1. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 3.17 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Taylor (2012) 146| 3.17. "וְהָעֲרָבָה וְהַיַּרְדֵּן וּגְבֻל מִכִּנֶּרֶת וְעַד יָם הָעֲרָבָה יָם הַמֶּלַח תַּחַת אַשְׁדֹּת הַפִּסְגָּה מִזְרָחָה׃", | 3.17. "the Arabah also, the Jordan being the border thereof, from Chinnereth even unto the sea of the Arabah, the Salt Sea, under the slopes of Pisgah eastward.", |
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2. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 19.24 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2019) 238| 19.24. "וּבַשָּׁנָה הָרְבִיעִת יִהְיֶה כָּל־פִּרְיוֹ קֹדֶשׁ הִלּוּלִים לַיהוָה׃", | 19.24. "And in the fourth year all the fruit thereof shall be holy, for giving praise unto the LORD.", |
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3. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 14.3, 15.10 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2019) 238; Taylor (2012) 146| 14.3. "כָּל־אֵלֶּה חָבְרוּ אֶל־עֵמֶק הַשִּׂדִּים הוּא יָם הַמֶּלַח׃", | 14.3. "All these came as allies unto the vale of Siddim—the same is the Salt Sea.", 15.10. "And he took him all these, and divided them in the midst, and laid each half over against the other; but the birds divided he not.", |
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4. Hebrew Bible, Joshua, 15.5 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Taylor (2012) 146| 15.5. "וּגְבוּל קֵדְמָה יָם הַמֶּלַח עַד־קְצֵה הַיַּרְדֵּן וּגְבוּל לִפְאַת צָפוֹנָה מִלְּשׁוֹן הַיָּם מִקְצֵה הַיַּרְדֵּן׃", 15.5. "וַעֲנָב וְאֶשְׁתְּמֹה וְעָנִים׃", | 15.5. "And the east border was the Salt Sea, even unto the end of the Jordan. And the border of the north side was from the bay of the sea at the end of the Jordan.", |
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| 5. Homer, Odyssey, 10.552-10.560 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Laes Goodey and Rose (2013) 18 |
6. Homer, Iliad, 2.211-2.320 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Laes Goodey and Rose (2013) 18 | 2.211. / thundereth on the long beach, and the deep roareth.Now the others sate them down and were stayed in their places, only there still kept chattering on Thersites of measureless speech, whose mind was full of great store of disorderly words, wherewith to utter revilings against the kings, idly, and in no orderly wise, 2.212. / thundereth on the long beach, and the deep roareth.Now the others sate them down and were stayed in their places, only there still kept chattering on Thersites of measureless speech, whose mind was full of great store of disorderly words, wherewith to utter revilings against the kings, idly, and in no orderly wise, 2.213. / thundereth on the long beach, and the deep roareth.Now the others sate them down and were stayed in their places, only there still kept chattering on Thersites of measureless speech, whose mind was full of great store of disorderly words, wherewith to utter revilings against the kings, idly, and in no orderly wise, 2.214. / thundereth on the long beach, and the deep roareth.Now the others sate them down and were stayed in their places, only there still kept chattering on Thersites of measureless speech, whose mind was full of great store of disorderly words, wherewith to utter revilings against the kings, idly, and in no orderly wise, 2.215. / but whatsoever he deemed would raise a laugh among the Argives. Evil-favoured was he beyond all men that came to Ilios: he was bandy-legged and lame in the one foot, and his two shoulders were rounded, stooping together over his chest, and above them his head was warped, and a scant stubble grew thereon. 2.216. / but whatsoever he deemed would raise a laugh among the Argives. Evil-favoured was he beyond all men that came to Ilios: he was bandy-legged and lame in the one foot, and his two shoulders were rounded, stooping together over his chest, and above them his head was warped, and a scant stubble grew thereon. 2.217. / but whatsoever he deemed would raise a laugh among the Argives. Evil-favoured was he beyond all men that came to Ilios: he was bandy-legged and lame in the one foot, and his two shoulders were rounded, stooping together over his chest, and above them his head was warped, and a scant stubble grew thereon. 2.218. / but whatsoever he deemed would raise a laugh among the Argives. Evil-favoured was he beyond all men that came to Ilios: he was bandy-legged and lame in the one foot, and his two shoulders were rounded, stooping together over his chest, and above them his head was warped, and a scant stubble grew thereon. 2.219. / but whatsoever he deemed would raise a laugh among the Argives. Evil-favoured was he beyond all men that came to Ilios: he was bandy-legged and lame in the one foot, and his two shoulders were rounded, stooping together over his chest, and above them his head was warped, and a scant stubble grew thereon. 2.220. / Hateful was he to Achilles above all, and to Odysseus, for it was they twain that he was wont to revile; but now again with shrill cries he uttered abuse against goodly Agamemnon. With him were the Achaeans exceeding wroth, and had indignation in their hearts. 2.221. / Hateful was he to Achilles above all, and to Odysseus, for it was they twain that he was wont to revile; but now again with shrill cries he uttered abuse against goodly Agamemnon. With him were the Achaeans exceeding wroth, and had indignation in their hearts. 2.222. / Hateful was he to Achilles above all, and to Odysseus, for it was they twain that he was wont to revile; but now again with shrill cries he uttered abuse against goodly Agamemnon. With him were the Achaeans exceeding wroth, and had indignation in their hearts. 2.223. / Hateful was he to Achilles above all, and to Odysseus, for it was they twain that he was wont to revile; but now again with shrill cries he uttered abuse against goodly Agamemnon. With him were the Achaeans exceeding wroth, and had indignation in their hearts. 2.224. / Hateful was he to Achilles above all, and to Odysseus, for it was they twain that he was wont to revile; but now again with shrill cries he uttered abuse against goodly Agamemnon. With him were the Achaeans exceeding wroth, and had indignation in their hearts. Howbeit with loud shoutings he spake and chid Agamemnon: 2.225. / Son of Atreus, with what art thou now again discontent, or what lack is thine? Filled are thy huts with bronze, and women full many are in thy huts, chosen spoils that we Achaeans give thee first of all, whensoe'er we take a citadel. Or dost thou still want gold also, 2.226. / Son of Atreus, with what art thou now again discontent, or what lack is thine? Filled are thy huts with bronze, and women full many are in thy huts, chosen spoils that we Achaeans give thee first of all, whensoe'er we take a citadel. Or dost thou still want gold also, 2.227. / Son of Atreus, with what art thou now again discontent, or what lack is thine? Filled are thy huts with bronze, and women full many are in thy huts, chosen spoils that we Achaeans give thee first of all, whensoe'er we take a citadel. Or dost thou still want gold also, 2.228. / Son of Atreus, with what art thou now again discontent, or what lack is thine? Filled are thy huts with bronze, and women full many are in thy huts, chosen spoils that we Achaeans give thee first of all, whensoe'er we take a citadel. Or dost thou still want gold also, 2.229. / Son of Atreus, with what art thou now again discontent, or what lack is thine? Filled are thy huts with bronze, and women full many are in thy huts, chosen spoils that we Achaeans give thee first of all, whensoe'er we take a citadel. Or dost thou still want gold also, 2.230. / which some man of the horse-taming Trojans shall bring thee out of Ilios as a ransom for his son, whom I haply have bound and led away or some other of the Achaeans? Or is it some young girl for thee to know in love, whom thou wilt keep apart for thyself? Nay, it beseemeth not one that is their captain to bring to ill the sons of the Achaeans. 2.231. / which some man of the horse-taming Trojans shall bring thee out of Ilios as a ransom for his son, whom I haply have bound and led away or some other of the Achaeans? Or is it some young girl for thee to know in love, whom thou wilt keep apart for thyself? Nay, it beseemeth not one that is their captain to bring to ill the sons of the Achaeans. 2.232. / which some man of the horse-taming Trojans shall bring thee out of Ilios as a ransom for his son, whom I haply have bound and led away or some other of the Achaeans? Or is it some young girl for thee to know in love, whom thou wilt keep apart for thyself? Nay, it beseemeth not one that is their captain to bring to ill the sons of the Achaeans. 2.233. / which some man of the horse-taming Trojans shall bring thee out of Ilios as a ransom for his son, whom I haply have bound and led away or some other of the Achaeans? Or is it some young girl for thee to know in love, whom thou wilt keep apart for thyself? Nay, it beseemeth not one that is their captain to bring to ill the sons of the Achaeans. 2.234. / which some man of the horse-taming Trojans shall bring thee out of Ilios as a ransom for his son, whom I haply have bound and led away or some other of the Achaeans? Or is it some young girl for thee to know in love, whom thou wilt keep apart for thyself? Nay, it beseemeth not one that is their captain to bring to ill the sons of the Achaeans. 2.235. / Soft fools! base things of shame, ye women of Achaea, men no more, homeward let us go with our ships, and leave this fellow here in the land of Troy to digest his prizes, that so he may learn whether in us too there is aught of aid for him or no—for him that hath now done dishonour to Achilles, a man better far than he; 2.236. / Soft fools! base things of shame, ye women of Achaea, men no more, homeward let us go with our ships, and leave this fellow here in the land of Troy to digest his prizes, that so he may learn whether in us too there is aught of aid for him or no—for him that hath now done dishonour to Achilles, a man better far than he; 2.237. / Soft fools! base things of shame, ye women of Achaea, men no more, homeward let us go with our ships, and leave this fellow here in the land of Troy to digest his prizes, that so he may learn whether in us too there is aught of aid for him or no—for him that hath now done dishonour to Achilles, a man better far than he; 2.238. / Soft fools! base things of shame, ye women of Achaea, men no more, homeward let us go with our ships, and leave this fellow here in the land of Troy to digest his prizes, that so he may learn whether in us too there is aught of aid for him or no—for him that hath now done dishonour to Achilles, a man better far than he; 2.239. / Soft fools! base things of shame, ye women of Achaea, men no more, homeward let us go with our ships, and leave this fellow here in the land of Troy to digest his prizes, that so he may learn whether in us too there is aught of aid for him or no—for him that hath now done dishonour to Achilles, a man better far than he; 2.240. / for he hath taken away, and keepeth his prize by his own arrogant act. of a surety there is naught of wrath in the heart of Achilles; nay, he heedeth not at all; else, son of Atreus, wouldest thou now work insolence for the last time. So spake Thersites, railing at Agamemnon, shepherd of the host. But quickly to his side came goodly Odysseus, 2.241. / for he hath taken away, and keepeth his prize by his own arrogant act. of a surety there is naught of wrath in the heart of Achilles; nay, he heedeth not at all; else, son of Atreus, wouldest thou now work insolence for the last time. So spake Thersites, railing at Agamemnon, shepherd of the host. But quickly to his side came goodly Odysseus, 2.242. / for he hath taken away, and keepeth his prize by his own arrogant act. of a surety there is naught of wrath in the heart of Achilles; nay, he heedeth not at all; else, son of Atreus, wouldest thou now work insolence for the last time. So spake Thersites, railing at Agamemnon, shepherd of the host. But quickly to his side came goodly Odysseus, 2.243. / for he hath taken away, and keepeth his prize by his own arrogant act. of a surety there is naught of wrath in the heart of Achilles; nay, he heedeth not at all; else, son of Atreus, wouldest thou now work insolence for the last time. So spake Thersites, railing at Agamemnon, shepherd of the host. But quickly to his side came goodly Odysseus, 2.244. / for he hath taken away, and keepeth his prize by his own arrogant act. of a surety there is naught of wrath in the heart of Achilles; nay, he heedeth not at all; else, son of Atreus, wouldest thou now work insolence for the last time. So spake Thersites, railing at Agamemnon, shepherd of the host. But quickly to his side came goodly Odysseus, 2.245. / and with an angry glance from beneath his brows, chid him with harsh words, saying:Thersites of reckless speech, clear-voiced talker though thou art, refrain thee, and be not minded to strive singly against kings. For I deem that there is no viler mortal than thou amongst all those that with the sons of Atreus came beneath Ilios. 2.246. / and with an angry glance from beneath his brows, chid him with harsh words, saying:Thersites of reckless speech, clear-voiced talker though thou art, refrain thee, and be not minded to strive singly against kings. For I deem that there is no viler mortal than thou amongst all those that with the sons of Atreus came beneath Ilios. 2.247. / and with an angry glance from beneath his brows, chid him with harsh words, saying:Thersites of reckless speech, clear-voiced talker though thou art, refrain thee, and be not minded to strive singly against kings. For I deem that there is no viler mortal than thou amongst all those that with the sons of Atreus came beneath Ilios. 2.248. / and with an angry glance from beneath his brows, chid him with harsh words, saying:Thersites of reckless speech, clear-voiced talker though thou art, refrain thee, and be not minded to strive singly against kings. For I deem that there is no viler mortal than thou amongst all those that with the sons of Atreus came beneath Ilios. 2.249. / and with an angry glance from beneath his brows, chid him with harsh words, saying:Thersites of reckless speech, clear-voiced talker though thou art, refrain thee, and be not minded to strive singly against kings. For I deem that there is no viler mortal than thou amongst all those that with the sons of Atreus came beneath Ilios. 2.250. / Wherefore 'twere well thou shouldst not take the name of kings in thy mouth as thou protest, to cast reproaches upon them, and to watch for home-going. In no wise do we know clearly as yet how these things are to be, whether it be for good or ill that we sons of the Achaeans shall return. Therefore dost thou now continually utter revilings against Atreus' son, Agamemnon, shepherd of the host, 2.251. / Wherefore 'twere well thou shouldst not take the name of kings in thy mouth as thou protest, to cast reproaches upon them, and to watch for home-going. In no wise do we know clearly as yet how these things are to be, whether it be for good or ill that we sons of the Achaeans shall return. Therefore dost thou now continually utter revilings against Atreus' son, Agamemnon, shepherd of the host, 2.252. / Wherefore 'twere well thou shouldst not take the name of kings in thy mouth as thou protest, to cast reproaches upon them, and to watch for home-going. In no wise do we know clearly as yet how these things are to be, whether it be for good or ill that we sons of the Achaeans shall return. Therefore dost thou now continually utter revilings against Atreus' son, Agamemnon, shepherd of the host, 2.253. / Wherefore 'twere well thou shouldst not take the name of kings in thy mouth as thou protest, to cast reproaches upon them, and to watch for home-going. In no wise do we know clearly as yet how these things are to be, whether it be for good or ill that we sons of the Achaeans shall return. Therefore dost thou now continually utter revilings against Atreus' son, Agamemnon, shepherd of the host, 2.254. / Wherefore 'twere well thou shouldst not take the name of kings in thy mouth as thou protest, to cast reproaches upon them, and to watch for home-going. In no wise do we know clearly as yet how these things are to be, whether it be for good or ill that we sons of the Achaeans shall return. Therefore dost thou now continually utter revilings against Atreus' son, Agamemnon, shepherd of the host, 2.255. / for that the Danaan warriors give him gifts full many; whereas thou pratest on with railings. But I will speak out to thee, and this word shall verily be brought to pass: if I find thee again playing the fool, even as now thou dost, then may the head of Odysseus abide no more upon his shoulders, 2.256. / for that the Danaan warriors give him gifts full many; whereas thou pratest on with railings. But I will speak out to thee, and this word shall verily be brought to pass: if I find thee again playing the fool, even as now thou dost, then may the head of Odysseus abide no more upon his shoulders, 2.257. / for that the Danaan warriors give him gifts full many; whereas thou pratest on with railings. But I will speak out to thee, and this word shall verily be brought to pass: if I find thee again playing the fool, even as now thou dost, then may the head of Odysseus abide no more upon his shoulders, 2.258. / for that the Danaan warriors give him gifts full many; whereas thou pratest on with railings. But I will speak out to thee, and this word shall verily be brought to pass: if I find thee again playing the fool, even as now thou dost, then may the head of Odysseus abide no more upon his shoulders, 2.259. / for that the Danaan warriors give him gifts full many; whereas thou pratest on with railings. But I will speak out to thee, and this word shall verily be brought to pass: if I find thee again playing the fool, even as now thou dost, then may the head of Odysseus abide no more upon his shoulders, 2.260. / nor may I any more be called the father of Telemachus, if I take thee not, and strip off thy raiment, thy cloak, and thy tunic that cover thy nakedness, and for thyself send thee wailing to the swift ships, beaten forth from the place of gathering with shameful blows. 2.261. / nor may I any more be called the father of Telemachus, if I take thee not, and strip off thy raiment, thy cloak, and thy tunic that cover thy nakedness, and for thyself send thee wailing to the swift ships, beaten forth from the place of gathering with shameful blows. 2.262. / nor may I any more be called the father of Telemachus, if I take thee not, and strip off thy raiment, thy cloak, and thy tunic that cover thy nakedness, and for thyself send thee wailing to the swift ships, beaten forth from the place of gathering with shameful blows. 2.263. / nor may I any more be called the father of Telemachus, if I take thee not, and strip off thy raiment, thy cloak, and thy tunic that cover thy nakedness, and for thyself send thee wailing to the swift ships, beaten forth from the place of gathering with shameful blows. 2.264. / nor may I any more be called the father of Telemachus, if I take thee not, and strip off thy raiment, thy cloak, and thy tunic that cover thy nakedness, and for thyself send thee wailing to the swift ships, beaten forth from the place of gathering with shameful blows. 2.265. / So spake Odysseus, and with his staff smote his back and shoulders; and Thersites cowered down, and a big tear fell from him, and a bloody weal rose up on his back beneath the staff of gold. Then he sate him down, and fear came upon him, and stung by pain with helpless looks he wiped away the tear. 2.266. / So spake Odysseus, and with his staff smote his back and shoulders; and Thersites cowered down, and a big tear fell from him, and a bloody weal rose up on his back beneath the staff of gold. Then he sate him down, and fear came upon him, and stung by pain with helpless looks he wiped away the tear. 2.267. / So spake Odysseus, and with his staff smote his back and shoulders; and Thersites cowered down, and a big tear fell from him, and a bloody weal rose up on his back beneath the staff of gold. Then he sate him down, and fear came upon him, and stung by pain with helpless looks he wiped away the tear. 2.268. / So spake Odysseus, and with his staff smote his back and shoulders; and Thersites cowered down, and a big tear fell from him, and a bloody weal rose up on his back beneath the staff of gold. Then he sate him down, and fear came upon him, and stung by pain with helpless looks he wiped away the tear. 2.269. / So spake Odysseus, and with his staff smote his back and shoulders; and Thersites cowered down, and a big tear fell from him, and a bloody weal rose up on his back beneath the staff of gold. Then he sate him down, and fear came upon him, and stung by pain with helpless looks he wiped away the tear. 2.270. / But the Achaeans, sore vexed at heart though they were, broke into a merry laugh at him, and thus would one speak with a glance at his neighbour:Out upon it! verily hath Odysseus ere now wrought good deeds without number as leader in good counsel and setting battle in army, but now is this deed far the best that he hath wrought among the Argives, 2.271. / But the Achaeans, sore vexed at heart though they were, broke into a merry laugh at him, and thus would one speak with a glance at his neighbour:Out upon it! verily hath Odysseus ere now wrought good deeds without number as leader in good counsel and setting battle in army, but now is this deed far the best that he hath wrought among the Argives, 2.272. / But the Achaeans, sore vexed at heart though they were, broke into a merry laugh at him, and thus would one speak with a glance at his neighbour:Out upon it! verily hath Odysseus ere now wrought good deeds without number as leader in good counsel and setting battle in army, but now is this deed far the best that he hath wrought among the Argives, 2.273. / But the Achaeans, sore vexed at heart though they were, broke into a merry laugh at him, and thus would one speak with a glance at his neighbour:Out upon it! verily hath Odysseus ere now wrought good deeds without number as leader in good counsel and setting battle in army, but now is this deed far the best that he hath wrought among the Argives, 2.274. / But the Achaeans, sore vexed at heart though they were, broke into a merry laugh at him, and thus would one speak with a glance at his neighbour:Out upon it! verily hath Odysseus ere now wrought good deeds without number as leader in good counsel and setting battle in army, but now is this deed far the best that he hath wrought among the Argives, 2.275. / seeing he hath made this scurrilous babbler to cease from his prating. Never again, I ween, will his proud spirit henceforth set him on to rail at kings with words of reviling. So spake the multitude; but up rose Odysseus, sacker of cities, the sceptre in his hand, and by his side flashing-eyed Athene, 2.276. / seeing he hath made this scurrilous babbler to cease from his prating. Never again, I ween, will his proud spirit henceforth set him on to rail at kings with words of reviling. So spake the multitude; but up rose Odysseus, sacker of cities, the sceptre in his hand, and by his side flashing-eyed Athene, 2.277. / seeing he hath made this scurrilous babbler to cease from his prating. Never again, I ween, will his proud spirit henceforth set him on to rail at kings with words of reviling. So spake the multitude; but up rose Odysseus, sacker of cities, the sceptre in his hand, and by his side flashing-eyed Athene, 2.278. / seeing he hath made this scurrilous babbler to cease from his prating. Never again, I ween, will his proud spirit henceforth set him on to rail at kings with words of reviling. So spake the multitude; but up rose Odysseus, sacker of cities, the sceptre in his hand, and by his side flashing-eyed Athene, 2.279. / seeing he hath made this scurrilous babbler to cease from his prating. Never again, I ween, will his proud spirit henceforth set him on to rail at kings with words of reviling. So spake the multitude; but up rose Odysseus, sacker of cities, the sceptre in his hand, and by his side flashing-eyed Athene, 2.280. / in the likeness of a herald, bade the host keep silence, that the sons of the Achaeans, both the nearest and the farthest, might hear his words, and lay to heart his counsel. He with good intent addressed their gathering and spake among them:Son of Atreus, now verily are the Achaeans minded to make thee, O king, 2.281. / in the likeness of a herald, bade the host keep silence, that the sons of the Achaeans, both