacitus, 9.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus •scriptores historiae augustae, alexander severus Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper, Studies in Jewish and Christian History (2007) 865

120. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Aurelian, 2.1-2.2, 6.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus •scriptores historiae augustae, alexander severus •alexander severus (emperor) Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper, Studies in Jewish and Christian History (2007) 865; Phang, The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235) (2001) 260

121. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Trig. Tyr., 14.6, 30.12 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scriptores historiae augustae, alexander severus •alexander severus Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper, Studies in Jewish and Christian History (2007) 865, 866

122. Basil of Caesarea, Letters, 217.56, 217.75 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Mitchell and Pilhofer, Early Christianity in Asia Minor and Cyprus: From the Margins to the Mainstream (2019) 23

123. Augustine, The City of God, 5.26, 19.23 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus •scriptores historiae augustae, alexander severus Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper, Studies in Jewish and Christian History (2007) 864, 866

5.26. And on this account, Theodosius not only preserved during the lifetime of Gratian that fidelity which was due to him, but also, after his death, he, like a true Christian, took his little brother Valentinian under his protection, as joint emperor, after he had been expelled by Maximus, the murderer of his father. He guarded him with paternal affection, though he might without any difficulty have got rid of him, being entirely destitute of all resources, had he been animated with the desire of extensive empire, and not with the ambition of being a benefactor. It was therefore a far greater pleasure to him, when he had adopted the boy, and preserved to him his imperial dignity, to console him by his very humanity and kindness. Afterwards, when that success was rendering Maximus terrible, Theodosius, in the midst of his perplexing anxieties, was not drawn away to follow the suggestions of a sacrilegious and unlawful curiosity, but sent to John, whose abode was in the desert of Egypt - for he had learned that this servant of God (whose fame was spreading abroad) was endowed with the gift of prophecy - and from him he received assurance of victory. Immediately the slayer of the tyrant Maximus, with the deepest feelings of compassion and respect, restored the boy Valentinianus to his share in the empire from which he had been driven. Valentinianus being soon after slain by secret assassination, or by some other plot or accident, Theodosius, having again received a response from the prophet, and placing entire confidence in it, marched against the tyrant Eugenius, who had been unlawfully elected to succeed that emperor, and defeated his very powerful army, more by prayer than by the sword. Some soldiers who were at the battle reported to me that all the missiles they were throwing were snatched from their hands by a vehement wind, which blew from the direction of Theodosius' army upon the enemy; nor did it only drive with greater velocity the darts which were hurled against them, but also turned back upon their own bodies the darts which they themselves were throwing. And therefore the poet Claudian, although an alien from the name of Christ, nevertheless says in his praises of him, O prince, too much beloved by God, for you Æolus pours armed tempests from their caves; for you the air fights, and the winds with one accord obey your bugles. But the victor, as he had believed and predicted, overthrew the statues of Jupiter, which had been, as it were, consecrated by I know not what kind of rites against him, and set up in the Alps. And the thunderbolts of these statues, which were made of gold, he mirthfully and graciously presented to his couriers who (as the joy of the occasion permitted) were jocularly saying that they would be most happy to be struck by such thunderbolts. The sons of his own enemies, whose fathers had been slain not so much by his orders as by the vehemence of war, having fled for refuge to a church, though they were not yet Christians, he was anxious, taking advantage of the occasion, to bring over to Christianity, and treated them with Christian love. Nor did he deprive them of their property, but, besides allowing them to retain it, bestowed on them additional honors. He did not permit private animosities to affect the treatment of any man after the war. He was not like Cinna, and Marius, and Sylla, and other such men, who wished not to finish civil wars even when they were finished, but rather grieved that they had arisen at all, than wished that when they were finished they should harm any one. Amid all these events, from the very commencement of his reign, he did not cease to help the troubled church against the impious by most just and merciful laws, which the heretical Valens, favoring the Arians, had vehemently afflicted. Indeed, he rejoiced more to be a member of this church than he did to be a king upon the earth. The idols of the Gentiles he everywhere ordered to be overthrown, understanding well that not even terrestrial gifts are placed in the power of demons, but in that of the true God. And what could be more admirable than his religious humility, when, compelled by the urgency of certain of his intimates, he avenged the grievous crime of the Thessalonians, which at the prayer of the bishops he had promised to pardon, and, being laid hold of by the discipline of the church, did pece in such a way that the sight of his imperial loftiness prostrated made the people who were interceding for him weep more than the consciousness of offense had made them fear it when enraged? These and other similar good works, which it would be long to tell, he carried with him from this world of time, where the greatest human nobility and loftiness are but vapor. of these works the reward is eternal happiness, of which God is the giver, though only to those who are sincerely pious. But all other blessings and privileges of this life, as the world itself, light, air, earth, water, fruits, and the soul of man himself, his body, senses, mind, life, He lavishes on good and bad alike. And among these blessings is also to be reckoned the possession of an empire, whose extent He regulates according to the requirements of His providential government at various times. Whence, I see, we must now answer those who, being confuted and convicted by the most manifest proofs, by which it is shown that for obtaining these terrestrial things, which are all the foolish desire to have, that multitude of false gods is of no use, attempt to assert that the gods are to be worshipped with a view to the interest, not of the present life, but of that which is to come after death. For as to those who, for the sake of the friendship of this world, are willing to worship vanities, and do not grieve that they are left to their puerile understandings, I think they have been sufficiently answered in these five books; of which books, when I had published the first three, and they had begun to come into the hands of many, I heard that certain persons were preparing against them an answer of some kind or other in writing. Then it was told me that they had already written their answer, but were waiting a time when they could publish it without danger. Such persons I would advise not to desire what cannot be of any advantage to them; for it is very easy for a man to seem to himself to have answered arguments, when he has only been unwilling to be silent. For what is more loquacious than vanity? And though it be able, if it like, to shout more loudly than the truth, it is not, for all that, more powerful than the truth. But let men consider diligently all the things that we have said, and if, perchance, judging without party spirit, they shall clearly perceive that they are such things as may rather be shaken than torn up by their most impudent garrulity, and, as it were, satirical and mimic levity, let them restrain their absurdities, and let them choose rather to be corrected by the wise than to be lauded by the foolish. For if they are waiting an opportunity, not for liberty to speak the truth, but for license to revile, may not that befall them which Tully says concerning some one, Oh, wretched man! Who was at liberty to sin? Wherefore, whoever he be who deems himself happy because of license to revile, he would be far happier if that were not allowed him at all; for he might all the while, laying aside empty boast, be contradicting those to whose views he is opposed by way of free consultation with them, and be listening, as it becomes him, honorably, gravely, candidly, to all that can be adduced by those whom he consults by friendly disputation. < 19.23. For in his book called ἐκ λογίων φιλοσοφίας, in which he collects and comments upon the responses which he pretends were uttered by the gods concerning divine things, he says - I give his own words as they have been translated from the Greek: To one who inquired what god he should propitiate in order to recall his wife from Christianity, Apollo replied in the following verses. Then the following words are given as those of Apollo: You will probably find it easier to write lasting characters on the water, or lightly fly like a bird through the air, than to restore right feeling in your impious wife once she has polluted herself. Let her remain as she pleases in her foolish deception, and sing false laments to her dead God, who was condemned by right-minded judges, and perished ignominiously by a violent death. Then after these verses of Apollo (which we have given in a Latin version that does not preserve the metrical form), he goes on to say: In these verses Apollo exposed the incurable corruption of the Christians, saying that the Jews, rather than the Christians, recognized God. See how he misrepresents Christ, giving the Jews the preference to the Christians in the recognition of God. This was his explanation of Apollo's verses, in which he says that Christ was put to death by right-minded or just judges, - in other words, that He deserved to die. I leave the responsibility of this oracle regarding Christ on the lying interpreter of Apollo, or on this philosopher who believed it or possibly himself invented it; as to its agreement with Porphyry's opinions or with other oracles, we shall in a little have something to say. In this passage, however, he says that the Jews, as the interpreters of God, judged justly in pronouncing Christ to be worthy of the most shameful death. He should have listened, then, to this God of the Jews to whom he bears this testimony, when that God says, He that sacrifices to any other god save to the Lord alone shall be utterly destroyed. But let us come to still plainer expressions, and hear how great a God Porphyry thinks the God of the