the nearest and the farthest, might hear his words, and lay to heart his counsel. He with good intent addressed their gathering and spake among them:Son of Atreus, now verily are the Achaeans minded to make thee, O king, 2.282. / in the likeness of a herald, bade the host keep silence, that the sons of the Achaeans, both the nearest and the farthest, might hear his words, and lay to heart his counsel. He with good intent addressed their gathering and spake among them:Son of Atreus, now verily are the Achaeans minded to make thee, O king, 2.283. / in the likeness of a herald, bade the host keep silence, that the sons of the Achaeans, both the nearest and the farthest, might hear his words, and lay to heart his counsel. He with good intent addressed their gathering and spake among them:Son of Atreus, now verily are the Achaeans minded to make thee, O king, 2.284. / in the likeness of a herald, bade the host keep silence, that the sons of the Achaeans, both the nearest and the farthest, might hear his words, and lay to heart his counsel. He with good intent addressed their gathering and spake among them:Son of Atreus, now verily are the Achaeans minded to make thee, O king, 2.285. / the most despised among all mortal men, nor will they fulfill the promise that they made to thee, while faring hitherward from Argos, the pasture-land of horses, that not until thou hadst sacked well-walled Ilios shouldest thou get thee home. For like little children or widow women 2.286. / the most despised among all mortal men, nor will they fulfill the promise that they made to thee, while faring hitherward from Argos, the pasture-land of horses, that not until thou hadst sacked well-walled Ilios shouldest thou get thee home. For like little children or widow women 2.287. / the most despised among all mortal men, nor will they fulfill the promise that they made to thee, while faring hitherward from Argos, the pasture-land of horses, that not until thou hadst sacked well-walled Ilios shouldest thou get thee home. For like little children or widow women 2.288. / the most despised among all mortal men, nor will they fulfill the promise that they made to thee, while faring hitherward from Argos, the pasture-land of horses, that not until thou hadst sacked well-walled Ilios shouldest thou get thee home. For like little children or widow women 2.289. / the most despised among all mortal men, nor will they fulfill the promise that they made to thee, while faring hitherward from Argos, the pasture-land of horses, that not until thou hadst sacked well-walled Ilios shouldest thou get thee home. For like little children or widow women 2.290. / do they wail each to the other in longing to return home. Verily there is toil enough to make a man return disheartened. For he that abideth but one single month far from his wife in his benched ship hath vexation of heart, even he whom winter blasts and surging seas keep afar; 2.291. / do they wail each to the other in longing to return home. Verily there is toil enough to make a man return disheartened. For he that abideth but one single month far from his wife in his benched ship hath vexation of heart, even he whom winter blasts and surging seas keep afar; 2.292. / do they wail each to the other in longing to return home. Verily there is toil enough to make a man return disheartened. For he that abideth but one single month far from his wife in his benched ship hath vexation of heart, even he whom winter blasts and surging seas keep afar; 2.293. / do they wail each to the other in longing to return home. Verily there is toil enough to make a man return disheartened. For he that abideth but one single month far from his wife in his benched ship hath vexation of heart, even he whom winter blasts and surging seas keep afar; 2.294. / do they wail each to the other in longing to return home. Verily there is toil enough to make a man return disheartened. For he that abideth but one single month far from his wife in his benched ship hath vexation of heart, even he whom winter blasts and surging seas keep afar; 2.295. / but for us is the ninth year at its turn, while we abide here; wherefore I count it not shame that the Achaeans have vexation of heart beside their beaked ships; yet even so it is a shameful thing to tarry long, and return empty. Endure, my friends, and abide for a time, that we may know 2.296. / but for us is the ninth year at its turn, while we abide here; wherefore I count it not shame that the Achaeans have vexation of heart beside their beaked ships; yet even so it is a shameful thing to tarry long, and return empty. Endure, my friends, and abide for a time, that we may know 2.297. / but for us is the ninth year at its turn, while we abide here; wherefore I count it not shame that the Achaeans have vexation of heart beside their beaked ships; yet even so it is a shameful thing to tarry long, and return empty. Endure, my friends, and abide for a time, that we may know 2.298. / but for us is the ninth year at its turn, while we abide here; wherefore I count it not shame that the Achaeans have vexation of heart beside their beaked ships; yet even so it is a shameful thing to tarry long, and return empty. Endure, my friends, and abide for a time, that we may know 2.299. / but for us is the ninth year at its turn, while we abide here; wherefore I count it not shame that the Achaeans have vexation of heart beside their beaked ships; yet even so it is a shameful thing to tarry long, and return empty. Endure, my friends, and abide for a time, that we may know 2.300. / whether the prophecies of Calchas be true, or no. 2.301. / whether the prophecies of Calchas be true, or no. 2.302. / whether the prophecies of Calchas be true, or no. 2.303. / whether the prophecies of Calchas be true, or no. 2.304. / whether the prophecies of Calchas be true, or no. For this in truth do we know well in our hearts, and ye are all witnesses thereto, even as many as the fates of death have not borne away. It was but as yesterday or the day before, when the ships of the Achaeans were gathering in Aulis, laden with woes for Priam and the Trojans; 2.305. / and we round about a spring were offering to the immortals upon the holy altars hecatombs that bring fulfillment, beneath a fair plane-tree from whence flowed the bright water; then appeared a great portent: a serpent, blood-red on the back, terrible, whom the Olympian himself had sent forth to the light, 2.306. / and we round about a spring were offering to the immortals upon the holy altars hecatombs that bring fulfillment, beneath a fair plane-tree from whence flowed the bright water; then appeared a great portent: a serpent, blood-red on the back, terrible, whom the Olympian himself had sent forth to the light, 2.307. / and we round about a spring were offering to the immortals upon the holy altars hecatombs that bring fulfillment, beneath a fair plane-tree from whence flowed the bright water; then appeared a great portent: a serpent, blood-red on the back, terrible, whom the Olympian himself had sent forth to the light, 2.308. / and we round about a spring were offering to the immortals upon the holy altars hecatombs that bring fulfillment, beneath a fair plane-tree from whence flowed the bright water; then appeared a great portent: a serpent, blood-red on the back, terrible, whom the Olympian himself had sent forth to the light, 2.309. / and we round about a spring were offering to the immortals upon the holy altars hecatombs that bring fulfillment, beneath a fair plane-tree from whence flowed the bright water; then appeared a great portent: a serpent, blood-red on the back, terrible, whom the Olympian himself had sent forth to the light, 2.310. / glided from beneath the altar and darted to the plane-tree. Now upon this were the younglings of a sparrow, tender little ones, on the topmost bough, cowering beneath the leaves, eight in all, and the mother that bare them was the ninth, Then the serpent devoured them as they twittered piteously, 2.311. / glided from beneath the altar and darted to the plane-tree. Now upon this were the younglings of a sparrow, tender little ones, on the topmost bough, cowering beneath the leaves, eight in all, and the mother that bare them was the ninth, Then the serpent devoured them as they twittered piteously, 2.312. / glided from beneath the altar and darted to the plane-tree. Now upon this were the younglings of a sparrow, tender little ones, on the topmost bough, cowering beneath the leaves, eight in all, and the mother that bare them was the ninth, Then the serpent devoured them as they twittered piteously, 2.313. / glided from beneath the altar and darted to the plane-tree. Now upon this were the younglings of a sparrow, tender little ones, on the topmost bough, cowering beneath the leaves, eight in all, and the mother that bare them was the ninth, Then the serpent devoured them as they twittered piteously, 2.314. / glided from beneath the altar and darted to the plane-tree. Now upon this were the younglings of a sparrow, tender little ones, on the topmost bough, cowering beneath the leaves, eight in all, and the mother that bare them was the ninth, Then the serpent devoured them as they twittered piteously, 2.315. / and the mother fluttered around them, wailing for her dear little ones; howbeit he coiled himself and caught her by the wing as she screamed about him. But when he had devoured the sparrow's little ones and the mother with them, the god, who had brought him to the light, made him to be unseen; for the son of crooked-counselling Cronos turned him to stone; 2.316. / and the mother fluttered around them, wailing for her dear little ones; howbeit he coiled himself and caught her by the wing as she screamed about him. But when he had devoured the sparrow's little ones and the mother with them, the god, who had brought him to the light, made him to be unseen; for the son of crooked-counselling Cronos turned him to stone; 2.317. / and the mother fluttered around them, wailing for her dear little ones; howbeit he coiled himself and caught her by the wing as she screamed about him. But when he had devoured the sparrow's little ones and the mother with them, the god, who had brought him to the light, made him to be unseen; for the son of crooked-counselling Cronos turned him to stone; 2.318. / and the mother fluttered around them, wailing for her dear little ones; howbeit he coiled himself and caught her by the wing as she screamed about him. But when he had devoured the sparrow's little ones and the mother with them, the god, who had brought him to the light, made him to be unseen; for the son of crooked-counselling Cronos turned him to stone; 2.319. / and the mother fluttered around them, wailing for her dear little ones; howbeit he coiled himself and caught her by the wing as she screamed about him. But when he had devoured the sparrow's little ones and the mother with them, the god, who had brought him to the light, made him to be unseen; for the son of crooked-counselling Cronos turned him to stone; 2.320. / and we stood there and marveled at what was wrought. So, when the dread portent brake in upon the hecatombs of the gods, then straightway did Calchas prophesy, and address our gathering, saying: 'Why are ye thus silent, ye long-haired Achaeans? To us hath Zeus the counsellor shewed this great sign, |
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| 7. Parmenides, Fragments, 3 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding (2022) 38, 189 |
| 8. Heraclitus of Ephesus, Fragments, 101 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding (2022) 38 |
| 9. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding (2022) 38 |
| 10. Plato, Parmenides, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding (2022) 189 |
| 11. Plato, Theaetetus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding (2022) 189 |
| 12. Plato, Symposium, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding (2022) 134 |
13. Plato, Phaedo, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Champion (2022) 51| 86c. αὐτῶν τούτων τὴν ψυχὴν ἡμῶν, ἐπειδὰν ταῦτα καλῶς καὶ μετρίως κραθῇ πρὸς ἄλληλα — εἰ οὖν τυγχάνει ἡ ψυχὴ οὖσα ἁρμονία τις, δῆλον ὅτι, ὅταν χαλασθῇ τὸ σῶμα ἡμῶν ἀμέτρως ἢ ἐπιταθῇ ὑπὸ νόσων καὶ ἄλλων κακῶν, τὴν μὲν ψυχὴν ἀνάγκη εὐθὺς ὑπάρχει ἀπολωλέναι, καίπερ οὖσαν θειοτάτην, ὥσπερ καὶ αἱ ἄλλαι ἁρμονίαι αἵ τ’ ἐν τοῖς φθόγγοις καὶ ἐν τοῖς τῶν δημιουργῶν ἔργοις πᾶσι, τὰ δὲ λείψανα τοῦ σώματος ἑκάστου πολὺν χρόνον παραμένειν, | 86c. and the soul is a mixture and a harmony of these same elements, when they are well and properly mixed. Now if the soul is a harmony, it is clear that when the body is too much relaxed or is too tightly strung by diseases or other ills, the soul must of necessity perish, no matter how divine it is, like other harmonies in sounds and in all the works of artists, and the remains of each body will endure |
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| 14. Plato, Sophist, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding (2022) 309 |
| 15. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding (2022) 134 |
| 16. Plato, Timaeus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 35 |
17. Plato, Philebus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding (2022) 38| 16c. ΣΩ. ἣν δηλῶσαι μὲν οὐ πάνυ χαλεπόν, χρῆσθαι δὲ παγχάλεπον· πάντα γὰρ ὅσα τέχνης ἐχόμενα ἀνηυρέθη πώποτε διὰ ταύτης φανερὰ γέγονε. σκόπει δὲ ἣν λέγω. ΠΡΩ. λέγε μόνον. ΣΩ. θεῶν μὲν εἰς ἀνθρώπους δόσις, ὥς γε καταφαίνεται ἐμοί, ποθὲν ἐκ θεῶν ἐρρίφη διά τινος Προμηθέως ἅμα φανοτάτῳ τινὶ πυρί· καὶ οἱ μὲν παλαιοί, κρείττονες ἡμῶν καὶ ἐγγυτέρω θεῶν οἰκοῦντες, ταύτην φήμην παρέδοσαν, ὡς ἐξ ἑνὸς μὲν καὶ πολλῶν ὄντων τῶν ἀεὶ λεγομένων εἶναι, πέρας δὲ καὶ ἀπειρίαν ἐν αὑτοῖς σύμφυτον ἐχόντων. δεῖν | 16c. Soc. One which is easy to point out, but very difficult to follow for through it all the inventions of art have been brought to light. See this is the road I mean. Pro. Go on what is it? Soc. A gift of gods to men, as I believe, was tossed down from some divine source through the agency of a Prometheus together with a gleaming fire; and the ancients, who were better than we and lived nearer the gods, handed down the tradition that all the things which are ever said to exist are sprung from one and many and have inherent in them the finite and the infinite. This being the way in which these things are arranged, |
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| 18. Plato, Phaedrus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding (2022) 134 |
19. Herodotus, Histories, 1.105, 1.131-1.140, 2.81, 2.104, 3.91, 4.39, 7.89 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Cornelli (2013) 123; Taylor (2012) 146; Wilson (2018) 37 | 1.105. From there they marched against Egypt : and when they were in the part of Syria called Palestine , Psammetichus king of Egypt met them and persuaded them with gifts and prayers to come no further. ,So they turned back, and when they came on their way to the city of Ascalon in Syria , most of the Scythians passed by and did no harm, but a few remained behind and plundered the temple of Heavenly Aphrodite. ,This temple, I discover from making inquiry, is the oldest of all the temples of the goddess, for the temple in Cyprus was founded from it, as the Cyprians themselves say; and the temple on Cythera was founded by Phoenicians from this same land of Syria . ,But the Scythians who pillaged the temple, and all their descendants after them, were afflicted by the goddess with the “female” sickness: and so the Scythians say that they are afflicted as a consequence of this and also that those who visit Scythian territory see among them the condition of those whom the Scythians call “Hermaphrodites”. 1.131. As to the customs of the Persians, I know them to be these. It is not their custom to make and set up statues and temples and altars, but those who do such things they think foolish, because, I suppose, they have never believed the gods to be like men, as the Greeks do; ,but they call the whole circuit of heaven Zeus, and to him they sacrifice on the highest peaks of the mountains; they sacrifice also to the sun and moon and earth and fire and water and winds. ,From the beginning, these are the only gods to whom they have ever sacrificed; they learned later to sacrifice to the “heavenly” Aphrodite from the Assyrians and Arabians. She is called by the Assyrians Mylitta, by the Arabians Alilat, by the Persians Mitra. 1.132. And this is their method of sacrifice to the aforesaid gods: when about to sacrifice, they do not build altars or kindle fire, employ libations, or music, or fillets, or barley meal: when a man wishes to sacrifice to one of the gods, he leads a beast to an open space and then, wearing a wreath on his tiara, of myrtle usually, calls on the god. ,To pray for blessings for himself alone is not lawful for the sacrificer; rather, he prays that the king and all the Persians be well; for he reckons himself among them. He then cuts the victim limb from limb into portions, and, after boiling the flesh, spreads the softest grass, trefoil usually, and places all of it on this. ,When he has so arranged it, a Magus comes near and chants over it the song of the birth of the gods, as the Persian tradition relates it; for no sacrifice can be offered without a Magus. Then after a little while the sacrificer carries away the flesh and uses it as he pleases. 1.133. The day which every man values most is his own birthday. On this day, he thinks it right to serve a more abundant meal than on other days: oxen or horses or camels or asses, roasted whole in ovens, are set before the rich; the poorer serve the lesser kinds of cattle. ,Their courses are few, the dainties that follow many, and not all served together. This is why the Persians say of Greeks that they rise from table still hungry, because not much dessert is set before them: were this too given to Greeks (the Persians say) they would never stop eating. ,They are very partial to wine. No one may vomit or urinate in another's presence: this is prohibited among them. Moreover, it is their custom to deliberate about the gravest matters when they are drunk; ,and what they approve in their deliberations is proposed to them the next day, when they are sober, by the master of the house where they deliberate; and if, being sober, they still approve it, they act on it, but if not, they drop it. And if they have deliberated about a matter when sober, they decide upon it when they are drunk. 1.134. When one man meets another on the road, it is easy to see if the two are equals; for, if they are, they kiss each other on the lips without speaking; if the difference in rank is small, the cheek is kissed; if it is great, the humbler bows and does obeisance to the other. ,They honor most of all those who live nearest them, next those who are next nearest, and so going ever onwards they assign honor by this rule: those who dwell farthest off they hold least honorable of all; for they think that they are themselves in all regards by far the best of all men, that the rest have only a proportionate claim to merit, until those who live farthest away have least merit of all. ,Under the rule of the Medes, one tribe would even govern another; the Medes held sway over all alike and especially over those who lived nearest to them; these ruled their neighbors, and the neighbors in turn those who came next to them, on the same scheme by which the Persians assign honor; for the nation kept advancing its rule and dominion. 1.135. But the Persians more than all men welcome foreign customs. They wear the Median dress, thinking it more beautiful than their own, and the Egyptian cuirass in war. Their luxurious practices are of all kinds, and all borrowed: the Greeks taught them pederasty. Every Persian marries many lawful wives, and keeps still more concubines. 1.136. After valor in battle it is accounted noble to father the greatest number of sons: the king sends gifts yearly to him who gets most. Strength, they believe, is in numbers. ,They educate their boys from five to twenty years old, and teach them only three things: riding and archery and honesty. A boy is not seen by his father before he is five years old, but lives with the women: the point of this is that, if the boy should die in the interval of his rearing, the father would suffer no grief. 1.137. This is a law which I praise; and it is a praiseworthy law, too, which does not allow the king himself to slay any one for a single offense, or any other Persian to do incurable harm to one of his servants for one offense. Not until an accounting shows that the offender's wrongful acts are more and greater than his services may a man give rein to his anger. ,They say that no one has ever yet killed his father or mother; when such a thing has been done, it always turns out on inquest that the doer is shown to be a changeling or the fruit of adultery; for it is not to be believed (say they) that a son should kill his true parent. 1.138. Furthermore, of what they may not do, they may not speak, either. They hold lying to be the most disgraceful thing of all and next to that debt; for which they have many other reasons, but this in particular: it is inevitable (so they say) that the debtor also speak some falsehood. The citizen who has leprosy or the white sickness may not come into town or mingle with other Persians. They say that he is so afflicted because he has sinned in some way against the sun. ,Every stranger who gets such a disease, many drive out of the country; and they do the same to white doves, for the reason given. Rivers they especially revere; they will neither urinate nor spit nor wash their hands in them, nor let anyone else do so. 1.139. There is another thing that always happens among them; we have noted it although the Persians have not: their names, which agree with the nature of their persons and their nobility, all end in the same letter, that which the Dorians call san, and the Ionians sigma; you will find, if you search, that not some but all Persian names alike end in this letter. 1.140. So much I can say of them from my own certain knowledge. But there are other matters concerning the dead which are secretly and obscurely told: how the dead bodies of Persians are not buried before they have been mangled by birds or dogs. ,That this is the way of the Magi, I know for certain; for they do not conceal the practice. But this is certain, that before the Persians bury the body in earth they embalm it in wax. These Magi are as unlike the priests of Egypt as they are unlike all other men: ,for the priests consider it sacrilege to kill anything that lives, except what they sacrifice; but the Magi kill with their own hands every creature, except dogs and men; they kill all alike, ants and snakes, creeping and flying things, and take great pride in it. Leaving this custom to be such as it has been from the first, I return now to my former story. 2.81. They wear linen tunics with fringes hanging about the legs, called “calasiris,” and loose white woolen mantles over these. But nothing woolen is brought into temples, or buried with them: that is impious. ,They agree in this with practices called Orphic and Bacchic, but in fact Egyptian and Pythagorean: for it is impious, too, for one partaking of these rites to be buried in woolen wrappings. There is a sacred legend about this. 2.104. For it is plain to see that the Colchians are Egyptians; and what I say, I myself noted before I heard it from others. When it occurred to me, I inquired of both peoples; and the Colchians remembered the Egyptians better than the Egyptians remembered the Colchians; ,the Egyptians said that they considered the Colchians part of Sesostris' army. I myself guessed it, partly because they are dark-skinned and woolly-haired; though that indeed counts for nothing, since other peoples are, too; but my better proof was that the Colchians and Egyptians and Ethiopians are the only nations that have from the first practised circumcision. ,The Phoenicians and the Syrians of Palestine acknowledge that they learned the custom from the Egyptians, and the Syrians of the valleys of the Thermodon and the Parthenius, as well as their neighbors the Macrones, say that they learned it lately from the Colchians. These are the only nations that circumcise, and it is seen that they do just as the Egyptians. ,But as to the Egyptians and Ethiopians themselves, I cannot say which nation learned it from the other; for it is evidently a very ancient custom. That the others learned it through traffic with Egypt , I consider clearly proved by this: that Phoenicians who traffic with Hellas cease to imitate the Egyptians in this matter and do not circumcise their children. 3.91. The fifth province was the country (except the part belonging to the Arabians, which paid no tribute) between Posideion, a city founded on the Cilician and Syrian border by Amphilochus son of Amphiaraus, and Egypt ; this paid three hundred and fifty talents; in this province was all Phoenicia , and the part of Syria called Palestine , and Cyprus . ,The sixth province was Egypt and the neighboring parts of Libya , and Cyrene and Barca , all of which were included in the province of Egypt . From here came seven hundred talents, besides the income in silver from the fish of the lake Moeris ; ,besides that silver and the assessment of grain that was given also, seven hundred talents were paid; for a hundred and twenty thousand bushels of grain were also assigned to the Persians quartered at the White Wall of Memphis and their allies. ,The Sattagydae, Gandarii, Dadicae, and Aparytae paid together a hundred and seventy talents; this was the seventh province; the eighth was Susa and the rest of the Cissian country, paying three hundred talents. 4.39. This is the first peninsula. But the second, beginning with Persia, stretches to the Red Sea, and is Persian land; and next, the neighboring land of Assyria; and after Assyria, Arabia; this peninsula ends (not truly but only by common consent) at the Arabian Gulf, to which Darius brought a canal from the Nile. ,Now from the Persian country to Phoenicia there is a wide and vast tract of land; and from Phoenicia this peninsula runs beside our sea by way of the Syrian Palestine and Egypt, which is at the end of it; in this peninsula there are just three nations. 7.89. The number of the triremes was twelve hundred and seven, and they were furnished by the following: the Phoenicians with the Syrians of Palestine furnished three hundred; for their equipment, they had on their heads helmets very close to the Greek in style; they wore linen breastplates, and carried shields without rims, and javelins. ,These Phoenicians formerly dwelt, as they themselves say, by the Red Sea; they crossed from there and now inhabit the seacoast of Syria. This part of Syria as far as Egypt is all called Palestine. ,The Egyptians furnished two hundred ships. They wore woven helmets and carried hollow shields with broad rims, and spears for sea-warfare, and great battle-axes. Most of them wore cuirasses and carried long swords. |