Jews is. Apollo, he says, when asked whether word, i.e., reason, or law is the better thing, replied in the following verses. Then he gives the verses of Apollo, from which I select the following as sufficient: God, the Generator, and the King prior to all things, before whom heaven and earth, and the sea, and the hidden places of hell tremble, and the deities themselves are afraid, for their law is the Father whom the holy Hebrews honor. In this oracle of his god Apollo, Porphyry avowed that the God of the Hebrews is so great that the deities themselves are afraid before Him. I am surprised, therefore, that when God said, He that sacrifices to other gods shall be utterly destroyed, Porphyry himself was not afraid lest he should be destroyed for sacrificing to other gods. This philosopher, however, has also some good to say of Christ, oblivious, as it were, of that contumely of his of which we have just been speaking; or as if his gods spoke evil of Christ only while asleep, and recognized Him to be good, and gave Him His deserved praise, when they awoke. For, as if he were about to proclaim some marvellous thing passing belief, he says, What we are going to say will certainly take some by surprise. For the gods have declared that Christ was very pious, and has become immortal, and that they cherish his memory: that the Christians, however, are polluted, contaminated, and involved in error. And many other such things, he says, do the gods say against the Christians. Then he gives specimens of the accusations made, as he says, by the gods against them, and then goes on: But to some who asked Hecate whether Christ were a God, she replied, You know the condition of the disembodied immortal soul, and that if it has been severed from wisdom it always errs. The soul you refer to is that of a man foremost in piety: they worship it because they mistake the truth. To this so-called oracular response he adds the following words of his own: of this very pious man, then, Hecate said that the soul, like the souls of other good men, was after death dowered with immortality, and that the Christians through ignorance worship it. And to those who ask why he was condemned to die, the oracle of the goddess replied, The body, indeed, is always exposed to torments, but the souls of the pious abide in heaven. And the soul you inquire about has been the fatal cause of error to other souls which were not fated to receive the gifts of the gods, and to have the knowledge of immortal Jove. Such souls are therefore hated by the gods; for they who were fated not to receive the gifts of the gods, and not to know God, were fated to be involved in error by means of him you speak of. He himself, however, was good, and heaven has been opened to him as to other good men. You are not, then, to speak evil of him, but to pity the folly of men: and through him men's danger is imminent. Who is so foolish as not to see that these oracles were either composed by a clever man with a strong animus against the Christians, or were uttered as responses by impure demons with a similar design - that is to say, in order that their praise of Christ may win credence for their vituperation of Christians; and that thus they may, if possible, close the way of eternal salvation, which is identical with Christianity? For they believe that they are by no means counter working their own hurtful craft by promoting belief in Christ, so long as their calumniation of Christians is also accepted; for they thus secure that even the man who thinks well of Christ declines to become a Christian, and is therefore not delivered from their own rule by the Christ he praises. Besides, their praise of Christ is so contrived that whosoever believes in Him as thus represented will not be a true Christian but a Photinian heretic, recognizing only the humanity, and not also the divinity of Christ, and will thus be precluded from salvation and from deliverance out of the meshes of these devilish lies. For our part, we are no better pleased with Hecate's praises of Christ than with Apollo's calumniation of Him. Apollo says that Christ was put to death by right-minded judges, implying that He was unrighteous. Hecate says that He was a most pious man, but no more. The intention of both is the same, to prevent men from becoming Christians, because if this be secured, men shall never be rescued from their power. But it is incumbent on our philosopher, or rather on those who believe in these pretended oracles against the Christians, first of all, if they can, to bring Apollo and Hecate to the same mind regarding Christ, so that either both may condemn or both praise Him. And even if they succeeded in this, we for our part would notwithstanding repudiate the testimony of demons, whether favorable or adverse to Christ. But when our adversaries find a god and goddess of their own at variance about Christ the one praising, the other vituperating Him, they can certainly give no credence, if they have any judgment, to mere men who blaspheme the Christians. When Porphyry or Hecate praises Christ, and adds that He gave Himself to the Christians as a fatal gift, that they might be involved in error, he exposes, as he thinks, the causes of this error. But before I cite his words to that purpose, I would ask, If Christ did thus give Himself to the Christians to involve them in error, did He do so willingly, or against His will? If willingly, how is He righteous? If against His will, how is He blessed? However, let us hear the causes of this error. There are, he says, in a certain place very