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| 20. Hippocrates, On Regimen In Acute Diseases, 35 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Inwood and Warren (2020) 70 |
| 21. Plato, Letters, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020) 246 |
| 22. Euripides, Cretes (Fragmenta Papyracea), None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Cornelli (2013) 123 |
| 23. Eudemus Naxius, Fragments, 121 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 21 |
| 24. Democritus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias, aristotelian, proairesis involved in all action that is upto us Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 327 |
| 25. Aristotle, Movement of Animals, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 6 |
| 26. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 26 |
| 27. Aristotle, Eudemian Ethics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Harte (2017) 252 |
| 28. Aristotle, Meteorology, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Trott (2019) 158 |
| 29. Aristotle, Posterior Analytics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias, on order in nature Found in books: Marmodoro and Prince (2015) 43 |
| 30. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 34.3 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020) 246 |
| 31. Aristotle, Categories, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Erler et al (2021) 224 |
| 32. Aristotle, Soul, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 27 |
| 33. Aristotle, Heavens, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 20 |
| 34. Aristotle, Prophesying By Dreams, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Carter (2019) 27 |
| 35. Aristotle, Generation of Animals, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 26, 27 |
| 36. Aristotle, Generation And Corruption, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 19 |
| 37. Aristotle, Parts of Animals, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 264; Trott (2019) 158 |
| 38. Aristotle, On The Universe, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 26 |
| 39. Aristotle, Interpretation, 9 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Harte (2017) 241; Maso (2022) 84 |
| 40. Aristotle, Rhetoric, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020) 246 |
| 41. Aristotle, Politics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020) 246 |
| 42. Heraclides Ponticus, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Cornelli (2013) 123 |
| 43. Eudemus of Rhodes, Fragments, 121 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 21 |
| 44. Aristotle, Physics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Erler et al (2021) 224 |
| 45. Theophrastus, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 26 |
| 46. Aristotle, Metaphysics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 31 |
| 47. Aristotle, Topics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan |
| 48. Aristotle, Great Ethics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Cornelli (2013) 353 |
| 49. Theophrastus, Metaphysics, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 25 |
| 50. Archytas Amphissensis, Fragments, None (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Cornelli (2013) 364 |
| 51. Democritus Ephesius, Fragments, None (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias, aristotelian, proairesis involved in all action that is upto us Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 327 |
52. Cicero, On Divination, 1.70, 1.127, 1.131, 2.13-2.18, 2.26, 2.41, 2.106, 2.124 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 6, 26, 252, 258; Long (2006) 151; Wynne (2019) 237| 1.70. Exposui quam brevissime potui somnii et furoris oracla, quae carere arte dixeram. Quorum amborum generum una ratio est, qua Cratippus noster uti solet, animos hominum quadam ex parte extrinsecus esse tractos et haustos (ex quo intellegitur esse extra divinum animum, humanus unde ducatur), humani autem animi eam partem, quae sensum, quae motum, quae adpetitum habeat, non esse ab actione corporis seiugatam; quae autem pars animi rationis atque intellegentiae sit particeps, eam tum maxume vigere, cum plurimum absit a corpore. 1.127. Praeterea cum fato omnia fiant, id quod alio loco ostendetur, si quis mortalis possit esse, qui conligationem causarum omnium perspiciat animo, nihil eum profecto fallat. Qui enim teneat causas rerum futurarum, idem necesse est omnia teneat, quae futura sint. Quod cum nemo facere nisi deus possit, relinquendum est homini, ut signis quibusdam consequentia declarantibus futura praesentiat. Non enim illa, quae futura sunt, subito exsistunt, sed est quasi rudentis explicatio sic traductio temporis nihil novi efficientis et primum quidque replicantis. Quod et ii vident, quibus naturalis divinatio data est, et ii, quibus cursus rerum observando notatus est. Qui etsi causas ipsas non cernunt, signa tamen causarum et notas cernunt; ad quas adhibita memoria et diligentia et monumentis superiorum efficitur ea divinatio, quae artificiosa dicitur, extorum, fulgorum, ostentorum signorumque caelestium. 1.131. Democritus autem censet sapienter instituisse veteres, ut hostiarum immolatarum inspicerentur exta; quorum ex habitu atque ex colore tum salubritatis, tum pestilentiae signa percipi, non numquam etiam, quae sit vel sterilitas agrorum vel fertilitas futura. Quae si a natura profecta observatio atque usus agnovit, multa adferre potuit dies, quae animadvertendo notarentur, ut ille Pacuvianus, qui in Chryse physicus inducitur, minime naturam rerum cognosse videatur: nam isti quí linguam avium intéllegunt Plusque éx alieno iécore sapiunt quam éx suo, Magis aúdiendum quam aúscultandum cénseo. Cur? quaeso, cum ipse paucis interpositis versibus dicas satis luculente: Quídquid est hoc, ómnia animat, fórmat, alit, augét, creat, Sépelit recipitque ín sese omnia ómniumque idémst pater, Índidemque eadem aéque oriuntur de íntegro atque eodem óccidunt. Quid est igitur, cur, cum domus sit omnium una, eaque communis, cumque animi hominum semper fuerint futurique sint, cur ii, quid ex quoque eveniat, et quid quamque rem significet, perspicere non possint? Haec habui, inquit, de divinatione quae dicerem. 2.13. Sed animadverti, Quinte, te caute et ab iis coniecturis, quae haberent artem atque prudentiam, et ab iis rebus, quae sensibus aut artificiis perciperentur, abducere divinationem eamque ita definire: divinationem esse earum rerum praedictionem et praesensionem, quae essent fortuitae. Primum eodem revolveris. Nam et medici et gubernatoris et imperatoris praesensio est rerum fortuitarum. Num igitur aut haruspex aut augur aut vates quis aut somnians melius coniecerit aut e morbo evasurum aegrotum aut e periculo navem aut ex insidiis exercitum quam medicus, quam gubernator, quam imperator? 2.14. Atqui ne illa quidem divitis esse dicebas, ventos aut imbres inpendentes quibusdam praesentire signis (in quo nostra quaedam Aratea memoriter a te pronuntiata sunt), etsi haec ipsa fortuita sunt; plerumque enim, non semper eveniunt. Quae est igitur aut ubi versatur fortuitarum rerum praesensio, quam divinationem vocas? Quae enim praesentiri aut arte aut ratione aut usu aut coniectura possunt, ea non divinis tribuenda putas, sed peritis. Ita relinquitur, ut ea fortuita divinari possint, quae nulla nec arte nec sapientia provideri possunt; ut, si quis M. Marcellum illum, qui ter consul fuit, multis annis ante dixisset naufragio esse periturum, divinasset profecto; nulla enim arte alia id nec sapientia scire potuisset. Talium ergo rerum, quae in fortuna positae sunt, praesensio divinatio est. 2.15. Potestne igitur earum rerum, quae nihil habent rationis, quare futurae sint, esse ulla praesensio? Quid est enim aliud fors, quid fortuna, quid casus, quid eventus, nisi cum sic aliquid cecidit, sic evenit, ut vel aliter cadere atque evenire potuerit? Quo modo ergo id, quod temere fit caeco casu et volubilitate fortunae, praesentiri et praedici potest? 2.16. Medicus morbum ingravescentem ratione providet, insidias imperator, tempestates gubernator; et tamen ii ipsi saepe falluntur, qui nihil sine certa ratione opitur; ut agricola, cum florem oleae videt, bacam quoque se visurum putat, non sine ratione ille quidem; sed non numquam tamen fallitur. Quodsi falluntur ii, qui nihil sine aliqua probabili coniectura ac ratione dicunt, quid existimandum est de coniectura eorum, qui extis aut avibus aut ostentis aut oraclis aut somniis futura praesentiunt? Nondum dico, quam haec signa nulla sint, fissum iecoris, corvi cantus, volatus aquilae, stellae traiectio, voces furentium, sortes, somnia; de quibus singulis dicam suo loco; nunc de universis. 2.17. Qui potest provideri quicquam futurum esse, quod neque causam habet ullam neque notam, cur futurum sit? Solis defectiones itemque lunae praedicuntur in multos annos ab iis, qui siderum motus numeris persequuntur; ea praedicunt enim, quae naturae necessitas perfectura est. Vident ex constantissimo motu lunae, quando illa e regione solis facta incurrat in umbram terrae, quae est meta noctis, ut eam obscurari necesse sit, quandoque eadem luna subiecta atque opposita soli nostris oculis eius lumen obscuret, quo in signo quaeque errantium stellarum quoque tempore futura sit, qui exortus quoque die signi alicuius aut qui occasus futurus sit. Haec qui ante dicunt, quam rationem sequantur, vides. 2.18. Qui thesaurum inventum iri aut hereditatem venturam dicunt, quid sequuntur? aut in qua rerum natura inest id futurum? Quodsi haec eaque, quae sunt eiusdem generis, habent aliquam talem necessitatem, quid est tandem, quod casu fieri aut forte fortuna putemus? Nihil enim est tam contrarium rationi et constantiae quam fortuna, ut mihi ne in deum quidem cadere videatur, ut sciat, quid casu et fortuito futurum sit. Si enim scit, certe illud eveniet; sin certe eveniet, nulla fortuna est; est autem fortuna; rerum igitur fortuitarum nulla praesensio est. 2.26. Sed haec fuerit nobis tamquam levis armaturae prima orationis excursio; nunc comminus agamus experiamurque, si possimus cornua commovere disputationis tuae. Duo enim genera dividi esse dicebas, unum artificiosum, alterum naturale; artificiosum constare partim ex coniectura, partim ex observatione diuturna; naturale, quod animus arriperet aut exciperet extrinsecus ex divinitate, unde omnes animos haustos aut acceptos aut libatos haberemus. Artificiosa divinationis illa fere genera ponebas: extispicum eorumque, qui ex fulgoribus ostentisque praedicerent, tum augurum eorumque, qui signis aut ominibus uterentur, omneque genus coniecturale in hoc fere genere ponebas. 2.41. Cur igitur vos induitis in eas captiones, quas numquam explicetis? Ita enim, cum magis properant, concludere solent: Si di sunt, est divinatio; sunt autem di; est ergo divinatio. Multo est probabilius: non est autem divinatio; non sunt ergo di. Vide, quam temere committant, ut, si nulla sit divinatio, nulli sint di. Divinatio enim perspicue tollitur, deos esse retinendum est. 2.106. 'Neque non possunt futura praenoscere.' Negant posse ii, quibus non placet esse certum, quid futurum sit. Videsne igitur, quae dubia sint, ea sumi pro certis atque concessis? Deinde contorquent et ita concludunt: Non igitur et sunt di nec significant futura ; id enim iam perfectum arbitrantur. Deinde adsumunt: Sunt autem di, quod ipsum non ab omnibus conceditur. Significant ergo. Ne id quidem sequitur; possunt enim non significare et tamen esse di. Nec, si significant, non dant vias aliquas ad scientiam significationis. At id quoque potest, ut non dent homini, ipsi habeant; cur enim Tuscis potius quam Romanis darent? Nec, si dant vias, nulla est divinatio. Fac dare deos, quod absurdum est; quid refert, si accipere non possumus? Extremum est : Est igitur divinatio. Sit extremum, effectum tamen non est; ex falsis enim, ut ab ipsis didicimus, verum effici non potest. Iacet igitur tota conclusio. 2.124. Sed haec quoque in promptu fuerint; nunc interiora videamus. Aut enim divina vis quaedam consulens nobis somniorum significationes facit, aut coniectores ex quadam convenientia et coniunctione naturae, quam vocant sumpa/qeian, quid cuique rei conveniat ex somniis, et quid quamque rem sequatur, intellegunt, aut eorum neutrum est, sed quaedam observatio constans atque diuturna est, cum quid visum secundum quietem sit, quid evenire et quid sequi soleat. Primum igitur intellegendum est nullam vim esse divinam effectricem somniorum. Atque illud quidem perspicuum est, nulla visa somniorum proficisci a numine deorum; nostra enim causa di id facerent, ut providere futura possemus. | 1.70. As briefly as I could, I have discussed divination by means of dreams and frenzy, which, as I said, are devoid of art. Both depend on the same reasoning, which is that habitually employed by our friend Cratippus: The human soul is in some degree derived and drawn from a source exterior to itself. Hence we understand that outside the human soul there is a divine soul from which the human soul is sprung. Moreover, that portion of the human soul which is endowed with sensation, motion, and carnal desire is inseparable from bodily influence; while that portion which thinks and reasons is most vigorous when it is most distant from the body. 1.127. Moreover, since, as will be shown elsewhere, all things happen by Fate, if there were a man whose soul could discern the links that join each cause with every other cause, then surely he would never be mistaken in any prediction he might make. For he who knows the causes of future events necessarily knows what every future event will be. But since such knowledge is possible only to a god, it is left to man to presage the future by means of certain signs which indicate what will follow them. Things which are to be do not suddenly spring into existence, but the evolution of time is like the unwinding of a cable: it creates nothing new and only unfolds each event in its order. This connexion between cause and effect is obvious to two classes of diviners: those who are endowed with natural divination and those who know the course of events by the observation of signs. They may not discern the causes themselves, yet they do discern the signs and tokens of those causes. The careful study and recollection of those signs, aided by the records of former times, has evolved that sort of divination, known as artificial, which is divination by means of entrails, lightnings, portents, and celestial phenomena. 1.131. Again, Democritus expresses the opinion that the ancients acted wisely in providing for the inspection of the entrails of sacrifices; because, as he thinks, the colour and general condition of the entrails are prophetic sometimes of health and sometimes of sickness and sometimes also of whether the fields will be barren or productive. Now, if it is known by observation and experience that these means of divination have their source in nature, it must be that the observations made and records kept for a long period of time have added much to our knowledge of this subject. Hence, that natural philosopher introduced by Pacuvius into his play of Chryses, seems to show very scanty apprehension of the laws of nature when he speaks as follows:The men who know the speech of birds and moreDo learn from other livers than their own —Twere best to hear, I think, and not to heed.I do not know why this poet makes such a statement when only a few lines further on he says clearly enough:Whateer the power may be, it animates,Creates, gives form, increase, and nourishmentTo everything: of everything the sire,It takes all things unto itself and hidesWithin its breast; and as from it all thingsArise, likewise to it all things return.Since all things have one and the same and that a common home, and since the human soul has always been and will always be, why, then, should it not be able to understand what effect will follow any cause, and what sign will precede any event?This, said Quintus, is all that I had to say on divination. [58] 2.13. But I observed, Quintus, that you prudently withdrew divination from conjectures based upon skill and experience in public affairs, from those drawn from the use of the senses and from those made by persons in their own callings. I observed, also, that you defined divination to be the foreknowledge and foretelling of things which happen by chance. In the first place, that is a contradiction of what you have admitted. For the foreknowledge possessed by a physician, a pilot, and a general is of things which happen by chance. Then can any soothsayer, augur, prophet, or dreamer conjecture better than a physician, a pilot, or a general that an invalid will come safely out of his sickness, or that a ship will escape from danger, or that an army will avoid an ambuscade? 2.14. And you went on to say that even the foreknowledge of impending storms and rains by means of certain signs was not divination, and, in that connexion, you quoted a number of verses from my translation of Aratus. Yet such coincidences happen by chance, for though they happen frequently they do not happen always. What, then, is this thing you call divination — this foreknowledge of things that happen by chance — and where is it employed? You think that whatever can be foreknown by means of science, reason, experience, or conjecture is to be referred, not to diviners, but to experts. It follows, therefore, that divination of things that happen by chance is possible only of things which cannot be foreseen by means of skill or wisdom. Hence, if someone had declared many years in advance that the famous Marcus Marcellus, who was consul three times, would perish in a shipwreck, this, by your definition, undoubtedly would have been a case of divination, since that calamity could not have been foreseen by means of any other skill or by wisdom. That is why you say that divination is the foreknowledge of such things as depend upon chance. [6] 2.15. Can there, then, be any foreknowledge of things for whose happening no reason exists? For we do not apply the words chance, luck, accident, or casualty except to an event which has so occurred or happened that it either might not have occurred at all, or might have occurred in any other way. How, then, is it possible to foresee and to predict an event that happens at random, as the result of blind accident, or of unstable chance? 2.16. By the use of reason the physician foresees the progress of a disease, the general anticipates the enemys plans and the pilot forecasts the approach of bad weather. And yet even those who base their conclusions on accurate reasoning are often mistaken: for example, when the farmer sees his olive-tree in bloom he expects also, and not unreasonably, to see it bear fruit, but occasionally he is disappointed. If then mistakes are made by those who make no forecasts not based upon some reasonable and probable conjecture, what must we think of the conjectures of men who foretell the future by means of entrails, birds, portents, oracles, or dreams? I am not ready yet to take up one by one the various kinds of divination and show that the cleft in the liver, the croak of a raven, the flight of an eagle, the fall of a star, the utterances of persons in a frenzy, lots, and dreams have no prophetic value whatever; I shall discuss each of them in its turn — now I am discussing the subject as a whole. 2.17. How can anything be foreseen that has no cause and no distinguishing mark of its coming? Eclipses of the sun and also of the moon are predicted for many years in advance by men who employ mathematics in studying the courses and movements of the heavenly bodies; and the unvarying laws of nature will bring their predictions to pass. Because of the perfectly regular movements of the moon the astronomers calculate when it will be opposite the sun and in the earths shadow — which is the cone of night — and when, necessarily, it will become invisible. For the same reason they know when the moon will be directly between the earth and the sun and thus will hide the light of the sun from our eyes. They know in what sign each planet will be at any given time and at what time each day any constellation will rise and set. You see the course of reasoning followed in arriving at these predictions. [7] 2.18. But what course of reasoning is followed by men who predict the finding of a treasure or the inheritance of an estate? On what law of nature do such prophecies depend? But, on the other hand, if the prophecies just mentioned and others of the same class are controlled by some natural and immutable law such as regulates the movements of the stars, pray, can we conceive of anything happening by accident, or chance? Surely nothing is so at variance with reason and stability as chance? Hence it seems to me that it is not in the power even of God himself to know what event is going to happen accidentally and by chance. For if He knows, then the event is certain to happen; but if it is certain to happen, chance does not exist. And yet chance does exist, therefore there is no foreknowledge of things that happen by chance. 2.26. But this introductory part of my discussion has been mere skirmishing with light infantry; now let me come to close quarters and see if I cannot drive in both wings of your argument.[11] You divided divination into two kinds, one artificial and the other natural. The artificial, you said, consists in part of conjecture and in part of long-continued observation; while the natural is that which the soul has seized, or, rather, has obtained, from a source outside itself — that is, from God, whence all human souls have been drawn off, received, or poured out. Under the head of artificial divination you placed predictions made from the inspection of entrails, those made from lightnings and portents, those made by augurs, and by persons who depend entirely upon premonitory signs. Under the same head you included practically every method of prophecy in which conjecture was employed. 2.41. Why then do you Stoics involve yourselves in these sophistries, which you can never explain? Members of your school, when they are more hurried than usual, generally give us this syllogism: If there are gods, there is divination; but there are gods, therefore there is divination. A more logical one would be this: There is no divination, therefore there are no gods. Observe how rashly they commit themselves to the proposition, if there is no divination, there are no gods. I say rashly, for it is evident that divination has been destroyed and yet we must hold on to the gods. [18] 2.106. It is not true that the gods cannot know the future. But their ability to know is denied by those who maintain that it is not certain what the future will be. Now dont you see what doubtful premises they assume to be certain and take for granted? Next they hurl this dialectical dart: Therefore it is not true both that there are gods and yet that they do not give signs of the future. And of course you think that the matter is now settled. Then they make another assumption: But there are gods. Even that is not conceded by everybody. Therefore they give signs of the future. Not necessarily so: for they may not give us signs of the future and still be gods. Nor is it true that, if they give such signs, they give no means of interpreting those signs. But it may be that they have the means and yet do not impart them to man; for why would they impart them to the Etruscans rather than to the Romans? Again, the Stoics say: If the gods do impart the means, that is divination. Grant that they do (which is absurd), what is the good if we do not understand? Their conclusion is: Therefore there is divination. Suppose that is their conclusion, still they have not proved it; for, as they themselves have taught us, the truth cannot be proved from false premises. Hence their entire argument falls to the ground. [52] 2.124. But, though the conclusion just stated is obvious, let us now look deeper into the question. Surely you must assume, either that there is a Divine Power which, in planning for our good, gives us information by means of dreams; or that, because of some natural connexion and association — the Greeks call it συμπάθεια — interpreters of dreams know what sort of a dream is required to fit any situation and what sort of a result will follow any dream; or that neither of these suppositions is true, but that the usual result or consequence of every dream is known by a consistent system of rules based on long-continued observation. In the first place, then, it must be understood that there is no divine power which creates dreams. And indeed it is perfectly clear that none of the visions seen in dreams have their origin in the will of the gods; for the gods, for our sakes, would so interpose that we might be able to foresee the future. |
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| 53. Cicero, On Fate, 5.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 252; Harte (2017) 245 |
| 54. Boethus Stoicus, Fragments, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding (2022) 239 |
55. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Erler et al (2021) 99| 5.14. praetereo multos, in his doctum hominem et suavem, Hieronymum, quem iam cur Peripateticum appellem nescio. summum enim bonum exposuit vacuitatem doloris; qui autem de summo bono dissentit de tota philosophiae ratione dissentit. Critolaus imitari voluit antiquos, et quidem est gravitate proximus, et redundat oratio, ac tamen ne is is his R quidem in patriis institutis add. Brem. manet. Diodorus, eius auditor, adiungit ad honestatem vacuitatem doloris. hic hic his R quoque suus est de summoque bono dissentiens dici vere Peripateticus non potest. antiquorum autem sententiam Antiochus noster mihi videtur persequi diligentissime, quam eandem Aristoteli aristotilis R, N ( fort. corr. ex aristotili), V fuisse et Polemonis docet. | 5.14. "I pass over a number of writers, including the learned and entertaining Hieronymus. Indeed I know no reason for calling the latter a Peripatetic at all; for he defined the Chief Good as freedom from pain: and to hold a different view of the Chief Good is to hold a different system of philosophy altogether. Critolaus professed to imitate the ancients; and he does in fact come nearest to them in weight, and has a flowing style; all the same, even he is not true to the principles of his ancestors. Diodorus, his pupil, couples with Moral Worth freedom from pain. He too stands by himself; differing about the Chief Good he cannot correctly be called a Peripatetic. Our master Antiochus seems to me to adhere most scrupulously to the doctrine of the ancients, which according to his teaching was common to Aristotle and to Polemo. |
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56. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 1.10, 1.18, 2.20-2.22, 2.95 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Corrigan and Rasimus (2013) 480; Frede and Laks (2001) 12; Maso (2022) 122 | 1.10. Those however who seek to learn my personal opinion on the various questions show an unreasonable degree of curiosity. In discussion it is not so much weight of authority as force of argument that should be demanded. Indeed the authority of those who profess to teach is often a positive hindrance to those who desire to learn; they cease to employ their own judgement, and take what they perceive to be the verdict of their chosen master as settling the question. In fact I am not disposed to approve the practice traditionally ascribed to the Pythagoreans, who, when questioned as to the grounds of any assertion that they advanced in debate, are said to have been accustomed to reply 'He himself said so,' 'he himself' being Pythagoras. So potent was an opinion already decided, making authority prevail unsupported by reason. 1.18. Hereupon Velleius began, in the confident manner (I need not say) that is customary with Epicureans, afraid of nothing so much as lest he should appear to have doubts about anything. One would have supposed he had just come down from the assembly of the gods in the intermundane spaces of Epicurus! "I am not going to expound to you doctrines that are mere baseless figments of the imagination, such as the artisan deity and world-builder of Plato's Timaeus, or that old hag of a fortune-teller, the Pronoia (which we may render 'Providence') of the Stoics; nor yet a world endowed with a mind and senses of its own, a spherical, rotatory god of burning fire; these are the marvels and monstrosities of philosophers who do not reason but dream. 2.20. "When one expounds these doctrines in a fuller and more flowing style, as I propose to do, it is easier for them to evade the captious objections of the Academy; but when they are reduced to brief syllogistic form, as was the practice of Zeno, they lie more open to criticism. A running river can almost or quite entirely escape pollution, whereas an enclosed pool is easily sullied; similarly a flowing stream of eloquence sweeps aside the censures of the critic, but a closely reasoned argument defends itself with difficult. The thoughts that we expound at length Zeno used to compress into this form: 2.21. 'That which has the faculty of reason is superior to that which has not the faculty of reason; but nothing is superior to the world; therefore the world has the faculty of reason.' A similar argument can be used to prove that the world is wise, and happy, and eternal; for things possessed of each of these attributes are superior to things devoid of them, and nothing is superior to the world. From this it will follow that the world is god. Zeno also argued thus: 2.22. 'Nothing devoid of sensation can have a part of itself that is sentient; but the world has parts that are sentient; therefore the world has parts that are sentient; therefore the world is not devoid of sensation.' He also proceeds to press the argument more closely: 'Nothing,' he says, 'that is iimate and irrational can give birth to an animate and rational being; but the world gives birth to animate and rational beings; therefore the world is animate and rational.' Furthermore he proved his argument by means of one of his favourite comparisons, as follows: 'If flutes playing musical tunes grew on an olive-tree, surely you would not question that the olive-tree possessed some knowledge of the art of flute-playing; or if plane-trees bore well-tuned lutes, doubtless you would likewise infer that the plane-trees possessed the art of music; why then should we not judge the world to be animate and endowed with wisdom, when it produces animate and wise offspring? 2.95. So Aristotle says brilliantly: 'If there were beings who had always lived beneath the earth, in comfortable, well‑lit dwellings, decorated with statues and pictures and furnished with all the luxuries enjoyed by persons thought to be supremely happy, and who though they had never come forth above the ground had learnt by report and by hearsay of the existence of certain deities or divine powers; and then if at some time the jaws of the earth were opened and they were able to escape from their hidden abode and to come forth into the regions which we inhabit; when they suddenly had sight of the earth and the seas and the sky, and came to know of the vast clouds and mighty winds, and beheld the sun, and realized not only its size and beauty but also its Ptolemaic in causing the day by shedding light over all the sky, and, after night had darkened the earth, they then saw the whole sky spangled and adorned with stars, and the changing phases of the moon's light, now waxing and now waning, and the risings and settings of all these heavenly bodies and their courses fixed and changeless throughout all eternity, — when they saw these things, surely they would think that the gods exist and that these mighty marvels are their handiwork.' |
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| 57. Cicero, In Pisonem, 37, 59, 20 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Maso (2022) 99 |
58. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 1.19, 3.11, 3.22, 4.80 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias •alexander of aphrodisias, aristotelian, proairesis involved in all action that is upto us •alexander of aphrodisias, aristotelian, soul is a form and capacity, not a blend, or harmony, but supervenes on a blend Found in books: Brouwer (2013) 75; Graver (2007) 241; Harte (2017) 245; Sorabji (2000) 267, 332| 1.19. sed alii in corde, alii in cerebro dixerunt animi esse sedem et locum; animum autem alii animam, ut fere nostri— declarat nomen: ut fere nostri declarant nomen. nam W corr. Dav. declarant nomina Sey. nam et agere animam et efflare dicimus et animosos et bene animatos et ex animi sententia; ipse autem animus ab anima dictus est—; Zenoni Zeno fr. 134. Stoico animus ignis videtur. sed haec quidem quae dixi, cor, cerebrum, animam, ignem volgo, reliqua fere singuli. ut multo multo Bentl. multi cf. Lact. inst. 7, 13, 9 opif. 16, 13 ante veteres, proxime autem Aristoxenus, musicus idemque philosophus, ipsius corporis intentionem quandam, velut in cantu et fidibus quae a(rmoni/a armonia W cf. I 24.41 dicitur: sic ex corporis totius natura et figura varios motus cieri tamquam in cantu sonos. 3.11. quod aliis quoque multis locis reperietur; reperitur G 1 sed id alias, nunc, quod instat. totum igitur id alt. id om. H s quod quaerimus quid et quale sit, sit fit V verbi vis ipsa declarat. eos enim sanos quoniam intellegi necesse est, quorum mens motu quasi morbo perturbata nullo nulla X corr. V 1? sit, qui quia K 1 contra adfecti affecti GR 2 insani G 1 sint, hos insanos appellari necesse est. itaque nihil melius, quam quod est in consuetudine sermonis Latini, cum exisse ex potestate dicimus eos, qui ecfrenati hecfrenati G (h del. 2 ) hęc fr. V effr. R rec V rec feruntur aut libidine aut iracundia— quamquam ipsa iracundia libidinis est pars; sic enim definitur: iracundia ulciscendi libido ulciscendi libido cf. Aug. civ. 14,15 quis V 1 —; qui igitur exisse ex potestate dicimus ... 20 ex potestate om. H dicuntur, idcirco dicuntur, quia non sint in potestate mentis, cui regnum totius animi a natura tributum est. Graeci autem mani/an manian X (man in r. V 1 ) appellant X unde appellent, non facile dixerim; eam tamen ipsam ipsa KGH (ipsāR, sed vix m. 1 ) distinguimus nos melius quam illi. hanc enim insaniam, quae iuncta stultitiae stultitiae K 2 V c BGr.(?) stultitia X patet latius, nos post latius add. V c a furore disiungimus. distinguimus R Graeci volunt illi quidem, sed parum valent verbo: quem nos furorem, melagxoli/an melancholian GV -iam KRH illi vocant; quasi vero atra bili atribili V 1 K (-bi li) atra- bili GR solum mens ac non non add. R c saepe vel iracundia graviore vel timore vel timore add. G 2 vel dolore moveatur; totum . . 322, 3 moveatur H quo genere Athamantem Alcmaeonem alomeonem K 1 alc meonem V (on in r. V c ) Aiacem Orestem furere dicimus. qui ita sit adfectus, eum dominum esse rerum suarum vetant duodecim duodecem R 1 V tab. 5, 7. Ciceronis locus obversatur Horatio s. 2, 3, 217 tabulae; itaque non est scriptum si insanus, sed si furiosus insanus et fur. Non. escit Bouhier esse incipit W esset Non. escit . stultitiam stultiam V ( ss rec ) stultia K (- 2 ) stultitia GR 1 (-ă 2 ) H enim censuerunt constantia, inconstantiam KR ( etiam m a m. 1 ut. v. ) V 1 ( sed in et m exp. 1 ) H inconstantia G insaniam enim censuerunt constantiam, id est sanitatem, tamen posse tueri Non. id est sanitate, vacantem posse tamen tueri mediocritatem officiorum et vitae communem cultum atque usitatum; furorem autem autem om. Non. esse rati sunt mentis ad omnia caecitatem. quod cum maius magis R 1 esse videatur quam insania, tamen eius modi est, ut furor in sapientem cadere possit, non possit insania. itaque stultitia censuerunt ... 13 insania itaque ... 13 cadere possit, insania non Non. 443, 2 sed haec alia quaestio est; nos ad propositum revertamur. 3.22. Haec sic sic R c? V c si X dicuntur a Stoicis concludunturque contortius. sed latius aliquando aliquando cf. 323,22 aliquanto s male, cf. de orat. 1, 133 opt. gen. 23 dicenda sunt et diffusius; sententiis tamen utendum eorum potissimum, qui qui ex quā ut v. G 2 maxime forti et, ut ita dicam, virili utuntur ratione atque sententia. nam Peripatetici, familiares nostri, quibus nihil est uberius, nihil eruditius, nihil gravius, mediocritates vel perturbationum vel morborum animi mihi non sane probant. omne enim malum, etiam mediocre, mediocre iocre in r. G 2 malum malum Bouh. magnum alt. id om. H est; nos autem id agimus, ut id in sapiente nullum sit omnino. nam ut corpus, etiamsi mediocriter aegrum est, sanum non est, sic in animo ista mediocritas caret sanitate. itaque praeclare nostri, ut alia multa, molestiam sollicitudinem angorem propter similitudinem corporum aegrorum aegritudinem aegritudinem cf. Aug. civ. 14,17 ext. nominaverunt. 4.80. Et si fidentia, id est firma animi confisio, scientia quaedam est et opinio gravis non temere adsentientis, metus quoque est diffidentia loco desperato sententia tole- rabilis efficiatur, si scribas : metus quoque qui est diffidentia inbecilla est adsensio ( cf. p. 368, 26 ) expectati et impendentis mali. propter haec ultima autem verba proximum enuntiatum et si spes — metum ante et si fidentia — imp. mali ponen- dum videtur. ut igitur metus — in malo = w(/ste e)n tw=| fau/lw| ( gen. masc. cf. St. fr. 3, 548 p. 147, 9 to\n sofo\n ou)k a)pistei=n th\n ga\r a)pisti/an ei/(nai Yeu/dous u(po/lhYin, th\n de/ pi/stin a)stei=on u(pa/rxein, ei/)nai ga\r kata/lhWin i)sxura/n ktl. ) ei/)nai to\n fo/bon, a(sau/tws de\ kai\ ta\ loipa\ pa/qh pa/nta ? sed quid Cicero peccauerit quid librarii, incertum. difidentia KV 3 (itiae V 1 ) defidentia GR expectati et impendentis inp. V mali, et si spes est expectatio boni, mali expectationem esse necesse est metum. ut igitur metus, metum mecum G 1 V 1 sic reliquae reliqui K 1 perturbationes sunt in malo. ergo ut constantia scientiae, sic perturbatio erroris est. Qui autem natura dicuntur iracundi aut misericordes aut invidi aut tale quid, ei sunt constituti quasi mala valetudine valitudini V animi, sanabiles sanabiles s sanabile est tamen, ut Socrates dicitur: cum multa in conventu vitia conlegisset in eum Zopyrus, zopirus GK qui se naturam cuiusque ex forma perspicere profitebatur, derisus est a ceteris, qui illa in Socrate vitia non agnoscerent, ab ipso autem Socrate sublevatus, cum illa sibi sic nata, sic nata Po signa (insita vel innata Bentl. Dav. quod potius de eis rebus dicitur quas etiamnunc habe- mus ) cf. fin. 2, 33 ut bacillum aliud est inflexum de industria, aliud ita natum fat. 9 al. sed ratione a se adse R 1 deiecta deiec ta di ceret K valitudine R diceret. | |
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59. Cicero, De Finibus, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding (2022) 132 | 3.74. "However I begin to perceive that I have let myself be carried beyond the requirements of the plan that I set before me. The fact is that I have been led on by the marvellous structure of the Stoic system and the miraculous sequence of its topics; pray tell me seriously, does it not fill you with admiration? Nothing is more finished, more nicely ordered, than nature; but what has nature, what have the products of handicraft to show that is so well constructed, so firmly jointed and welded into one? Where do you find a conclusion inconsistent with its premise, or a discrepancy between an earlier and a later statement? Where is lacking such close interconnexion of the parts that, if you alter a single letter, you shake the whole structure? Though indeed there is nothing that it would be possible to alter. |
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| 60. Cicero, Academica, 2.125 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias, aristotelian, interruption of form terminates self Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 243 |
| 61. Anon., Rhetorica Ad Herennium, 9.3.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Brouwer (2013) 106 |
62. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 2.286, 2.783-2.836, 3.96-3.97, 3.307-3.315, 3.847-3.851 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias •alexander of aphrodisias, aristotelian, emotions follow bodily states •alexander of aphrodisias, aristotelian, soul is a form and capacity, not a blend, or harmony, but supervenes on a blend •alexander of aphrodisias, aristotelian, interruption of form terminates self Found in books: Inwood and Warren (2020) 109; Long (2006) 151; Maso (2022) 122; Sorabji (2000) 243, 264, 267| 2.286. motibus, unde haec est nobis innata potestas, 2.783. dissimiles longe inter se variosque colores. 2.784. praeterea nihil officiunt obstantque figurae 2.785. dissimiles, quo quadratum minus omne sit extra; 2.786. at varii rerum inpediunt prohibentque colores, 2.787. quo minus esse uno possit res tota nitore. 2.788. Tum porro quae ducit et inlicit ut tribuamus 2.789. principiis rerum non numquam causa colores, 2.790. occidit, ex albis quoniam non alba creantur, 2.791. nec quae nigra cluent de nigris, sed variis ex. 2.792. quippe etenim multo proclivius exorientur 2.793. candida de nullo quam nigro nata colore 2.794. aut alio quovis, qui contra pugnet et obstet. 2.795. / l 2.796. esse neque in lucem existunt primordia rerum, 2.797. scire licet quam sint nullo velata colore; 2.798. qualis enim caecis poterit color esse tenebris? 2.799. lumine quin ipso mutatur propterea quod 2.800. recta aut obliqua percussus luce refulget; 2.801. pluma columbarum quo pacto in sole videtur, 2.802. quae sita cervices circum collumque coronat; 2.803. namque alias fit uti claro sit rubra pyropo, 2.804. inter dum quodam sensu fit uti videatur 2.805. inter caeruleum viridis miscere zmaragdos. 2.806. caudaque pavonis, larga cum luce repleta est, 2.807. consimili mutat ratione obversa colores; 2.808. qui quoniam quodam gignuntur luminis ictu, 2.809. scire licet, sine eo fieri non posse putandum est. 2.810. Et quoniam plagae quoddam genus excipit in se 2.811. pupula, cum sentire colorem dicitur album, 2.812. atque aliud porro, nigrum cum et cetera sentit, 2.813. nec refert ea quae tangas quo forte colore 2.814. praedita sint, verum quali magis apta figura, 2.815. scire licet nihil principiis opus esse colore, 2.816. sed variis formis variantes edere tactus. 2.817. / l 2.818. est natura coloris et omnia principiorum 2.819. formamenta queunt in quovis esse nitore, 2.820. cur ea quae constant ex illis non pariter sunt 2.821. omnigenus perfusa coloribus in genere omni? 2.822. conveniebat enim corvos quoque saepe volantis 2.823. ex albis album pinnis iactare colorem 2.824. et nigros fieri nigro de semine cycnos 2.825. aut alio quovis uno varioque colore. 2.826. Quin etiam quanto in partes res quaeque minutas 2.827. distrahitur magis, hoc magis est ut cernere possis 2.828. evanescere paulatim stinguique colorem; 2.829. ut fit ubi in parvas partis discerpitur austrum: 2.830. purpura poeniceusque color clarissimus multo, 2.831. filatim cum distractum est, disperditur omnis; 2.832. noscere ut hinc possis prius omnem efflare colorem 2.833. particulas, quam discedant ad semina rerum. 2.834. Postremo quoniam non omnia corpora vocem 2.835. mittere concedis neque odorem, propterea fit 2.836. ut non omnibus adtribuas sonitus et odores: 3.96. esse hominis partem nihilo minus ac manus et pes 3.97. atque oculei partes animantis totius extant. 3.307. sic hominum genus est: quamvis doctrina politos 3.308. constituat pariter quosdam, tamen illa relinquit 3.309. naturae cuiusque animi vestigia prima. 3.310. nec radicitus evelli mala posse putandumst, 3.311. quin proclivius hic iras decurrat ad acris, 3.312. ille metu citius paulo temptetur, at ille 3.313. tertius accipiat quaedam clementius aequo. 3.314. inque aliis rebus multis differre necessest 3.315. naturas hominum varias moresque sequacis; 3.847. nec, si materiem nostram collegerit aetas 3.848. post obitum rursumque redegerit ut sita nunc est, 3.849. atque iterum nobis fuerint data lumina vitae, 3.850. pertineat quicquam tamen ad nos id quoque factum, 3.851. interrupta semel cum sit repetentia nostri. | |
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| 63. Philo of Alexandria, On The Decalogue, 26 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2019) 238 |
64. Philo of Alexandria, On The Creation of The World, 47, 51, 16 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding (2022) 134 | 16. for God, as apprehending beforehand, as a God must do, that there could not exist a good imitation without a good model, and that of the things perceptible to the external senses nothing could be faultless which wax not fashioned with reference to some archetypal idea conceived by the intellect, when he had determined to create this visible world, previously formed that one which is perceptible only by the intellect, in order that so using an incorporeal model formed as far as possible on the image of God, he might then make this corporeal world, a younger likeness of the elder creation, which should embrace as many different genera perceptible to the external senses, as the other world contains of those which are visible only to the intellect. |
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| 65. Philo of Alexandria, Allegorical Interpretation, 1.87, 2.22-2.23 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2019) 238; Harte (2017) 228 |
| 66. Cicero, Academica Posteriora, 1.49 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 29 |
| 67. Philo of Alexandria, That The Worse Attacks The Better, 141-177, 179-206, 178 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2019) 238 |
68. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 2.48.6-2.48.9, 19.98, 19.98.1, 19.100.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Taylor (2012) 145, 211 | 2.48.6. There is also in the land of the Nabataeans a rock, which is exceedingly strong since it has but one approach, and using this ascent they mount it a few at a time and thus store their possessions in safety. And a large lake is also there which produces asphalt in abundance, and from it they derive not a little revenue. 2.48.7. It has a length of about five hundred stades and a width of about sixty, and its water is so ill-smelling and so very bitter that it cannot support fish or any of the other animals which commonly live in water. And although great rivers of remarkable sweetness empty into it, the lake gets the better of them by reason of its evil smell, and from its centre it spouts forth once a year a great mass of asphalt, which sometimes extends for more than three plethra, and sometimes for only two; and when this occurs the barbarians who live about the lake usually call the larger flow a "bull" and to the smaller one they give the name "calf." 2.48.8. Since the asphalt floats on the surface of the lake, to those who view it from a distance it takes the appearance of an island. And the fact is that the emission of the asphalt is made known to the natives twenty days before it takes place; for to a distance of many stades around the lake the odour, borne on the wind, assails them, and every piece of silver and gold and brass in the locality loses it characteristic lustre. But this returns again as soon as all the asphalt has been spouted forth; and the region round about, by reason of its being exposed to fire and to the evil odours, renders the bodies of the inhabitants susceptible to disease and makes the people very short-lived. 2.48.9. Yet the land is good for the growing of palms, wherever it happens to be traversed by rivers with usable water or to be supplied with springs which can irrigate it. And there is also found in these regions in a certain valley the balsam tree, as it is called, from which they receive a substantial revenue, since this tree is found nowhere else in the inhabited world and the use of it for medicinal purposes is most highly valued by physicians. ⢠That part of Arabia which borders upon the waterless and desert country is so different from it that, because both of the multitude of fruits which grow therein and of its other good things, it has been called Arabia Felix. 19.100.1. Antigonus, when Demetrius returned and made a detailed report of what he had done, rebuked him for the treaty with the Nabataeans, saying that he had made the barbarians much bolder by leaving them unpunished, since it would seem to them that they had gained pardon not through his kindness but through his inability to overcome them; but he praised him for examining the lake and apparently having found a source of revenue for the kingdom. In charge of this he placed Hieronymus, the writer of the history, |