small earthly spirits, subject to the power of evil demons. The wise men of the Hebrews, among whom was this Jesus, as you have heard from the oracles of Apollo cited above, turned religious persons from these very wicked demons and minor spirits, and taught them rather to worship the celestial gods, and especially to adore God the Father. This, he said, the gods enjoin; and we have already shown how they admonish the soul to turn to God, and command it to worship Him. But the ignorant and the ungodly, who are not destined to receive favors from the gods, nor to know the immortal Jupiter, not listening to the gods and their messages, have turned away from all gods, and have not only refused to hate, but have venerated the prohibited demons. Professing to worship God, they refuse to do those things by which alone God is worshipped. For God, indeed, being the Father of all, is in need of nothing; but for us it is good to adore Him by means of justice, chastity, and other virtues, and thus to make life itself a prayer to Him, by inquiring into and imitating His nature. For inquiry, says he, purifies and imitation deifies us, by moving us nearer to Him. He is right in so far as he proclaims God the Father, and the conduct by which we should worship Him. of such precepts the prophetic books of the Hebrews are full, when they praise or blame the life of the saints. But in speaking of the Christians he is in error, and caluminates them as much as is desired by the demons whom he takes for gods, as if it were difficult for any man to recollect the disgraceful and shameful actions which used to be done in the theatres and temples to please the gods, and to compare with these things what is heard in our churches, and what is offered to the true God, and from this comparison to conclude where character is edified, and where it is ruined. But who but a diabolical spirit has told or suggested to this man so manifest and vain a lie, as that the Christians reverenced rather than hated the demons, whose worship the Hebrews prohibited? But that God, whom the Hebrew sages worshipped, forbids sacrifice to be offered even to the holy angels of heaven and divine powers, whom we, in this our pilgrimage, venerate and love as our most blessed fellow citizens. For in the law which God gave to His Hebrew people He utters this menace, as in a voice of thunder: He that sacrifices unto any god, save unto the Lord only, he shall be utterly destroyed. Exodus 22:20 And that no one might suppose that this prohibition extends only to the very wicked demons and earthly spirits, whom this philosopher calls very small and inferior - for even these are in the Scripture called gods, not of the Hebrews, but of the nations, as the Septuagint translators have shown in the psalm where it is said, For all the gods of the nations are demons, - that no one might suppose, I say, that sacrifice to these demons was prohibited, but that sacrifice might be offered to all or some of the celestials, it was immediately added, save unto the Lord alone. The God of the Hebrews, then, to whom this renowned philosopher bears this signal testimony, gave to His Hebrew people a law, composed in the Hebrew language, and not obscure and unknown, but published now in every nation, and in this law it is written, He that sacrifices unto any god, save unto the Lord alone, he shall be utterly destroyed. What need is there to seek further proofs in the law or the prophets of this same thing? Seek, we need not say, for the passages are neither few nor difficult to find; but what need to collect and apply to my argument the proofs which are thickly sown and obvious, and by which it appears clear as day that sacrifice may be paid to none but the supreme and true God? Here is one brief but decided, even menacing, and certainly true utterance of that God whom the wisest of our adversaries so highly extol. Let this be listened to, feared, fulfilled, that there may be no disobedient soul cut off. He that sacrifices, He says, not because He needs anything, but because it behooves us to be His possession. Hence the Psalmist in the Hebrew Scriptures sings, I have said to the Lord, You are my God, for You need not my good. For we ourselves, who are His own city, are His most noble and worthy sacrifice, and it is this mystery we celebrate in our sacrifices, which are well known to the faithful, as we have explained in the preceding books. For through the prophets the oracles of God declared that the sacrifices which the Jews offered as a shadow of that which was to be would cease, and that the nations, from the rising to the setting of the sun, would offer one sacrifice. From these oracles, which we now see accomplished, we have made such selections as seemed suitable to our purpose in this work. And therefore, where there is not this righteousness whereby the one supreme God rules the obedient city according to His grace, so that it sacrifices to none but Him, and whereby, in all the citizens of this obedient city, the soul consequently rules the body and reason the vices in the rightful order, so that, as the individual just man, so also the community and people of the just, live by faith, which works by love, that love whereby man loves God as He ought to be loved, and his neighbor as himself - there, I say, there is not an assemblage associated by a common acknowledgment of right, and by a community of interests. But if there is not this, there is not a people, if our definition be true, and therefore there is no republic; for where there is no people there can be no republic.