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| 69. Nicolaus of Damascus, Fragments, 18 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 36 |
70. New Testament, Romans, 11.1-11.36 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Wilson (2018) 38| 11.1. Λέγω οὖν, μὴἀπώσατο ὁ θεὸς τὸν λαὸν αὐτοῦ;μὴ γένοιτο· καὶ γὰρ ἐγὼ Ἰσραηλείτης εἰμί, ἐκ σπέρματος Ἀβραάμ, φυλῆς Βενιαμείν. 11.2. οὐκ ἀπώσατο ὁ θεὸς τὸν λαὸν αὐτοῦὃν προέγνω. ἢ οὐκ οἴδατε ἐν Ἠλείᾳ τί λέγει ἡ γραφή, ὡς ἐντυγχάνει τῷ θεῷ κατὰ τοῦ Ἰσραήλ; 11.3. Κύριε, τοὺς προφήτας σου ἀπέκτειναν, τὰ θυσιαστήριά σου κατέσκαψαν, κἀγὼ ὑπελείφθην μόνος, καὶ ζητοῦσιν τὴν ψυχήν μου. 11.4. ἀλλὰ τί λέγει αὐτῷ ὁ χρηματισμός;Κατέλιπονἐμαυτῷἑπτακισχιλίους ἄνδρας, οἵτινες οὐκ ἔκαμψαν γόνυ τῇ Βάαλ. 11.5. οὕτως οὖν καὶ ἐν τῷ νῦν καιρῷ λίμμα κατʼ ἐκλογὴν χάριτος γέγονεν· 11.6. εἰ δὲ χάριτι, οὐκέτι ἐξ ἔργων, ἐπεὶ ἡ χάρις οὐκέτι γίνεται χάρις. 11.7. τί οὖν; ὃ ἐπιζητεῖ Ἰσραήλ, τοῦτο οὐκ ἐπέτυχεν, ἡ δὲ ἐκλογὴ ἐπέτυχεν· οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ ἐπωρώθησαν, 11.8. καθάπερ γέγραπται Ἔδωκεν αὐτοῖς ὁ θεὸς πνεῦμα κατανύξεως, ὀφθαλμοὺς τοῦ μὴ βλέπειν καὶ ὦτα τοῦ μὴ ἀκούειν, ἕως τῆς σήμερον ἡμέρας. 11.9. καὶ Δαυεὶδ λέγει 11.10. 11.11. Λέγω οὖν, μὴ ἔπταισαν ἵνα πέσωσιν; μὴ γένοιτο· ἀλλὰ τῷ αὐτῶν παραπτώματι ἡ σωτηρία τοῖς ἔθνεσιν, εἰς τὸπαραζηλῶσαιαὐτούς. 11.12. εἰ δὲ τὸ παράπτωμα αὐτῶν πλοῦτος κόσμου καὶ τὸ ἥττημα αὐτῶν πλοῦτος ἐθνῶν, πόσῳ μᾶλλον τὸ πλήρωμα αὐτῶν. 11.13. Ὑμῖν δὲ λέγω τοῖς ἔθνεσιν. ἐφʼ ὅσον μὲν οὖν εἰμὶ ἐγὼ ἐθνῶν ἀπόστολος, τὴν διακονίαν μου δοξάζω, 11.14. εἴ πως παραζηλώσω μου τὴν σάρκα καὶ σώσω τινὰς ἐξ αὐτῶν. 11.15. εἰ γὰρ ἡ ἀποβολὴ αὐτῶν καταλλαγὴ κόσμου, τίς ἡ πρόσλημψις εἰ μὴ ζωὴ ἐκ νεκρῶν; 11.16. εἰ δὲ ἡ ἀπαρχὴ ἁγία, καὶ τὸ φύραμα· καὶ εἰ ἡ ῥίζα ἁγία, καὶ οἱ κλάδοι. 11.17. Εἰ δέ τινες τῶν κλάδων ἐξεκλάσθησαν, σὺ δὲ ἀγριέλαιος ὢν ἐνεκεντρίσθης ἐν αὐτοῖς καὶ συνκοινωνὸς τῆς ῥίζης τῆς πιότητος τῆς ἐλαίας ἐγένου, μὴ κατακαυχῶ τῶν κλάδων· 11.18. εἰ δὲ κατακαυχᾶσαι, οὐ σὺ τὴν ῥίζαν βαστάζεις ἀλλὰ ἡ ῥίζα σέ. 11.19. ἐρεῖς οὖν Ἐξεκλάσθησαν κλάδοι ἵνα ἐγὼ ἐνκεντρισθῶ. καλῶς· 11.20. τῇ ἀπιστίᾳ ἐξεκλάσθησαν, σὺ δὲ τῇ πίστει ἕστηκας. 11.21. μὴ ὑψηλὰ φρόνει, ἀλλὰ φοβοῦ· εἰ γὰρ ὁ θεὸς τῶν κατὰ φύσιν κλάδων οὐκ ἐφείσατο, οὐδὲ σοῦ φείσεται. ἴδε οὖν χρηστότητα καὶ ἀποτομίαν θεοῦ· 11.22. ἐπὶ μὲν τοὺς πεσόντας ἀποτομία, ἐπὶ δὲ σὲ χρηστότης θεοῦ, ἐὰν ἐπιμένῃς τῇ χρηστότητι, ἐπεὶ καὶ σὺ ἐκκοπήσῃ. 11.23. κἀκεῖνοι δέ, ἐὰν μὴ ἐπιμένωσι τῇ ἀπιστίᾳ, ἐνκεντρισθήσονται· δυνατὸς γάρ ἐστιν ὁ θεὸς πάλιν ἐνκεντρίσαι αὐτούς. 11.24. εἰ γὰρ σὺ ἐκ τῆς κατὰ φύσιν ἐξεκόπης ἀγριελαίου καὶ παρὰ φύσιν ἐνεκεντρίσθης εἰς καλλιέλαιον, πόσῳ μᾶλλον οὗτοι οἱ κατὰ φύσιν ἐνκεντρισθήσονται τῇ ἰδίᾳ ἐλαίᾳ. 11.25. Οὐ γὰρ θέλω ὑμᾶς ἀγνοεῖν, ἀδελφοί, τὸ μυστήριον τοῦτο, ἵνα μὴ ἦτε ἐν ἑαυτοῖς φρόνιμοι, ὅτι πώρωσις ἀπὸ μέρους τῷ Ἰσραὴλ γέγονεν ἄχρι οὗ τὸ πλήρωμα τῶν ἐθνῶν εἰσέλθῃ, καὶ οὕτως πᾶς Ἰσραὴλ σωθήσεται· 11.26. καθὼς γέγραπται 11.27. 11.28. κατὰ μὲν τὸ εὐαγγέλιον ἐχθροὶ διʼ ὑμᾶς, κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἐκλογὴν ἀγαπητοὶ διὰ τοὺς πατέρας· 11.29. ἀμεταμέλητα γὰρ τὰ χαρίσματα καὶ ἡ κλῆσις τοῦ θεοῦ. 11.30. ὥσπερ γὰρ ὑμεῖς ποτὲ ἠπειθήσατε τῷ θεῷ, νῦν δὲ ἠλεήθητε τῇ τούτων ἀπειθίᾳ, 11.31. οὕτως καὶ οὗτοι νῦν ἠπείθησαν τῷ ὑμετέρῳ ἐλέει ἵνα καὶ αὐτοὶ νῦν ἐλεηθῶσιν· 11.32. συνέκλεισεν γὰρ ὁ θεὸς τοὺς πάντας εἰς ἀπειθίαν ἵνα τοὺς πάντας ἐλεήσῃ. 11.33. Ὢ βάθος πλούτου καὶ σοφίας καὶ γνώσεως θεοῦ· ὡς ἀνεξεραύνητα τὰ κρίματα αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀνεξιχνίαστοι αἱ ὁδοὶ αὐτοῦ. 11.34. 11.35. 11.36. ὅτι ἐξ αὐτοῦ καὶ διʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ εἰς αὐτὸν τὰ πάντα· αὐτῷ ἡ δόξα εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας· ἀμήν. | 11.1. I ask then, Did God reject his people? May it never be! For I also am an Israelite, a descendant of Abraham, of the tribe of Benjamin. 11.2. God didn't reject his people, which he foreknew. Or don't you know what the Scripture says about Elijah? How he pleads with God against Israel: 11.3. "Lord, they have killed your prophets, they have broken down your altars; and I am left alone, and they seek my life." 11.4. But how does God answer him? "I have reserved for myself seven thousand men, who have not bowed the knee to Baal." 11.5. Even so then at this present time also there is a remt according to the election of grace. 11.6. And if by grace, then it is no longer of works; otherwise grace is no longer grace. But if it is of works, it is no longer grace; otherwise work is no longer work. 11.7. What then? That which Israel seeks for, that he didn't obtain, but the elect obtained it, and the rest were hardened. 11.8. According as it is written, "God gave them a spirit of stupor, eyes that they should not see, and ears that they should not hear, to this very day." 11.9. David says, "Let their table be made a snare, and a trap, A stumbling block, and a retribution to them. 11.10. Let their eyes be darkened, that they may not see. Bow down their back always." 11.11. I ask then, did they stumble that they might fall? May it never be! But by their fall salvation has come to the Gentiles, to provoke them to jealousy. 11.12. Now if their fall is the riches of the world, and their loss the riches of the Gentiles; how much more their fullness? 11.13. For I speak to you who are Gentiles. Since then as I am an apostle to Gentiles, I glorify my ministry; 11.14. if by any means I may provoke to jealousy those who are my flesh, and may save some of them. 11.15. For if the rejection of them is the reconciling of the world, what would their acceptance be, but life from the dead? 11.16. If the first fruit is holy, so is the lump. If the root is holy, so are the branches. 11.17. But if some of the branches were broken off, and you, being a wild olive, were grafted in among them, and became partaker with them of the root and of the richness of the olive tree; 11.18. don't boast over the branches. But if you boast, it is not you who support the root, but the root supports you. 11.19. You will say then, "Branches were broken off, that I might be grafted in." 11.20. True; by their unbelief they were broken off, and you stand by your faith. Don't be conceited, but fear; 11.21. for if God didn't spare the natural branches, neither will he spare you. 11.22. See then the goodness and severity of God. Toward those who fell, severity; but toward you, goodness, if you continue in his goodness; otherwise you also will be cut off. 11.23. They also, if they don't continue in their unbelief, will be grafted in, for God is able to graft them in again. 11.24. For if you were cut out of that which is by nature a wild olive tree, and were grafted contrary to nature into a good olive tree, how much more will these, which are the natural branches, be grafted into their own olive tree? 11.25. For I don't desire, brothers, to have you ignorant of this mystery, so that you won't be wise in your own conceits, that a partial hardening has happened to Israel, until the fullness of the Gentiles has come in, 11.26. and so all Israel will be saved. Even as it is written, "There will come out of Zion the Deliverer, And he will turn away ungodliness from Jacob. 11.27. This is my covet to them, When I will take away their sins." 11.28. Concerning the gospel, they are enemies for your sake. But concerning the election, they are beloved for the fathers' sake. 11.29. For the gifts and the calling of God are irrevocable. 11.30. For as you in time past were disobedient to God, but now have obtained mercy by their disobedience, 11.31. even so these also have now been disobedient, that by the mercy shown to you they may also obtain mercy. 11.32. For God has shut up all to disobedience, that he might have mercy on all. 11.33. Oh the depth of the riches both of the wisdom and the knowledge of God! How unsearchable are his judgments, and his ways past tracing out! 11.34. "For who has known the mind of the Lord? Or who has been his counselor?" 11.35. "Or who has first given to him, And it will be repaid to him again?" 11.36. For of him, and through him, and to him, are all things. To him be the glory for ever! Amen. |
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| 71. Martial, Spectacula, 7.16.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Cornelli (2013) 123 |
| 72. Plutarch, On Stoic Self-Contradictions, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jedan (2009) 16 |
| 73. Epictetus, Enchiridion, 1.2-1.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Harte (2017) 250, 251 |
| 74. Epictetus, Discourses, 1.1, 1.1.7, 1.1.23, 1.6.15, 1.9, 1.9.7-1.9.8, 1.12.2, 1.12.34, 1.17.21-1.17.28, 1.19.7, 1.22.10, 2.2.3, 2.15.1, 2.19.32, 2.19.39, 3.1.25, 3.16.15, 3.22.42, 3.24.69, 4.1.72-4.1.80, 4.1.86-4.1.87, 4.1.100, 4.4.1-4.4.2, 4.7.8, 4.13.24 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias •alexander of aphrodisias, aristotelian, proairesis involved in all action that is upto us Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 36; Harte (2017) 250, 251; James (2021) 31; Sorabji (2000) 327, 332; Wilson (2018) 37 |
| 75. Plutarch, On Moral Virtue, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Graver (2007) 241 |
| 76. Plutarch, Placita Philosophorum (874D-911C), None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 25 |
| 77. Plutarch, Table Talk, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Cornelli (2013) 123 |
| 78. Cornutus, De Natura Deorum, 31 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Brouwer (2013) 112 |
79. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 1.9.2, 3.4.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Graver (2007) 241| 1.9.2. Ἀθάμας δὲ ὕστερον διὰ μῆνιν Ἥρας καὶ τῶν ἐξ Ἰνοῦς ἐστερήθη παίδων· αὐτὸς μὲν γὰρ μανεὶς ἐτόξευσε Λέαρχον, Ἰνὼ δὲ Μελικέρτην μεθʼ ἑαυτῆς εἰς πέλαγος ἔρριψεν. ἐκπεσὼν δὲ τῆς Βοιωτίας ἐπυνθάνετο τοῦ θεοῦ ποῦ κατοικήσει· χρησθέντος δὲ αὐτῷ κατοικεῖν ἐν ᾧπερ ἂν τόπῳ ὑπὸ ζῴων ἀγρίων ξενισθῇ, πολλὴν χώραν διελθὼν ἐνέτυχε λύκοις προβάτων μοίρας νεμομένοις· οἱ δέ, θεωρήσαντες αὐτόν, ἃ διῃροῦντο ἀπολιπόντες ἔφυγον. Ἀθάμας δὲ κτίσας τὴν χώραν Ἀθαμαντίαν ἀφʼ ἑαυτοῦ προσηγόρευσε, καὶ γήμας Θεμιστὼ τὴν Ὑψέως ἐγέννησε Λεύκωνα Ἐρύθριον Σχοινέα Πτῶον. 3.4.3. Σεμέλης δὲ Ζεὺς ἐρασθεὶς Ἥρας κρύφα συνευνάζεται. ἡ δὲ ἐξαπατηθεῖσα ὑπὸ Ἥρας, κατανεύσαντος αὐτῇ Διὸς πᾶν τὸ αἰτηθὲν ποιήσειν, αἰτεῖται τοιοῦτον αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν οἷος ἦλθε μνηστευόμενος Ἥραν. Ζεὺς δὲ μὴ δυνάμενος ἀνανεῦσαι παραγίνεται εἰς τὸν θάλαμον αὐτῆς ἐφʼ ἅρματος ἀστραπαῖς ὁμοῦ καὶ βρονταῖς, καὶ κεραυνὸν ἵησιν. Σεμέλης δὲ διὰ τὸν φόβον ἐκλιπούσης, ἑξαμηνιαῖον τὸ βρέφος ἐξαμβλωθὲν ἐκ τοῦ πυρὸς ἁρπάσας ἐνέρραψε τῷ μηρῷ. ἀποθανούσης δὲ Σεμέλης, αἱ λοιπαὶ Κάδμου θυγατέρες διήνεγκαν λόγον, συνηυνῆσθαι θνητῷ τινι Σεμέλην καὶ καταψεύσασθαι Διός, καὶ ὅτι 1 -- διὰ τοῦτο ἐκεραυνώθη. κατὰ δὲ τὸν χρόνον τὸν καθήκοντα Διόνυσον γεννᾷ Ζεὺς λύσας τὰ ῥάμματα, καὶ δίδωσιν Ἑρμῇ. ὁ δὲ κομίζει πρὸς Ἰνὼ καὶ Ἀθάμαντα καὶ πείθει τρέφειν ὡς κόρην. ἀγανακτήσασα δὲ Ἥρα μανίαν αὐτοῖς ἐνέβαλε, καὶ Ἀθάμας μὲν τὸν πρεσβύτερον παῖδα Λέαρχον ὡς ἔλαφον θηρεύσας ἀπέκτεινεν, Ἰνὼ δὲ τὸν Μελικέρτην εἰς πεπυρωμένον λέβητα ῥίψασα, εἶτα βαστάσασα μετὰ νεκροῦ τοῦ παιδὸς ἥλατο κατὰ βυθοῦ. 1 -- καὶ Λευκοθέα μὲν αὐτὴν καλεῖται, Παλαίμων δὲ ὁ παῖς, οὕτως ὀνομασθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν πλεόντων· τοῖς χειμαζομένοις γὰρ βοηθοῦσιν. ἐτέθη δὲ ἐπὶ Μελικέρτῃ ὁ 2 -- ἀγὼν τῶν Ἰσθμίων, Σισύφου θέντος. Διόνυσον δὲ Ζεὺς εἰς ἔριφον ἀλλάξας τὸν Ἥρας θυμὸν ἔκλεψε, καὶ λαβὼν αὐτὸν Ἑρμῆς πρὸς νύμφας ἐκόμισεν ἐν Νύσῃ κατοικούσας τῆς Ἀσίας, ἃς ὕστερον Ζεὺς καταστερίσας ὠνόμασεν Ὑάδας. | |
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80. Tacitus, Histories, 5.6-5.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Taylor (2012) 146 | 5.6. Their land is bounded by Arabia on the east, Egypt lies on the south, on the west are Phoenicia and the sea, and toward the north the people enjoy a wide prospect over Syria. The inhabitants are healthy and hardy. Rains are rare; the soil is fertile; its products are like ours, save that the balsam and the palm also grow there. The palm is a tall and handsome tree; the balsam a mere shrub: if a branch, when swollen with sap, is pierced with steel, the veins shrivel up; so a piece of stone or a potsherd is used to open them; the juice is employed by physicians. of the mountains, Lebanon rises to the greatest height, and is in fact a marvel, for in the midst of the excessive heat its summit is shaded by trees and covered with snow; it likewise is the source and supply of the river Jordan. This river does not empty into the sea, but after flowing with volume undiminished through two lakes is lost in the third. The last is a lake of great size: it is like the sea, but its water has a nauseous taste, and its offensive odour is injurious to those who live near it. Its waters are not moved by the wind, and neither fish nor water-fowl can live there. Its lifeless waves bear up whatever is thrown upon them as on a solid surface; all swimmers, whether skilled or not, are buoyed up by them. At a certain season of the year the sea throws up bitumen, and experience has taught the natives how to collect this, as she teaches all arts. Bitumen is by nature a dark fluid which coagulates when sprinkled with vinegar, and swims on the surface. Those whose business it is, catch hold of it with their hands and haul it on shipboard: then with no artificial aid the bitumen flows in and loads the ship until the stream is cut off. Yet you cannot use bronze or iron to cut the bituminous stream; it shrinks from blood or from a cloth stained with a woman's menses. Such is the story told by ancient writers, but those who are acquainted with the country aver that the floating masses of bitumen are driven by the winds or drawn by hand to shore, where later, after they have been dried by vapours from the earth or by the heat of the sun, they are split like timber or stone with axes and wedges. 5.7. Not far from this lake is a plain which, according to report, was once fertile and the site of great cities, but which was later devastated by lightning; and it is said that traces of this disaster still exist there, and that the very ground looks burnt and has lost its fertility. In fact, all the plants there, whether wild or cultivated, turn black, become sterile, and seem to wither into dust, either in leaf or in flower or after they have reached their usual mature form. Now for my part, although I should grant that famous cities were once destroyed by fire from heaven, I still think that it is the exhalations from the lake that infect the ground and poison the atmosphere about this district, and that this is the reason that crops and fruits decay, since both soil and climate are deleterious. The river Belus also empties into the Jewish Sea; around its mouth a kind of sand is gathered, which when mixed with soda is fused into glass. The beach is of moderate size, but it furnishes an inexhaustible supply. |
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81. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 18.14, 23.5, 42.1, 87.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brouwer (2013) 164; Erler et al (2021) 171; Graver (2007) 241; Sorabji (2000) 171| 65. qui vicit ima: sceptra praeripiet patri. | |
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82. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, None (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012) 145 | 23.9. Int. What you have said so far I think has been quite reasonable; but how are we to consider any spirit to be wicked and unjust and senseless, I am unable to say; and besides, it is not like you philosophers, if you really hold that the guiding spirit is divine, to assume any such thing. Dio. Well, just now I have not been expressing my own view for the most part except in this one matter â that I believe every wise man is fortunate and happy and he alone; but in everything else I have accepted the views of the majority of men, that I may not seem to be forcing my own views on them. |
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| 83. Seneca The Younger, On Anger, 2.4.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias, aristotelian, proairesis involved in all action that is upto us Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 328 |
| 84. Plutarch, On The Delays of Divine Vengeance, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding (2022) 134 |
| 85. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 5.1573, 30 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wilson (2018) 37 |
| 86. Plutarch, On The Birth of The Spirit In Timaeus, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding (2022) 134 |
| 87. Artemidorus, Oneirocritica, 4.80 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Borg (2008) 56 |
| 88. Theon of Smyrna, Aspects of Mathematics Useful For The Reading of Plato, 99.16, 149.14 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013) 53; Frede and Laks (2001) 25 |
89. Plutarch, On Isis And Osiris, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wilson (2018) 12 | 1. All good things, my dear Clea, The priestess for whom Plutarch composed his collection of stories about the Bravery of Women ( Moralia , 242 e ff.). sensible men must ask from the gods; and especially do we pray that from those mighty gods we may, in our quest, gain a knowledge of themselves, so far as such a thing is attainable by men. Cf. Plutarch, Moralia , 780 f - 781 a and 355 c, infra . For we believe that there is nothing more important for man to receive, or more ennobling for God of His grace to grant, than the truth. God gives to men the other things for which they express a desire, but of sense and intelligence He grants them only a share, inasmuch as these are His especial possessions and His sphere of activity. For the Deity is not blessed by reason of his possession of gold and silver, Cf. Themistius, Oration xxxiii. p. 365 b-d. nor strong because of thunder and lightning, but through knowledge and intelligence. of all the things that Homer said about the gods, he has expressed most beautifully this thought: Iliad , xiii. 354; quoted also in Moralia , 32 a, and Life and Writings of Homer , ii. 114. Both, indeed, were in lineage one, and of the same country, Yet was Zeus the earlier born and his knowledge was greater. Thereby the poet plainly declares that the primacy of Zeus is nobler since it is elder in knowledge and in wisdom. I think also that a source of happiness in the eternal life, which is the lot of God, is that events which come to pass do not escape His prescience. But if His knowledge and meditation on the nature of Existence should be taken away, then, to my mind, His immortality is not living, but a mere lapse of time. Cf. Moralia , 781 a. |
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| 90. Seneca The Younger, De Vita Beata (Dialogorum Liber Vii), 16.3, 23.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias, aristotelian, stochastic arts Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 171 |
| 91. Plutarch, On Common Conceptions Against The Stoics, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding (2022) 190 |
| 92. Galen, That The Qualities of The Mind Depend On The Temperament of The Body, 4.45-22.3, 5, 44.12, 44.13, 44.14, 44.15, 44.16, 44.17, 44.18, 44.19, 44.20, 71 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Champion (2022) 51 |
| 93. Galen, On The Use of Parts, 11.14 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: James (2021) 158 |
| 94. Numenius of Apamea, Fragments, 18 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 36 |
| 95. Numenius of Apamea, Fragments, 18 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 36 |
| 96. Galen, On Temperaments, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding (2022) 239 |
| 97. Galen, On The Doctrines of Hippocrates And Plato, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding (2022) 239 |
| 98. Galen, On The Order of His Own Books To Eugenianus, 80.11-81.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: James (2021) 158 |
| 99. Lucian, The Dream, Or The Cock, 4 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Cornelli (2013) 123 |
| 100. Justin, Dialogue With Trypho, 1.4 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 36 |
| 101. Galen, On The Natural Faculties, 2.7 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Brouwer (2013) 75 |
| 102. Hippolytus, Refutation of All Heresies, 7.19.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 25 |
| 103. Sextus, Outlines of Pyrrhonism, 1.91, 2.51, 2.72 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Brouwer (2013) 164; Gerson and Wilberding (2022) 132 |
| 104. Sextus, Against The Mathematicians, 1.7, 5.13, 7.94, 7.313, 7.380, 9.78 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Cornelli (2013) 53; Frede and Laks (2001) 252, 258; Harte (2017) 228; Inwood and Warren (2020) 100, 109 |
| 105. Galen, On My [His] Own Books, 16.124.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: James (2021) 158 |
| 106. Galen, On The Differences of The Pulses, 10 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: James (2021) 28 |
| 107. Maximus of Tyre, Dialexeis, 5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Wilson (2018) 12 |
| 108. Hermogenes, Rhetorical Exercises, 115.3-115.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Segev (2017) 36 |
| 109. Sextus Empiricus, Against Those In The Disciplines, 7.243-7.247 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Graver (2007) 241 |
110. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 5.7.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Taylor (2012) 145| 5.7.5. ἡ δὲ θάλασσα ἡ Νεκρὰ πάσχει παντὶ ὕδατι ἄλλῳ τὰ ἐναντία· ἐν ᾗ γε τὰ μὲν ζῶντα πέφυκεν οὐ νηχόμενα ἐποχεῖσθαι, τὰ δὲ θνήσκοντα ἐς βυθὸν χωρεῖν. ταύτῃ ἄκαρπος καὶ ἰχθύων ἡ λίμνη· ἅτε ἀπὸ τοῦ φανερωτάτου κινδύνου ἐπὶ τὸ ὕδωρ ἀναφεύγουσιν ὀπίσω τὸ οἰκεῖον. τῷ δὲ Ἀλφειῷ τὸ αὐτὸ πάσχει καὶ ὕδωρ ἄλλο ἐν Ἰωνίᾳ· τούτου δὲ τοῦ ὕδατος πηγὴ μέν ἐστιν ἐν Μυκάλῃ τῷ ὄρει, διεξελθὸν δὲ θάλασσαν τὴν μεταξὺ ἄνεισιν αὖθις κατὰ Βραγχίδας πρὸς λιμένι ὀνομαζομένῳ Πανόρμῳ. | 5.7.5. The Dead Sea has the opposite qualities to those of any other water. Living creatures float in it naturally without swimming; dying creatures sink to the bottom. Hence the lake is barren of fish; their danger stares them in the face, and they flee back to the water which is their native element. The peculiarity of the Alpheius is shared by a river of Ionia . The source of it is on Mount Mycale, and having gone through the intervening sea the river rises again opposite Branchidae at the harbor called Panormus . |
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| 111. Tatian, Oration To The Greeks, 3.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Brouwer (2013) 109, 164 |
| 112. Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation To The Greeks, 2.30.7 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Černušková (2016) 148 |
| 113. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Černušková (2016) 148 |
| 114. Tertullian, Against Hermogenes, 12.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Corrigan and Rasimus (2013) 574 |
| 115. Alexander of Aphrodisias, On The Soul, 2.161, 3.28-4.4, 10.14, 10.15, 10.16, 10.17, 10.18, 10.19, 10.20, 10.21, 10.22, 10.23, 10.24, 10.25, 10.26, 12.16, 12.17, 13, 13.1, 13.2, 13.3, 13.4, 13.5, 13.6, 13.7, 13.8, 14, 15, 15.10, 15.11, 15.12, 15.13, 15.14, 15.15, 15.16, 15.17, 15.18, 15.19, 15.20, 15.21, 15.22, 15.23, 16, 24.1, 24.2, 24.3, 24.4, 24.5, 24.18-25.9, 24.18, 24.19, 24.20, 24.21, 24.22, 24.23, 25.2, 25.3, 25.4, 25.5, 25.6, 25.7, 25.8, 25.9, 26.7, 26.8, 26.9, 26.10, 26.11, 26.12, 26.13, 26.14, 26.15, 26.16, 26.17, 26.18, 26.19, 26.20, 26.21, 26.22, 26.23, 26.24, 26.25, 26.26, 26.27, 26.28, 26.29, 26.30, 63.6, 63.7, 63.8, 63.9, 63.10, 63.11, 63.12, 63.13, 72.26-73.2, 76.14-77.8, 82, 82.2, 82.6, 94.7-100.17, 100.8, 100.9, 100.10, 100.11, 100.12 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 26 |
| 116. Tertullian, On The Soul, 15.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Inwood and Warren (2020) 109 |
| 117. Alexander of Aphrodisias, Supplement To On The Soul (Mantissa), 109.4-110.2, 110, 110.4, 112.5-113.24, 112.14, 112.15, 112.16, 171.11, 171.12, 171.13, 171.14, 172.17, 172.18, 172.19, 179.6, 179.7, 179.8, 179.9, 179.10, 179.11, 179.12, 179.13, 179.14, 179.15, 179.16, 179.17, 179.18, 179.19, 179.20, 179.21, 179.22, 179.23 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 25 |
| 118. Apuleius, Apology, 56 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Cornelli (2013) 123 |
| 119. Alexander of Aphrodisias, On Fate, 13.182.18, 13.182.17, 13.182.16, 13.182.19, 14.183.22, 14.183.23, 14.183.29, 14.183.28, 14.183.31, 14.183.27, 14.183.26, 14.183.21-184.20, 14.183.24, 14.184.12, 14.184.13, 15.185.27, 15.185.21, 15.185.22, 15.185.23, 15.185.25, 15.185.26, 15.185.28, 15.185.24, 15.185.16, 15.185.15, 15.185.11, 15.185.10, 15.185.9, 15.185.8, 15.185.7, 16, 17, 17.188.15, 18, 18.188.17-189.8, 19, 19.189.12, 19.189.11, 19.189.10, 19.189.9, 20, 21, 33, 34, 79, 169.18-171.17, 172.9, 172.10, 174.1, 174.2, 174.3, 174.4, 174.5, 174.6, 174.7, 174.8, 174.9, 174.10, 174.11, 174.12, 174.13, 174.14, 174.15, 174.16, 174.17, 174.18, 174.19, 174.20, 174.21, 174.22, 174.23, 174.24, 174.25, 174.26, 174.27, 174.28, 181.10, 181.13-182.20, 182.22, 183.17, 191.32-192.8, 199.14, 199.15, 199.16, 199.17, 199.18, 199.19, 199.20, 199.21, 199.22, 203.10, 203.11, 203.12, 205.15-22 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 34 |
| 120. Apuleius, On Plato, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 35 |
| 121. Alexander of Aphrodisias, On Mixture, 216.25-217.2, 217.32-218.1, 224.14, 226.24 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 27 |
| 122. Alcinous, Handbook of Platonism, 9.163.14-9.163.17, 12.23, 14.4, 26.1-26.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 36; Gerson and Wilberding (2022) 132, 134; Wilson (2018) 12 |
| 123. Clement of Alexandria, Christ The Educator, (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Černušková (2016) 148 |
| 124. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, None (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Cornelli (2013) 123 |
| 125. Alexander of Aphrodisias, Commentary On Aristotle'S Prior Analytics I, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias, aristotelian, interruption of form terminates self Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 243 |
| 126. Alexander of Aphrodisias, Commentaries On Metaphysics, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Erler et al (2021) 163 |
| 127. Alexander of Aphrodisias, Commentaries On Aristotle'S Meteorologica, 6.5, 7.9-7.14 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 34 |
| 128. Alexander of Aphrodisias, Commentaries On Eight Books of Aristotle'S Topics, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: James (2021) 28 |
| 129. Alexander of Aphrodisias, Problems And Solutions, a b c d\n0 2.3/47.32 2.3/47.32 2 3/47\n1 2.3/49.28 2.3/49.28 2 3/49\n2 2.3/47.31 2.3/47.31 2 3/47\n3 2.3/47.30 2.3/47.30 2 3/47\n4 2.3/49.29 2.3/49.29 2 3/49\n.. ... ... .. ...\n68 2.24.75.9 2.24.75.9 2 24 \n69 2.24.75.10 2.24.75.10 2 24 \n70 1.25 1.25 1 25 \n71 2.19 2.19 2 19 \n72 2.3 2.3 2 3 \n\n[73 rows x 4 columns] (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 25 |
| 130. Atticus, Fragments, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding (2022) 134 |
| 131. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Graver (2007) 241 |
| 132. Athanasius, Defense Against The Arians, 1.5 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Widdicombe (2000) 143 |
| 133. Plotinus, Enneads, a b c d\n0 3.6 3.6 3 6 \n1 1.8(51) 1.8(51) 1 8(51)\n2 2.5(25).5.10 2.5(25).5.10 2 5(25)\n3 2.5(25).5.11 2.5(25).5.11 2 5(25)\n4 2.5(25).5.12 2.5(25).5.12 2 5(25)\n.. ... ... .. ...\n556 3.1.7.14 3.1.7.14 3 1 \n557 3.1.7.15 3.1.7.15 3 1 \n558 3.1.7.16 3.1.7.16 3 1 \n559 3.1.4.30 3.1.4.30 3 1 \n560 3.1.4.22 3.1.4.22 3 1 \n\n[561 rows x 4 columns] (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30 |
| 134. Porphyry, Life of Plotinus, 14.10-14.13, 18.9-18.20 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding (2022) 38, 132; Marmodoro and Prince (2015) 42 |
| 135. Calcidius (Chalcidius), Platonis Timaeus Commentaria, 216 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Inwood and Warren (2020) 109 |
136. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, None (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 25 | 5.32. In the sphere of natural science he surpassed all other philosophers in the investigation of causes, so that even the most insignificant phenomena were explained by him. Hence the unusual number of scientific notebooks which he compiled. Like Plato he held that God was incorporeal; that his providence extended to the heavenly bodies, that he is unmoved, and that earthly events are regulated by their affinity with them (the heavenly bodies). Besides the four elements he held that there is a fifth, of which the celestial bodies are composed. Its motion is of a different kind from that of the other elements, being circular. Further, he maintained the soul to be incorporeal, defining it as the first entelechy [i.e. realization] of a natural organic body potentially possessed of life. |
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| 137. Porphyry, Fragments, None (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Erler et al (2021) 174 |
| 138. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, None (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Graver (2007) 241 |
| 139. Eusebius of Caesarea, Onomasticon, 12.17-12.18, 16.4, 22.27-22.28, 42.3 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Taylor (2012) 146 |
140. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 5.28.3-5.28.19 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: James (2021) 158 | 5.28.3. For they say that all the early teachers and the apostles received and taught what they now declare, and that the truth of the Gospel was preserved until the times of Victor, who was the thirteenth bishop of Rome from Peter, but that from his successor, Zephyrinus, the truth had been corrupted. 5.28.4. And what they say might be plausible, if first of all the Divine Scriptures did not contradict them. And there are writings of certain brethren older than the times of Victor, which they wrote in behalf of the truth against the heathen, and against the heresies which existed in their day. I refer to Justin and Miltiades and Tatian and Clement and many others, in all of whose works Christ is spoken of as God. 5.28.5. For who does not know the works of Irenaeus and of Melito and of others which teach that Christ is God and man? And how many psalms and hymns, written by the faithful brethren from the beginning, celebrate Christ the Word of God, speaking of him as Divine. 5.28.6. How then since the opinion held by the Church has been preached for so many years, can its preaching have been delayed as they affirm, until the times of Victor? And how is it that they are not ashamed to speak thus falsely of Victor, knowing well that he cut off from communion Theodotus, the cobbler, the leader and father of this God-denying apostasy, and the first to declare that Christ is mere man? For if Victor agreed with their opinions, as their slander affirms, how came he to cast out Theodotus, the inventor of this heresy? 5.28.7. So much in regard to Victor. His bishopric lasted ten years, and Zephyrinus was appointed his successor about the ninth year of the reign of Severus. The author of the above-mentioned book, concerning the founder of this heresy, narrates another event which occurred in the time of Zephyrinus, using these words: 5.28.8. I will remind many of the brethren of a fact which took place in our time, which, had it happened in Sodom, might, I think, have proved a warning to them. There was a certain confessor, Natalius, not long ago, but in our own day. 5.28.9. This man was deceived at one time by Asclepiodotus and another Theodotus, a money-changer. Both of them were disciples of Theodotus, the cobbler, who, as I have said, was the first person excommunicated by Victor, bishop at that time, on account of this sentiment, or rather senselessness. 5.28.10. Natalius was persuaded by them to allow himself to be chosen bishop of this heresy with a salary, to be paid by them, of one hundred and fifty denarii a month. 5.28.11. When he had thus connected himself with them, he was warned oftentimes by the Lord through visions. For the compassionate God and our Lord Jesus Christ was not willing that a witness of his own sufferings, being cast out of the Church, should perish. 5.28.12. But as he paid little regard to the visions, because he was ensnared by the first position among them and by that shameful covetousness which destroys a great many, he was scourged by holy angels, and punished severely through the entire night. Thereupon having risen in the morning, he put on sackcloth and covered himself with ashes, and with great haste and tears he fell down before Zephyrinus, the bishop, rolling at the feet not only of the clergy, but also of the laity; and he moved with his tears the compassionate Church of the merciful Christ. And though he used much supplication, and showed the welts of the stripes which he had received, yet scarcely was he taken back into communion. 5.28.13. We will add from the same writer some other extracts concerning them, which run as follows:They have treated the Divine Scriptures recklessly and without fear. They have set aside the rule of ancient faith; and Christ they have not known. They do not endeavor to learn what the Divine Scriptures declare, but strive laboriously after any form of syllogism which may be devised to sustain their impiety. And if any one brings before them a passage of Divine Scripture, they see whether a conjunctive or disjunctive form of syllogism can be made from it. 5.28.14. And as being of the earth and speaking of the earth, and as ignorant of him who comes from above, they forsake the holy writings of God to devote themselves to geometry. Euclid is laboriously measured by some of them; and Aristotle and Theophrastus are admired; and Galen, perhaps, by some is even worshipped. 5.28.15. But that those who use the arts of unbelievers for their heretical opinions and adulterate the simple faith of the Divine Scriptures by the craft of the godless, are far from the faith, what need is there to say? Therefore they have laid their hands boldly upon the Divine Scriptures, alleging that they have corrected them. 5.28.16. That I am not speaking falsely of them in this matter, whoever wishes may learn. For if any one will collect their respective copies, and compare them one with another, he will find that they differ greatly. 5.28.17. Those of Asclepiades, for example, do not agree with those of Theodotus. And many of these can be obtained, because their disciples have assiduously written the corrections, as they call them, that is the corruptions, of each of them. Again, those of Hermophilus do not agree with these, and those of Apollonides are not consistent with themselves. For you can compare those prepared by them at an earlier date with those which they corrupted later, and you will find them widely different. 5.28.18. But how daring this offense is, it is not likely that they themselves are ignorant. For either they do not believe that the Divine Scriptures were spoken by the Holy Spirit, and thus are unbelievers, or else they think themselves wiser than the Holy Spirit, and in that case what else are they than demoniacs? For they cannot deny the commission of the crime, since the copies have been written by their own hands. For they did not receive such Scriptures from their instructors, nor can they produce any copies from which they were transcribed. 5.28.19. But some of them have not thought it worth while to corrupt them, but simply deny the law and the prophets, and thus through their lawless and impious teaching under pretense of grace, have sunk to the lowest depths of perdition.Let this suffice for these things. |
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| 141. Origen, On First Principles, 4.1.7 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: James (2021) 158 |
| 142. Porphyry, On Abstinence, None (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Harte (2017) 248 |
| 143. Iamblichus, Life of Pythagoras, 162 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Cornelli (2013) 53 |
| 144. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, None (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jedan (2009) 33 |
| 145. Origen, Philocalia, 2.4-2.5, 10.2 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: James (2021) 158 |
| 146. Origen, Commentary On John, 10.37, 13.61, 19.5 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Widdicombe (2000) 83 |
147. Origen, Commentary On Matthew, 10.14 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Widdicombe (2000) 83 | 10.14. Have ye understood all these things? They say, Yea. Matthew 13:51 Christ Jesus, who knows the things in the hearts of men, John 2:25 as John also taught concerning Him in the Gospel, puts the question not as one ignorant, but having once for all taken upon Him the nature of man, He uses also all the characteristics of a man of which asking is one. And there is nothing to be wondered at in the Saviour doing this, since indeed the God of the universe, bearing with the manners of men as a man bears with the manners of his son, makes inquiry, as - Adam, where are you? Genesis 3:9 and, Where is Abel your brother? Genesis 4:9 But some one with a forced interpretation will say here that the words have understood are not to be taken interrogatively but affirmatively; and he will say that the disciples bearing testimony to His affirmation, say, Yea. Only, whether he is putting a question or making an affirmation, it is necessarily said not these things only - which is demonstrative - not all things only, but all these things. And here He seems to represent the disciples as having been scribes before the kingdom of heaven; Matthew 13:52 but to this is opposed what is said in the Acts of the Apostles thus, Now when they beheld the boldness of Peter and John, and perceived that they were unlearned and ignorant men, they marvelled, and they took knowledge of them that they had been with Jesus. Acts 4:13 Some one may inquire in regard to these things - if they were scribes, how are they spoken of in the Acts as unlearned and ignorant men? Or if they were unlearned and ignorant men, how are they very plainly called scribes by the Saviour? And it might be answered to these inquiries that, as a matter of fact, not all the disciples but only Peter and John are described in the Acts as unlearned and ignorant, but that there were more disciples in regard to whom, because they understood all things, it is said, Every scribe, etc. Or it might be said that every one who has been instructed in the teaching according to the letter of the law is called a scribe, so that those who were unlearned and ignorant and led captive by the letter of the law are spoken of as scribes in a particular sense. And it is very specially the characteristic of ignorant men, who are unskilled in figurative interpretation and do not understand what is concerned with the mystical exposition of the Scriptures, but believe the bare letter, and, vindicate it, that they call themselves scribes. And so one will interpret the words, Woe unto you Scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites, Matthew 23:13 as having been said to every one that knows nothing but the letter. Here you will inquire if the scribe of the Gospel be as the scribe of the law, and if the former deals with the Gospel, as the latter with the law, reading and hearing and telling those things which contain an allegory, Galatians 4:24 so as, while preserving the historic truth of the events, to understand the unerring principle of mystic interpretation applied to things spiritual, so that the things learned may not be spiritual things whose characteristic is wickedness, Ephesians 6:12 but may be entirely opposite to such, namely, spiritual things whose characteristic is goodness. And one is a scribe made a disciple to the kingdom of heaven in the simpler sense, when he comes from Judaism and receives the teaching of Jesus Christ as defined by the Church; but he is a scribe in a deeper sense, when having received elementary knowledge through the letter of the Scriptures he ascends to things spiritual, which are called the kingdom of the heavens. And according as each thought is attained, and grasped abstractly and proved by example and absolute demonstration, can one understand the kingdom of heaven, so that he who abounds in knowledge free from error is in the kingdom of the multitude of what are here represented as heavens. So, too, you will allegorise the word, Repent, for the kingdom of the heavens is at hand, Matthew 3:2 as meaning that the scribes- that is, those who rest satisfied in the bare letter - may repent of this method of interpretation and be instructed in the spiritual teaching which is called the kingdom of the heavens through Jesus Christ the living Word. Wherefore, also, so far as Jesus Christ, who was in the beginning with God, God the word, John 1:1-2 has not His home in a soul, the kingdom of heaven is not in it, but when any one becomes near to admission of the Word, to him the kingdom of heaven is near. But if the kingdom of heaven and the kingdom of God are the same thing in reality, if not in idea, manifestly to those to whom it is said, The kingdom of God is within you, Luke 17:21 to them also it might be said, The kingdom of heaven is within you; and most of all because of the repentance from the letter unto the spirit; since When one turn to the Lord, the veil over the letter is taken away. But the Lord is the Spirit. 2 Corinthians 3:16-17 And he who is truly a householder is both free and rich; rich because from the office of the scribe he has been made a disciple to the kingdom of heaven, in every word of the Old Testament, and in all knowledge concerning the new teaching of Christ Jesus, and has this riches laid up in his own treasure-house - in heaven, in which he stores his treasure as one who has been made a disciple to the kingdom of heaven - where neither moth does consume, nor thieves break through. Matthew 6:20 And in regard to him, who, as we have said, lays up treasure in heaven, we may truly lay down that not one moth of the passions can touch his spiritual and heavenly possessions. A moth of the passions, I said, taking the suggestion from the Proverbs in which it is written, a worm in wood, so pain wounds the heart of man. Proverbs 25:20 For pain is a worm and a moth, which wounds the heart which has not its treasures in heaven and spiritual things, for if a man has his treasure in these - for where the treasure is, there will the heart be also, Matthew 6:21 - he has his heart in heaven, and on account of it he says, Though an host should encamp against me, my heart shall not fear. And so neither can thieves in regard to whom the Saviour said, All that came before Me are thieves and robbers, John 10:8 break through those things which are treasured up in heaven, and through the heart which is in heaven and therefore says, He raised us up with Him, and made us to sit with Him in the heavenly places in Christ, Ephesians 2:6 and, Our citizenship is in heaven. Philippians 3:20 |
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| 148. Origen, Philocalia, 2.4-2.5, 10.2 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: James (2021) 158 |
| 149. Origen, On Jeremiah (Homilies 1-11), 39 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: James (2021) 158 |
| 150. Porphyry, Exposition On Aristotle'S Categories By Question And Response, 95.17-95.20 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Erler et al (2021) 174 |
151. Origen, Against Celsus, None (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Graver (2007) 241 | 8.51. In the next place, he expresses his approval of those who hope that eternal life shall be enjoyed with God by the soul or mind, or, as it is variously called, the spiritual nature, the reasonable soul, intelligent, holy, and blessed; and he allows the soundness of the doctrine, that those who had a good life shall be happy, and the unrighteous shall suffer eternal punishments. And yet I wonder at what follows, more than at anything that Celsus has ever said; for he adds, And from this doctrine let not them or any one ever swerve. For certainly in writing against Christians, the very essence of whose faith is God, and the promises made by Christ to the righteous, and His warnings of punishment awaiting the wicked, he must see that, if a Christian were brought to renounce Christianity by his arguments against it, it is beyond doubt that, along with his Christian faith, he would cast off the very doctrine from which he says that no Christian and no man should ever swerve. But I think Celsus has been far surpassed in consideration for his fellow-men by Chrysippus in his treatise, On the Subjugation of the Passions. For when he sought to apply remedies to the affections and passions which oppress and distract the human spirit, after employing such arguments as seemed to himself to be strong, he did not shrink from using in the second and third place others which he did not himself approve of. For, says he, if it were held by any one that there are three kinds of good, we must seek to regulate the passions in accordance with that supposition; and we must not too curiously inquire into the opinions held by a person at the time that he is under the influence of passion, lest, if we delay too long for the purpose of overthrowing the opinions by which the mind is possessed, the opportunity for curing the passion may pass away. And he adds, Thus, supposing that pleasure were the highest good, or that he was of that opinion whose mind was under the dominion of passion, we should not the less give him help, and show that, even on the principle that pleasure is the highest and final good of man, all passion is disallowed. And Celsus, in like manner, after having embraced the doctrine, that the righteous shall be blessed, and the wicked shall suffer eternal punishments, should have followed out his subject; and, after having advanced what seemed to him the chief argument, he should have proceeded to prove and enforce by further reasons the truth that the unjust shall surely suffer eternal punishment, and those who lead a good life shall be blessed. |
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| 152. Macrobius, Commentary On The Dream of Scipio, 1.14.20 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Brouwer (2013) 75 |
| 153. Marinus, Vita Proclus, 27, 26 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: d, Hoine and Martijn (2017) 23 |
| 154. Evagrius Ponticus, Scholia In Ecclesiasten (Fragmenta E Catenis), None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Singer and van Eijk (2018) 7 |
| 155. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 2.43, 7.38-7.45, 7.432-7.435 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Brouwer (2013) 106, 109, 112, 164 |
| 156. Dexippus, In Aristotelis Categorias Commentarium, 5.2-5.10, 33.8-33.13 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding (2022) 188, 190 |
| 157. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 29.1 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 245 |
| 158. Evagrius Ponticus, Chapters To A Virgin, 1.5 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Singer and van Eijk (2018) 7 |
| 159. Themistius, In Libros Aristotelis De Anima Paraphrasis, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Segev (2017) 99 |