124. Augustine, On Heresies, 7 (PL 42.27) (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper, Studies in Jewish and Christian History (2007) 867

125. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Al. Sev., 2.5, 3.1, 4.2, 4.4, 5.2, 8.3, 12.4, 12.5, 13.1, 14.5, 16.3, 20.3, 21.6, 21.7, 21.8, 24.6, 25.3, 25.4, 25.9, 26.4, 26.8, 26.9, 26.10, 27.1, 27.2, 27.3, 28, 28.7, 29, 29.2, 30.4, 30.5, 31, 32.4, 33.3, 33.4, 34.5, 37.1, 37.2, 39.3, 39.4, 39.5, 40.1, 40.5, 40.7, 40.8, 40.9, 40.10, 40.11, 41.1, 41.6, 41.7, 43.6, 44.4, 44.5, 45.6, 45.7, 46, 47, 50, 51, 51.4, 52.1, 52.3, 53, 53.2, 53.6, 54, 55, 57.3, 58.4, 59.4, 59.5, 59.8-60.2, 63.4, 63.5, 63.6, 66.1, 66.2, 66.3, 66.4, 67, 68 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 383

126. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 17.4.13, 21.14.5, 23.6.19 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander •alexander severus Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper, Studies in Jewish and Christian History (2007) 867; Griffiths, The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI) (1975) 327

21.14.5. Likewise from the immortal poems of Homer Perhaps Iliad, i. 503 ff. we are given to understand that it was not the gods of heaven that spoke with brave men, and stood by them or aided them as they fought, but that guardian spirits attended them; and through reliance upon their special support, it is said, that Pythagoras, Socrates, and Numa Pompilius Referring to the nymph Egeria; cf. Livy, i. 19, 5. became famous; also the earlier Scipio, Africanus, the conqueror of Hannibal. and (as some believe) Marius and Octavianus, who first had the title of Augustus conferred upon him, and Hermes Trismegistus, A surname of the Egyptian Hermes. Here the refer- ence is apparently to a writer of the second century, who under that name tried to revive the old Egyptian, Pythagorean, and Platonic ideas. Apollonius of Tyana, The famous magician of the first century B.C., whose biography was written by Philostratus. and Plotinus, An eclectic philosopher of the third century, whose views entitled τερὶ τοῦ εἰληχότος ἡμᾶς δαίμονος have come down to us (Plot. En., iii, 4). who ventured to discourse on this mystic theme, and to present a profound discussion of the question by what elements these spirits are linked with men’s souls, and taking them to their bosoms, as it were, protect them (as long as possible) and give them higher instruction, if they perceive that they are pure and kept from the pollution of sin through association with an immaculate body.

127. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Macrinus, 12.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus (emperor) Found in books: Phang, The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235) (2001) 259

128. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Commodus, 6.13, 7.1, 17.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 54; Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 422; Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 97

129. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Saturninus, 8.1-8.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus (emperor) Found in books: Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 422

130. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 8.724 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 262

131. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Pertinax, 8.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 242

132. Symmachus, Letters, 2.57 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus, on aurum coronarium Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 180

133. Symmachus, Relationes, 13 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus, on aurum coronarium Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 180

134. Themistius, Orations, 181d, 3 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 180

135. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Pescennius Niger, 7.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 382

136. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Commodus, 6.13, 17.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 54; Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 97

137. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Carus, 18.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus •scriptores historiae augustae, alexander severus Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper, Studies in Jewish and Christian History (2007) 864

138. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Verus, 1.4, 5.6-5.7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aurelius severus alexander, m. Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard, Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic (2020) 89

139. Victor, De Caesaribus, 24 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 177

140. Victor, Epitome De Caesaribus, 23.1 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar, Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity (2021) 251

141. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Maximinus, 2.2, 2.6-2.7, 3.6, 5.1-5.11, 6.8-6.9, 7.1, 9.3, 17.1-17.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 58, 246

142. Augustine, Contra Cresconium Grammaticum Partis Donati, 3.46.50-3.46.53 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus, emperor Found in books: Geljon and Vos, Violence in Ancient Christianity: Victims and Perpetrators (2014) 51

143. Justinian, Novellae, 22.37 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Huebner and Laes, Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae' (2019) 123

144. Adamantius, Physiognomica, b44 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 246

145. Justinian, Codex Justinianus, 2.7.8, 4.10.7.1, 5.51.8, 4.51.5, 3.19.2.1, 2.51.2, 2.19.3, 2.18.8, 2.7.24, 2.7.22, 2.7.13, 2.7.12, 2.7.10, 3.32.4, 3.32.26, 3.39.6, 3.44.6, 4.51.2, 4.10.14, 7.38.3.1, 7.33.6, 7.33.2, 7.33.1.1, 7.33.1, 7.31.1.3, 7.39.7.3, 7.38.2, 7.30.1, 7.35.5, 7.33.7, 7.33.10, 11.43.9, 7.34.2, 7.34.3, 8.38.2, 4.29.6, 5.46.2, 5.51.9, 8.44.19, 7.71.4.1, 7.40.2.2, 7.36.1, 11.48.7.3, 6.30.8, 5.73.4, 6.1.1, 7.35.3, 7.35.2.1, 7.34.5, 7.34.4, 3.31.7pr, 4.24.10pr, 8.44.21pr, 7.33.12pr, 11.48.20pr, 6.43.3.3a, 5.5.1, 4.1.2, 1.9.1 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 383

146. Theodosius Ii Emperor of Rome, Theodosian Code, 1.1.5, 2.10.1-2.10.2, 7.1, 8.11.3, 9.5.1, 10.1.15 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander •severus, alexander •alexander severus, on aurum coronarium •alexander severus Found in books: Ando and Ruepke, Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome (2006) 128; Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 113, 180; Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 73, 383

147. Justinian, Digest, 19.2.19.10, 50.13.4, 50.13.1.8, 50.13.1.5, 1.16.4.5, 22.5.3.6, 39.4.4.2, 12.2.13.1, 12.6.15.1, 18.1.76.1, 41.3.21, 44.3.3, 44.3.11, 44.3.12, 1.3.32, 49.1.25, 50.2.11, 1.16.10pr, 3.4.6pr, 21.2.54pr, 24.2.11, 47.10.15.15, 48.22.6.1, 26.1.9, 47.9.7, 1.12.7 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 382

148. Macarius The Great, Apocriticus Seu , 4.20 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi, Hadrian and the Christians (2010) 12

149. Zosimus, New History, 1.11.2 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Tuori, The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication< (2016) 272

150. Justinian, Institutiones, 2.9.5 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 73

151. Justinian, Novellae, 22.37 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Huebner and Laes, Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae' (2019) 123

152. Procopius, On Buildings, 2.6.10-2.6.11, 2.8.24-2.8.25, 4.1.20-4.1.24, 4.10.21 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 54

153. Justinian, Digesta, 47.9.7, 26.1.9, 48.22.6.1, 1.12.7, 1.3.31, 49.1.25, 32.23, 1.4.1pr, 37.14.17.pr (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 67

154. Gregory The Great, Letters, 43684 (6th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 227

155. Plin., Pan., 94.5 Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander (m. aurel[l]ius severus alexander) Found in books: Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 237

156. Choricius of Gaza, Dialexis, 1.16-20, 200 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan

157. Anon., Tanhuma, mishpatim 14 Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 54

158. Anon., Aggadat Bereishit, 7.3 Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 69

159. Anon., Genesis Rabbati, 45.8 Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus (emperor) •alexander severus Found in books: Leibner and Hezser, Jewish Art in Its Late Antique Context (2016) 56; Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 285, 297

160. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Gord., 15.2, 23.7 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 59, 297

161. Gr. Naz, Anth. Pal. (Gr. Naz.), 8.15 Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Mitchell and Pilhofer, Early Christianity in Asia Minor and Cyprus: From the Margins to the Mainstream (2019) 23

162. Gregory of Nazianzus, Or., 18.12 Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Mitchell and Pilhofer, Early Christianity in Asia Minor and Cyprus: From the Margins to the Mainstream (2019) 23

163. Cypr., Ep., 75.4, 75.7.3-75.7.5, 75.10.1, 75.11 Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Mitchell and Pilhofer, Early Christianity in Asia Minor and Cyprus: From the Margins to the Mainstream (2019) 18

164. Numismatic, Ric, iv elagabalus 249 Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander (m. aurel[l]ius severus alexander) Found in books: Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 227