160. Augustine, Confessions, 12.29 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Corrigan and Rasimus (2013) 574 | 12.29. 40. But he who does not otherwise understand, In the beginning He made, than if it were said, At first He made, can only truly understand heaven and earth of the matter of heaven and earth, namely, of the universal, that is, intelligible and corporeal creation. For if he would have it of the universe. as already formed, it might rightly be asked of him: If at first God made this, what made He afterwards? And after the universe he will find nothing; thereupon must he, though unwilling, hear, How is this first, if there is nothing afterwards? But when he says that God made matter first formless, then formed, he is not absurd if he be but able to discern what precedes by eternity, what by time, what by choice, what by origin. By eternity, as God is before all things; by time, as the flower is before the fruit; by choice, as the fruit is before the flower; by origin, as sound is before the tune. of these four, the first and last which I have referred to are with much difficulty understood; the two middle very easily. For an uncommon and too lofty vision it is to behold, O Lord, Your Eternity, immutably making things mutable, and thereby before them. Who is so acute of mind as to be able without great labour to discover how the sound is prior to the tune, because a tune is a formed sound; and a thing not formed may exist, but that which exists not cannot be formed? So is the matter prior to that which is made from it; not prior because it makes it, since itself is rather made, nor is it prior by an interval of time. For we do not as to time first utter formless sounds without singing, and then adapt or fashion them into the form of a song, just as wood or silver from which a chest or vessel is made. Because such materials do by time also precede the forms of the things which are made from them; but in singing this is not so. For when it is sung, its sound is heard at the same time; seeing there is not first a formless sound, which is afterwards formed into a song. For as soon as it shall have first sounded it passes away; nor can you find anything of it, which being recalled you can by art compose. And, therefore, the song is absorbed in its own sound, which sound of it is its matter. Because this same is formed that it may be a tune; and therefore, as I was saying, the matter of the sound is prior to the form of the tune, not before through any power of making it a tune; for neither is a sound the composer of the tune, but is sent forth from the body and is subjected to the soul of the singer, that from it he may form a tune. Nor is it first in time, for it is given forth together with the tune; nor first in choice, for a sound is not better than a tune, since a tune is not merely a sound, but a beautiful sound. But it is first in origin, because the tune is not formed that it may become a sound, but the sound is formed that it may become a tune. By this example, let him who is able understand that the matter of things was first made, and called heaven and earth, because out of it heaven and earth were made. Not that it was made first in time, because the forms of things give rise to time, but that was formless; but now, in time, it is perceived together with its form. Nor yet can anything be related concerning that matter, unless as if it were prior in time, while it is considered last (because things formed are assuredly superior to things formless), and is preceded by the Eternity of the Creator, so that there might be out of nothing that from which something might be made. |
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| 161. Basil of Caesarea, Letters, 269 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias, aristotelian, cause need not be like effect Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 85 |
| 162. Sallustius, On The Gods, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Schibli (2002) 340 |
| 163. Basil of Caesarea, Letters, 269 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias, aristotelian, cause need not be like effect Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 85 |
164. Augustine, The City of God, 5.1-5.7, 5.9, 12.14, 13.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias •alexander of aphrodisias, aristotelian, interruption of form terminates self Found in books: Long (2006) 151; Sorabji (2000) 243; Wilson (2018) 12 | 5.1. The cause, then, of the greatness of the Roman empire is neither fortuitous nor fatal, according to the judgment or opinion of those who call those things fortuitous which either have no causes, or such causes as do not proceed from some intelligible order, and those things fatal which happen independently of the will of God and man, by the necessity of a certain order. In a word, human kingdoms are established by divine providence. And if any one attributes their existence to fate, because he calls the will or the power of God itself by the name of fate, let him keep his opinion, but correct his language. For why does he not say at first what he will say afterwards, when some one shall put the question to him, What he means by fate? For when men hear that word, according to the ordinary use of the language, they simply understand by it the virtue of that particular position of the stars which may exist at the time when any one is born or conceived, which some separate altogether from the will of God, while others affirm that this also is dependent on that will. But those who are of opinion that, apart from the will of God, the stars determine what we shall do, or what good things we shall possess, or what evils we shall suffer, must be refused a hearing by all, not only by those who hold the true religion, but by those who wish to be the worshippers of any gods whatsoever, even false gods. For what does this opinion really amount to but this, that no god whatever is to be worshipped or prayed to? Against these, however, our present disputation is not intended to be directed, but against those who, in defense of those whom they think to be gods, oppose the Christian religion. They, however, who make the position of the stars depend on the divine will, and in a manner decree what character each man shall have, and what good or evil shall happen to him, if they think that these same stars have that power conferred upon them by the supreme power of God, in order that they may determine these things according to their will, do a great injury to the celestial sphere, in whose most brilliant senate, and most splendid senate-house, as it were, they suppose that wicked deeds are decreed to be done - such deeds as that, if any terrestrial state should decree them, it would be condemned to overthrow by the decree of the whole human race. What judgment, then, is left to God concerning the deeds of men, who is Lord both of the stars and of men, when to these deeds a celestial necessity is attributed? Or, if they do not say that the stars, though they have indeed received a certain power from God, who is supreme, determine those things according to their own discretion, but simply that His commands are fulfilled by them instrumentally in the application and enforcing of such necessities, are we thus to think concerning God even what it seemed unworthy that we should think concerning the will of the stars? But, if the stars are said rather to signify these things than to effect them, so that that position of the stars is, as it were, a kind of speech predicting, not causing future things - for this has been the opinion of men of no ordinary learning - certainly the mathematicians are not wont so to speak saying, for example, Mars in such or such a position signifies a homicide, but makes a homicide. But, nevertheless, though we grant that they do not speak as they ought, and that we ought to accept as the proper form of speech that employed by the philosophers in predicting those things which they think they discover in the position of the stars, how comes it that they have never been able to assign any cause why, in the life of twins, in their actions, in the events which befall them, in their professions, arts, honors, and other things pertaining to human life, also in their very death, there is often so great a difference, that, as far as these things are concerned, many entire strangers are more like them than they are like each other, though separated at birth by the smallest interval of time, but at conception generated by the same act of copulation, and at the same moment? 5.2. Cicero says that the famous physician Hippocrates has left in writing that he had suspected that a certain pair of brothers were twins, from the fact that they both took ill at once, and their disease advanced to its crisis and subsided in the same time in each of them. Posidonius the Stoic, who was much given to astrology, used to explain the fact by supposing that they had been born and conceived under the same constellation. In this question the conjecture of the physician is by far more worthy to be accepted, and approaches much nearer to credibility, since, according as the parents were affected in body at the time of copulation, so might the first elements of the fœtuses have been affected, so that all that was necessary for their growth and development up till birth having been supplied from the body of the same mother, they might be born with like constitutions. Thereafter, nourished in the same house, on the same kinds of food, where they would have also the same kinds of air, the same locality, the same quality of water - which, according to the testimony of medical science, have a very great influence, good or bad, on the condition of bodily health - and where they would also be accustomed to the same kinds of exercise, they would have bodily constitutions so similar that they would be similarly affected with sickness at the same time and by the same causes. But, to wish to adduce that particular position of the stars which existed at the time when they were born or conceived as the cause of their being simultaneously affected with sickness, manifests the greatest arrogance, when so many beings of most diverse kinds, in the most diverse conditions, and subject to the most diverse events, may have been conceived and born at the same time, and in the same district, lying under the same sky. But we know that twins do not only act differently, and travel to very different places, but that they also suffer from different kinds of sickness; for which Hippocrates would give what is in my opinion the simplest reason, namely, that, through diversity of food and exercise, which arises not from the constitution of the body, but from the inclination of the mind, they may have come to be different from each other in respect of health. Moreover, Posidonius, or any other asserter of the fatal influence of the stars, will have enough to do to find anything to say to this, if he be unwilling to im pose upon the minds of the uninstructed in things of which they are ignorant. But, as to what they attempt to make out from that very small interval of time elapsing between the births of twins, on account of that point in the heavens where the mark of the natal hour is placed, and which they call the horoscope, it is either disproportionately small to the diversity which is found in the dispositions, actions, habits, and fortunes of twins, or it is disproportionately great when compared with the estate of twins, whether low or high, which is the same for both of them, the cause for whose greatest difference they place, in every case, in the hour on which one is born; and, for this reason, if the one is born so immediately after the other that there is no change in the horoscope, I demand an entire similarity in all that respects them both, which can never be found in the case of any twins. But if the slowness of the birth of the second give time for a change in the horoscope, I demand different parents, which twins can never have. 5.3. It is to no purpose, therefore, that that famous fiction about the potter's wheel is brought forward, which tells of the answer which Nigidius is said to have given when he was perplexed with this question, and on account of which he was called Figulus. For, having whirled round the potter's wheel with all his strength he marked it with ink, striking it twice with the utmost rapidity, so that the strokes seemed to fall on the very same part of it. Then, when the rotation had ceased, the marks which he had made were found upon the rim of the wheel at no small distance apart. Thus, said he, considering the great rapidity with which the celestial sphere revolves, even though twins were born with as short an interval between their births as there was between the strokes which I gave this wheel, that brief interval of time is equivalent to a very great distance in the celestial sphere. Hence, said he, come whatever dissimilitudes may be remarked in the habits and fortunes of twins. This argument is more fragile than the vessels which are fashioned by the rotation of that wheel. For if there is so much significance in the heavens which cannot be comprehended by observation of the constellations, that, in the case of twins, an inheritance may fall to the one and not to the other, why, in the case of others who are not twins, do they dare, having examined their constellations, to declare such things as pertain to that secret which no one can comprehend, and to attribute them to the precise moment of the birth of each individual? Now, if such predictions in connection with the natal hours of others who are not twins are to be vindicated on the ground that they are founded on the observation of more extended spaces in the heavens, while those very small moments of time which separated the births of twins, and correspond to minute portions of celestial space, are to be connected with trifling things about which the mathematicians are not wont to be consulted - for who would consult them as to when he is to sit, when to walk abroad, when and on what he is to dine? - how can we be justified in so speaking, when we can point out such manifold diversity both in the habits, doings, and destinies of twins? 5.4. In the time of the ancient fathers, to speak concerning illustrious persons, there were born two twin brothers, the one so immediately after the other, that the first took hold of the heel of the second. So great a difference existed in their lives and manners, so great a dissimilarity in their actions, so great a difference in their parents' love for them respectively, that the very contrast between them produced even a mutual hostile antipathy. Do we mean, when we say that they were so unlike each other, that when the one was walking the other was sitting, when the one was sleeping the other was waking - which differences are such as are attributed to those minute portions of space which cannot be appreciated by those who note down the position of the stars which exists at the moment of one's birth, in order that the mathematicians may be consulted concerning it? One of these twins was for a long time a hired servant; the other never served. One of them was beloved by his mother; the other was not so. One of them lost that honor which was so much valued among their people; the other obtained it. And what shall we say of their wives, their children, and their possessions? How different they were in respect to all these! If, therefore, such things as these are connected with those minute intervals of time which elapse between the births of twins, and are not to be attributed to the constellations, wherefore are they predicted in the case of others from the examination of their constellations? And if, on the other hand, these things are said to be predicted, because they are connected, not with minute and inappreciable moments, but with intervals of time which can be observed and noted down, what purpose is that potter's wheel to serve in this matter, except it be to whirl round men who have hearts of clay, in order that they may be prevented from detecting the emptiness of the talk of the mathematicians? 5.5. Do not those very persons whom the medical sagacity of Hippocrates led him to suspect to be twins, because their disease was observed by him to develop to its crisis and to subside again in the same time in each of them - do not these, I say, serve as a sufficient refutation of those who wish to attribute to the influence of the stars that which was owing to a similarity of bodily constitution? For wherefore were they both sick of the same disease, and at the same time, and not the one after the other in the order of their birth? (for certainly they could not both be born at the same time.) Or, if the fact of their having been born at different times by no means necessarily implies that they must be sick at different times, why do they contend that the difference in the time of their births was the cause of their difference in other things? Why could they travel in foreign parts at different times, marry at different times, beget children at different times, and do many other things at different times, by reason of their having been born at different times, and yet could not, for the same reason, also be sick at different times? For if a difference in the moment of birth changed the horoscope, and occasioned dissimilarity in all other things, why has that simultaneousness which belonged to their conception remained in their attacks of sickness? Or, if the destinies of health are involved in the time of conception, but those of other things be said to be attached to the time of birth, they ought not to predict anything concerning health from examination of the constellations of birth, when the hour of conception is not also given, that its constellations may be inspected. But if they say that they predict attacks of sickness without examining the horoscope of conception, because these are indicated by the moments of birth, how could they inform either of these twins when he would be sick, from the horoscope of his birth, when the other also, who had not the same horoscope of birth, must of necessity fall sick at the same time? Again, I ask, if the distance of time between the births of twins is so great as to occasion a difference of their constellations on account of the difference of their horoscopes, and therefore of all the cardinal points to which so much influence is attributed, that even from such change there comes a difference of destiny, how is it possible that this should be so, since they cannot have been conceived at different times? Or, if two conceived at the same moment of time could have different destinies with respect to their births, why may not also two born at the same moment of time have different destinies for life and for death? For if the one moment in which both were conceived did not hinder that the one should be born before the other, why, if two are born at the same moment, should anything hinder them from dying at the same moment? If a simultaneous conception allows of twins being differently affected in the womb, why should not simultaneousness of birth allow of any two individuals having different fortunes in the world? And thus would all the fictions of this art, or rather delusion, be swept away. What strange circumstance is this, that two children conceived at the same time, nay, at the same moment, under the same position of the stars, have different fates which bring them to different hours of birth, while two children, born of two different mothers, at the same moment of time, under one and the same position of the stars, cannot have different fates which shall conduct them by necessity to diverse manners of life and of death? Are they at conception as yet without destinies, because they can only have them if they be born? What, therefore, do they mean when they say that, if the hour of the conception be found, many things can be predicted by these astrologers? From which also arose that story which is reiterated by some, that a certain sage chose an hour in which to lie with his wife, in order to secure his begetting an illustrious son. From this opinion also came that answer of Posidonius, the great astrologer and also philosopher, concerning those twins who were attacked with sickness at the same time, namely, That this had happened to them because they were conceived at the same time, and born at the same time. For certainly he added conception, lest it should be said to him that they could not both be born at the same time, knowing that at any rate they must both have been conceived at the same time; wishing thus to show that he did not attribute the fact of their being similarly and simultaneously affected with sickness to the similarity of their bodily constitutions as its proximate cause, but that he held that even in respect of the similarity of their health, they were bound together by a sidereal connection. If, therefore, the time of conception has so much to do with the similarity of destinies, these same destinies ought not to be changed by the circumstances of birth; or, if the destinies of twins be said to be changed because they are born at different times, why should we not rather understand that they had been already changed in order that they might be born at different times? Does not, then, the will of men living in the world change the destinies of birth, when the order of birth can change the destinies they had at conception? 5.6. But even in the very conception of twins, which certainly occurs at the same moment in the case of both, it often happens that the one is conceived a male, and the other a female. I know two of different sexes who are twins. Both of them are alive, and in the flower of their age; and though they resemble each other in body, as far as difference of sex will permit, still they are very different in the whole scope and purpose of their lives (consideration being had of those differences which necessarily exist between the lives of males and females) - the one holding the office of a count, and being almost constantly away from home with the army in foreign service, the other never leaving her country's soil, or her native district. Still more - and this is more incredible, if the destinies of the stars are to be believed in, though it is not wonderful if we consider the wills of men, and the free gifts of God - he is married; she is a sacred virgin: he has begotten a numerous offspring; she has never even married. But is not the virtue of the horoscope very great? I think I have said enough to show the absurdity of that. But, say those astrologers, whatever be the virtue of the horoscope in other respects, it is certainly of significance with respect to birth. But why not also with respect to conception, which takes place undoubtedly with one act of copulation? And, indeed, so great is the force of nature, that after a woman has once conceived, she ceases to be liable to conception. Or were they, perhaps, changed at birth, either he into a male, or she into a female, because of the difference in their horoscopes? But, while it is not altogether absurd to say that certain sidereal influences have some power to cause differences in bodies alone - as, for instance, we see that the seasons of the year come round by the approaching and receding of the sun, and that certain kinds of things are increased in size or diminished by the waxings and wanings of the moon, such as sea-urchins, oysters, and the wonderful tides of the ocean - it does not follow that the wills of men are to be made subject to the position of the stars. The astrologers, however, when they wish to bind our actions also to the constellations, only set us on investigating whether, even in these bodies, the changes may not be attributable to some other than a sidereal cause. For what is there which more intimately concerns a body than its sex? And yet, under the same position of the stars, twins of different sexes may be conceived. Wherefore, what greater absurdity can be affirmed or believed than that the position of the stars, which was the same for both of them at the time of conception, could not cause that the one child should not have been of a different sex from her brother, with whom she had a common constellation, while the position of the stars which existed at the hour of their birth could cause that she should be separated from him by the great distance between marriage and holy virginity? 