165. Demosthenes, De Physiognomonia, 90 Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 246

166. Papyri, P.Coll.Youtie, 2.66 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 191

167. Epigraphy, Choix, 270 Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Grzesik, Honorific Culture at Delphi in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods (2022) 104

168. Symmachus, Letters, 2.57 Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus, on aurum coronarium Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 180

169. Ulpianus Domitius, Digesta, Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 109, 112

170. Epigraphy, Rep., no.559, no.556, 15.218-20, 6. 77-80, 15.231, no.560, 15.230, no.630, 15.223-4, no.566, no.558, 15.221-3, 15.224-6, no.564 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan

171. Epigraphy, Cumont (1926), 3 Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: nan

172. Vegetius Renatus, De Re Militari, 1.3.1-1.3.5, 1.31.1-1.31.5 Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus (emperor) Found in books: Phang, The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235) (2001) 328

173. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.108.2 Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 246

174. Anon., Midrash Hagadol, deuteronomy 23.20 Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 54

175. Marcian, Digesta, 48.3.6.1 Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 113

176. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Antoninus Pius, 4.1, 8.3 Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus, on aurum coronarium •alexander severus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 180; Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 54

177. Anon., Martyrdom of Pionius, 10.4, 15.1-15.5 Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 365; Bickerman and Tropper, Studies in Jewish and Christian History (2007) 743

178. Epigraphy, Ig, 14.1050 Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Grzesik, Honorific Culture at Delphi in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods (2022) 104

179. Paulus Julius, Digesta, 5.5a.8 Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 73

180. Papyri, Psi, 10.1159 Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 52

181. Martial, Ep., 2.36 Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 244

182. Papyri, P.Yadin, 16.16 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 113; Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 52, 54, 73, 101; Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 160

183. Papyri, P.Stras., 1.22 Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander •alexander severus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 112; Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 73

184. Papyri, P.Oxy., 3.495, 6.903, 8.1114, 12.1405, 16.1876-16.1877, 16.1888-16.1889, 17.2104, 17.2348, 27.2476, 36.2755, 42.3016, 43.3105-43.3106, 63.44 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 109, 112, 113, 365; Bickerman and Tropper, Studies in Jewish and Christian History (2007) 743; Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 52, 191, 192; Tuori, The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication< (2016) 1, 257

185. Papyri, P.Mich., 9.529, 5503c Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus •severus, alexander Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 112; Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 52

186. Papyri, P.Lond., 3.936 Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 52

187. Anon., Historia Augusta, "17, "29, 2", 1" Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Geljon and Vos, Violence in Ancient Christianity: Victims and Perpetrators (2014) 48

188. Papyri, P.Harr., 1.67 Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 191

189. Papyri, P.Giss., 40 Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 112

190. Papyri, P.Flor., 3.382 Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 112

191. Papyri, P.Fay., 20 Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus, on aurum coronarium Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 180

192. Augustus, Sng Aulock, 1909 Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander, emperor Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 478

193. Papyri, P.Col., 123 Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Tuori, The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication< (2016) 256

194. Prosopography, Pir2, e67 Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander (roman emperor) •severus alexander (roman emperor), instability of reign Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 200

195. Epigraphy, Jacquemin 1999, 153 Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Grzesik, Honorific Culture at Delphi in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods (2022) 104

196. Papyri, P.Stras., 1.22 Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander •alexander severus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 112; Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 73

197. Epigraphy, Bmc, 318 Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander, emperor Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 478

198. Epigraphy, Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae Veteres, 2256-2258, 2807 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 339

199. Epigraphy, Ms, i314, i257 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 473

202. Epigraphy, Ae, 1046, 1419, 1974, 1988, 2011-2012, 629, 1739 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 382

203. Fronto, Ad M. Antoninum Imp. Epist., 1.6.2-1.6.9 Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 191

204. Epigraphy, Bch, 86.1962.238 Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Grzesik, Honorific Culture at Delphi in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods (2022) 104

205. Eutropius, Breviarium Historiae Romanae, 8.23 Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 177

206. Epigraphy, Cid, 4.141, 4.146-4.149 Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Grzesik, Honorific Culture at Delphi in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods (2022) 32, 104

207. Epigraphy, Cig, 356 Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 113

208. Epigraphy, Cij, 2.972 Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 187

209. Epigraphy, Syll. , 813c, 825b, 829b, 835b, 897, 835a Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Grzesik, Honorific Culture at Delphi in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods (2022) 104

210. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q382, 19.30 Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander Found in books: Griffiths, The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI) (1975) 327

211. Epigraphy, Seg, 9.8, 9.356, 17.759, 48.541, 62.978 Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander •severus, alexander •alexander severus •severus alexander, emperor Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 365; Bruun and Edmondson, The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy (2015) 360; Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 52, 192; Tuori, The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication< (2016) 1

212. Anon., Assumption of Moses, 13.24 Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 113

213. Epigraphy, Ogis, 483 Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander, emperor Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 378

215. Scholia Euripides, Fgrh, 3 Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus, on aurum coronarium Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 180

216. Palestinian Talmud, Scholion To Megilat Taanit, 49.1.25 Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 109, 113, 366

218. Origen, Ap. Eus. He, 37 Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 112

219. Nossis, Ap, 1.267, 4.1074 Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 112

220. John Chrysostom, De Prophetarum Obscuritate, a b c d\n0 9.8.3 9.8.3 9 8\n1 10.61(59) 10.61(59) 10 61(59) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 113

221. Epigraphy, Irt, 647 Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 382

222. Epigraphy, Ils, 1140-1141, 1194, 1455, 225, 2304, 2320, 2377, 4072, 4283, 1067 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 382

223. Fragmenta, Misopogon, 8 (Huschke 109) Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Ando and Ruepke, Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome (2006) 27

225. Epigraphy, Igur, i25 Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Grzesik, Honorific Culture at Delphi in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods (2022) 104

226. Epigraphy, Cbp, 78, 88, 1955 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 112

227. Epigraphy, Abercius Monument, 4.1044 Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 113

228. Dionysius, On Promises, 462 Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 112

230. Pseudo-Libanios, Epistolary Styles, 19.2, 31.5 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan

231. Epigraphy, Ilafr, 273 Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 382

233. Epigraphy, Iltun, 1675 Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 382

234. Anon., Sifre Zuta, 18.65 Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander Found in books: Griffiths, The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI) (1975) 327

235. Hammurabi, Laws of Hammurabi, 1.1 Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus (emperor) Found in books: Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 297

236. Anon., Seder Eliyahu Rabbah, 28 Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 212

237. Papyri, Sm, 6.9128, 16.12288 Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 52

238. Epigraphy, Cil, 14.1072, 8.27505, 8.18348, 8.7059, 8.15876, 8.11045, 8.8489, 8.7060, 8.2777, 8.18134, 8.1640, 8.10490, x6662, 3.12134, 2.4114, ii.2/14 975, 8.2615, 6.1408, 2.4719, 3.6580, 4.149, 4.10603, 4.10674, 2.5181, 11.1421, 14.845, 14.4564, 14.1877, 6.8987, 6.9057, 6.1808, 6.9077 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 382

239. Anon., Tanchuma (Buber), mishpatim 5 Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 54

240. Papyri, Bgu, 1.267 Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 73

241. Papyri, P. Lugd. Bat., 19.14 Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 52

242. Dio Chrysostom, De Regno, 1-4 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rizzi, Hadrian and the Christians (2010) 12

243. Epigraphy, Fouilles De Delphes, 4.120, 4.472 Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Grzesik, Honorific Culture at Delphi in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods (2022) 32, 104

247. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Did. Jul., 3.7-3.10 Tagged with subjects: •aurelius severus alexander, m. Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard, Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic (2020) 89

248. Anon., Shir Ha-Shirim Zuta, 1.6 Tagged with subjects: •severus alexander Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar, Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity (2021) 251

252. Epigraphy, Oliver, Gcre, 276 Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 191

253. Papyri, Fira, 1.84 Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 73

254. Anon., Fragmenta Vaticana, 7 Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 73

255. Papyri, P. Bagnall, 5 Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 52

256. Papyri, P. Pintaudi, 42 Tagged with subjects: •severus, alexander Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 52

257. Epigraphy, Head, Hn2, 583, 577 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 478

258. Various, Anthologia Planudea, 16.26a Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 85

266. Scholia In Pindarum, Scholia Vetera (Scholia In Pindarum (Scholia Vetera) ), 1.646 (Dindorf ) Tagged with subjects: •alexander severus Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper, Studies in Jewish and Christian History (2007) 867

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database