5.7. Now, will any one bring forward this, that in choosing certain particular days for particular actions, men bring about certain new destinies for their actions? That man, for instance, according to this doctrine, was not born to have an illustrious son, but rather a contemptible one, and therefore, being a man of learning, he choose an hour in which to lie with his wife. He made, therefore, a destiny which he did not have before, and from that destiny of his own making something began to be fatal which was not contained in the destiny of his natal hour. Oh, singular stupidity! A day is chosen on which to marry; and for this reason, I believe, that unless a day be chosen, the marriage may fall on an unlucky day, and turn out an unhappy one. What then becomes of what the stars have already decreed at the hour of birth? Can a man be said to change by an act of choice that which has already been determined for him, while that which he himself has determined in the choosing of a day cannot be changed by another power? Thus, if men alone, and not all things under heaven, are subject to the influence of the stars, why do they choose some days as suitable for planting vines or trees, or for sowing grain, other days as suitable for taming beasts on, or for putting the males to the females, that the cows and mares may be impregnated, and for such-like things? If it be said that certain chosen days have an influence on these things, because the constellations rule over all terrestrial bodies, animate and iimate, according to differences in moments of time, let it be considered what innumerable multitudes of beings are born or arise, or take their origin at the very same instant of time, which come to ends so different, that they may persuade any little boy that these observations about days are ridiculous. For who is so mad as to dare affirm that all trees, all herbs, all beasts, serpents, birds, fishes, worms, have each separately their own moments of birth or commencement? Nevertheless, men are wont, in order to try the skill of the mathematicians, to bring before them the constellations of dumb animals, the constellations of whose birth they diligently observe at home with a view to this discovery; and they prefer those mathematicians to all others, who say from the inspection of the constellations that they indicate the birth of a beast and not of a man. They also dare tell what kind of beast it is, whether it is a wool-bearing beast, or a beast suited for carrying burthens, or one fit for the plough, or for watching a house; for the astrologers are also tried with respect to the fates of dogs, and their answers concerning these are followed by shouts of admiration on the part of those who consult them. They so deceive men as to make them think that during the birth of a man the births of all other beings are suspended, so that not even a fly comes to life at the same time that he is being born, under the same region of the heavens. And if this be admitted with respect to the fly, the reasoning cannot stop there, but must ascend from flies till it lead them up to camels and elephants. Nor are they willing to attend to this, that when a day has been chosen whereon to sow a field, so many grains fall into the ground simultaneously, germinate simultaneously, spring up, come to perfection, and ripen simultaneously; and yet, of all the ears which are coeval, and, so to speak, congerminal, some are destroyed by mildew, some are devoured by the birds, and some are pulled by men. How can they say that all these had their different constellations, which they see coming to so different ends? Will they confess that it is folly to choose days for such things, and to affirm that they do not come within the sphere of the celestial decree, while they subject men alone to the stars, on whom alone in the world God has bestowed free wills? All these things being considered, we have good reason to believe that, when the astrologers give very many wonderful answers, it is to be attributed to the occult inspiration of spirits not of the best kind, whose care it is to insinuate into the minds of men, and to confirm in them, those false and noxious opinions concerning the fatal influence of the stars, and not to their marking and inspecting of horoscopes, according to some kind of art which in reality has no existence. 5.9. The manner in which Cicero addresses himself to the task of refuting the Stoics, shows that he did not think he could effect anything against them in argument unless he had first demolished divination. And this he attempts to accomplish by denying that there is any knowledge of future things, and maintains with all his might that there is no such knowledge either in God or man, and that there is no prediction of events. Thus he both denies the foreknowledge of God, and attempts by vain arguments, and by opposing to himself certain oracles very easy to be refuted, to overthrow all prophecy, even such as is clearer than the light (though even these oracles are not refuted by him). But, in refuting these conjectures of the mathematicians, his argument is triumphant, because truly these are such as destroy and refute themselves. Nevertheless, they are far more tolerable who assert the fatal influence of the stars than they who deny the foreknowledge of future events. For, to confess that God exists, and at the same time to deny that He has foreknowledge of future things, is the most manifest folly. This Cicero himself saw, and therefore attempted to assert the doctrine embodied in the words of Scripture, The fool has said in his heart, There is no God. That, however, he did not do in his own person, for he saw how odious and offensive such an opinion would be; and therefore, in his book on the nature of the gods, he makes Cotta dispute concerning this against the Stoics, and preferred to give his own opinion in favor of Lucilius Balbus, to whom he assigned the defense of the Stoical position, rather than in favor of Cotta, who maintained that no divinity exists. However, in his book on divination, he in his own person most openly opposes the doctrine of the prescience of future things. But all this he seems to do in order that he may not grant the doctrine of fate, and by so doing destroy free will. For he thinks that, the knowledge of future things being once conceded, fate follows as so necessary a consequence that it cannot be denied. But, let these perplexing debatings and disputations of the philosophers go on as they may, we, in order that we may confess the most high and true God Himself, do confess His will, supreme power, and prescience. Neither let us be afraid lest, after all, we do not do by will that which we do by will, because He, whose foreknowledge is infallible, foreknew that we would do it. It was this which Cicero was afraid of, and therefore opposed foreknowledge. The Stoics also maintained that all things do not come to pass by necessity, although they contended that all things happen according to destiny. What is it, then, that Cicero feared in the prescience of future things? Doubtless it was this - that if all future things have been foreknown, they will happen in the order in which they have been foreknown; and if they come to pass in this order, there is a certain order of things foreknown by God; and if a certain order of things, then a certain order of causes, for nothing can happen which is not preceded by some efficient cause. But if there is a certain order of causes according to which everything happens which does happen, then by fate, says he, all things happen which do happen. But if this be so, then is there nothing in our own power, and there is no such thing as freedom of will; and if we grant that, says he, the whole economy of human life is subverted. In vain are laws enacted. In vain are reproaches, praises, chidings, exhortations had recourse to; and there is no justice whatever in the appointment of rewards for the good, and punishments for the wicked. And that consequences so disgraceful, and absurd, and pernicious to humanity may not follow, Cicero chooses to reject the foreknowledge of future things, and shuts up the religious mind to this alternative, to make choice between two things, either that something is in our own power, or that there is foreknowledge - both of which cannot be true; but if the one is affirmed, the other is thereby denied. He therefore, like a truly great and wise man, and one who consulted very much and very skillfully for the good of humanity, of those two chose the freedom of the will, to confirm which he denied the foreknowledge of future things; and thus, wishing to make men free he makes them sacrilegious. But the religious mind chooses both, confesses both, and maintains both by the faith of piety. But how so? Says Cicero; for the knowledge of future things being granted, there follows a chain of consequences which ends in this, that there can be nothing depending on our own free wills. And further, if there is anything depending on our wills, we must go backwards by the same steps of reasoning till we arrive at the conclusion that there is no foreknowledge of future things. For we go backwards through all the steps in the following order:- If there is free will, all things do not happen according to fate; if all things do not happen according to fate, there is not a certain order of causes; and if there is not a certain order of causes, neither is there a certain order of things foreknown by God - for things cannot come to pass except they are preceded by efficient causes, - but, if there is no fixed and certain order of causes foreknown by God, all things cannot be said to happen according as He foreknew that they would happen. And further, if it is not true that all things happen just as they have been foreknown by Him, there is not, says he, in God any foreknowledge of future events. Now, against the sacrilegious and impious darings of reason, we assert both that God knows all things before they come to pass, and that we do by our free will whatsoever we know and feel to be done by us only because we will it. But that all things come to pass by fate, we do not say; nay we affirm that nothing comes to pass by fate; for we demonstrate that the name of fate, as it is wont to be used by those who speak of fate, meaning thereby the position of the stars at the time of each one's conception or birth, is an unmeaning word, for astrology itself is a delusion. But an order of causes in which the highest efficiency is attributed to the will of God, we neither deny nor do we designate it by the name of fate, unless, perhaps, we may understand fate to mean that which is spoken, deriving it from fari, to speak; for we cannot deny that it is written in the sacred Scriptures, God has spoken once; these two things have I heard, that power belongs unto God. Also unto You, O God, belongs mercy: for You will render unto every man according to his works. Now the expression, Once has He spoken, is to be understood as meaning immovably, that is, unchangeably has He spoken, inasmuch as He knows unchangeably all things which shall be, and all things which He will do. We might, then, use the word fate in the sense it bears when derived from fari, to speak, had it not already come to be understood in another sense, into which I am unwilling that the hearts of men should unconsciously slide. But it does not follow that, though there is for God a certain order of all causes, there must therefore be nothing depending on the free exercise of our own wills, for our wills themselves are included in that order of causes which is certain to God, and is embraced by His foreknowledge, for human wills are also causes of human actions; and He who foreknew all the causes of things would certainly among those causes not have been ignorant of our wills. For even that very concession which Cicero himself makes is enough to refute him in this argument. For what does it help him to say that nothing takes place without a cause, but that every cause is not fatal, there being a fortuitous cause, a natural cause, and a voluntary cause? It is sufficient that he confesses that whatever happens must be preceded by a cause. For we say that those causes which are called fortuitous are not a mere name for the absence of causes, but are only latent, and we attribute them either to the will of the true God, or to that of spirits of some kind or other. And as to natural causes, we by no means separate them from the will of Him who is the author and framer of all nature. But now as to voluntary causes. They are referable either to God, or to angels, or to men, or to animals of whatever description, if indeed those instinctive movements of animals devoid of reason, by which, in accordance with their own nature, they seek or shun various things, are to be called wills. And when I speak of the wills of angels, I mean either the wills of good angels, whom we call the angels of God, or of the wicked angels, whom we call the angels of the devil, or demons. Also by the wills of men I mean the wills either of the good or of the wicked. And from this we conclude that there are no efficient causes of all things which come to pass unless voluntary causes, that is, such as belong to that nature which is the spirit of life. For the air or wind is called spirit, but, inasmuch as it is a body, it is not the spirit of life. The spirit of life, therefore, which quickens all things, and is the creator of every body, and of every created spirit, is God Himself, the uncreated spirit. In His supreme will resides the power which acts on the wills of all created spirits, helping the good, judging the evil, controlling all, granting power to some, not granting it to others. For, as He is the creator of all natures, so also is He the bestower of all powers, not of all wills; for wicked wills are not from Him, being contrary to nature, which is from Him. As to bodies, they are more subject to wills: some to our wills, by which I mean the wills of all living mortal creatures, but more to the wills of men than of beasts. But all of them are most of all subject to the will of God, to whom all wills also are subject, since they have no power except what He has bestowed upon them. The cause of things, therefore, which makes but is made, is God; but all other causes both make and are made. Such are all created spirits, and especially the rational. Material causes, therefore, which may rather be said to be made than to make, are not to be reckoned among efficient causes, because they can only do what the wills of spirits do by them. How, then, does an order of causes which is certain to the foreknowledge of God necessitate that there should be nothing which is dependent on our wills, when our wills themselves have a very important place in the order of causes? Cicero, then, contends with those who call this order of causes fatal, or rather designate this order itself by the name of fate; to which we have an abhorrence, especially on account of the word, which men have become accustomed to understand as meaning what is not true. But, whereas he denies that the order of all causes is most certain, and perfectly clear to the prescience of God, we detest his opinion more than the Stoics do. For he either denies that God exists, - which, indeed, in an assumed personage, he has labored to do, in his book De Natura Deorum, - or if he confesses that He exists, but denies that He is prescient of future things, what is that but just the fool saying in his heart there is no God? For one who is not prescient of all future things is not God. Wherefore our wills also have just so much power as God willed and foreknew that they should have; and therefore whatever power they have, they have it within most certain limits; and whatever they are to do, they are most assuredly to do, for He whose foreknowledge is infallible foreknew that they would have the power to do it, and would do it. Wherefore, if I should choose to apply the name of fate to anything at all, I should rather say that fate belongs to the weaker of two parties, will to the stronger, who has the other in his power, than that the freedom of our will is excluded by that order of causes, which, by an unusual application of the word peculiar to themselves, the Stoics call Fate. 12.14. What wonder is it if, entangled in these circles, they find neither entrance nor egress? For they know not how the human race, and this mortal condition of ours, took its origin, nor how it will be brought to an end, since they cannot penetrate the inscrutable wisdom of God. For, though Himself eternal, and without beginning, yet He caused time to have a beginning; and man, whom He had not previously made He made in time, not from a new and sudden resolution, but by His unchangeable and eternal design. Who can search out the unsearchable depth of this purpose, who can scrutinize the inscrutable wisdom, wherewith God, without change of will, created man, who had never before been, and gave him an existence in time, and increased the human race from one individual? For the Psalmist himself, when he had first said, You shall keep us, O Lord, You shall preserve us from this generation for ever, and had then rebuked those whose foolish and impious doctrine preserves for the soul no eternal deliverance and blessedness adds immediately, The wicked walk in a circle. Then, as if it were said to him, What then do you believe, feel, know? Are we to believe that it suddenly occurred to God to create man, whom He had never before made in a past eternity -God, to whom nothing new can occur, and in whom is no changeableness? the Psalmist goes on to reply, as if addressing God Himself, According to the depth of Your wisdom You have multiplied the children of men. Let men, he seems to say, fancy what they please, let them conjecture and dispute as seems good to them, but You have multiplied the children of men according to the depth of your wisdom, which no man can comprehend. For this is a depth indeed, that God always has been, and that man, whom He had never made before, He willed to make in time, and this without changing His design and will. 13.3. But a question not to be shirked arises: Whether in very truth death, which separates soul and body, is good to the good? For if it be, how has it come to pass that such a thing should be the punishment of sin? For the first men would not have suffered death had they not sinned. How, then, can that be good to the good, which could not have happened except to the evil? Then, again, if it could only happen to the evil, to the good it ought not to be good, but non-existent. For why should there be any punishment where there is nothing to punish? Wherefore we must say that the first men were indeed so created, that if they had not sinned, they would not have experienced any kind of death; but that, having become sinners, they were so punished with death, that whatsoever sprang from their stock should also be punished with the same death. For nothing else could be born of them than that which they themselves had been. Their nature was deteriorated in proportion to the greatness of the condemnation of their sin, so that what existed as punishment in those who first sinned, became a natural consequence in their children. For man is not produced by man, as he was from the dust. For dust was the material out of which man was made: man is the parent by whom man is begotten. Wherefore earth and flesh are not the same thing, though flesh be made of earth. But as man the parent is, such is man the offspring. In the first man, therefore, there existed the whole human nature, which was to be transmitted by the woman to posterity, when that conjugal union received the divine sentence of its own condemnation; and what man was made, not when created, but when he sinned and was punished, this he propagated, so far as the origin of sin and death are concerned. For neither by sin nor its punishment was he himself reduced to that infantine and helpless infirmity of body and mind which we see in children. For God ordained that infants should begin the world as the young of beasts begin it, since their parents had fallen to the level of the beasts in the fashion of their life and of their death; as it is written, Man when he was in honor understood not; he became like the beasts that have no understanding. Nay more, infants, we see, are even feebler in the use and movement of their limbs, and more infirm to choose and refuse, than the most tender offspring of other animals; as if the force that dwells in human nature were destined to surpass all other living things so much the more eminently, as its energy has been longer restrained, and the time of its exercise delayed, just as an arrow flies the higher the further back it has been drawn. To this infantine imbecility the first man did not fall by his lawless presumption and just sentence; but human nature was in his person vitiated and altered to such an extent, that he suffered in his members the warring of disobedient lust, and became subject to the necessity of dying. And what he himself had become by sin and punishment, such he generated those whom he begot; that is to say, subject to sin and death. And if infants are delivered from this bondage of sin by the Redeemer's grace, they can suffer only this death which separates soul and body; but being redeemed from the obligation of sin, they do not pass to that second endless and penal death. |
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| 165. Philoponus John, In Aristotelis Physica Commentaria, 191.11-191.25 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias, aristotelian, soul is a form and capacity, not a blend, or harmony, but supervenes on a blend Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 267 |
| 166. Philoponus John, In Aristotelis Libros De Generatione Et Corruptione Commentaria, None (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 85 |
| 167. Proclus, Theologia Platonica ( ), 1.1, 1.1.6, 5.13.44, 5.19.71, 5.23.87 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Erler et al (2021) 224, 225; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 351 |
| 168. Proclus, On The Existence of Evils, 50.9-50.11, 50.29-50.31 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: d, Hoine and Martijn (2017) 250 |
| 169. Damaskios, De Principiis, 2.117-2.118 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias, importance of for simplicius •alexander of aphrodisias, on aristotle's physics •alexander of aphrodisias, on order in nature •alexander of aphrodisias, similarity to plotinus Found in books: Marmodoro and Prince (2015) 40, 41, 42, 43, 119, 121, 122 |
| 170. Damaskios, In Parmenidem, 794.1-794.25, 983.12-983.18 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Dillon and Timotin (2015) 140 |
| 171. John Philoponus, In Aristotelis De Anima Libros Commentaria, 51.13-52.1, 51.13-52.12, 141.22, 141.23, 141.24, 141.25, 141.26, 141.27, 141.28, 141.29 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 267 |
| 172. Proclus, Commentary On Plato'S Republic, 56.20-60.13 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: d, Hoine and Martijn (2017) 181 |
| 173. Proclus, In Platonis Timaeum Commentarii, 2.76.24, 2.153.15-2.153.25, 2.154.10-2.154.15, 2.193.25-2.193.27, 3.272.7 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 35 |
| 174. Proclus, In Platonis Alcibiadem, 99 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: d, Hoine and Martijn (2017) 23 |
| 175. Proclus, In Primum Euclidis Librum Commentarius, 8.25, 9.17, 9.18, 9.19, 12.2, 15.16-18.4, 50.10-56.22, 60.7, 60.8, 60.9, 60.10, 60.11, 60.12, 60.13, 60.14, 60.15, 60.16 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: d, Hoine and Martijn (2017) 181 |
| 176. Proclus, In Platonis Parmenidem Commentarii, None (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 351 |
| 177. Proclus, In Platonis Timaeum Commentarii, 1.85, 1.262.5-1.262.9, 1.356.31 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Dillon and Timotin (2015) 140; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 351 |
| 178. Stobaeus, Anthology, None (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schibli (2002) 333 |
| 179. Proclus, Hypotyposis Astronomicarum Positionum, 1.1-3, 2.1-13 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 180. Alexander of Tralles, Therapeutica, 1.601.10-1.601.11, 2.439.3-2.439.4, 457.14-457.15 (6th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Champion (2022) 51 |
| 181. Augustine, Letters, 217.3 (7th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Wilson (2018) 12 |
| 182. Eusebius of Thessalonica, Ap. Phot. Bibl. Cod., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan |
| 183. Epicurus, On Nature, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 327 |
| 184. Epicurus, Letter To Herodotus, 35, 63, 81 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Corrigan and Rasimus (2013) 480 |
| 185. Epicurus, Letters, 97 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Corrigan and Rasimus (2013) 480 |
| 186. Epigraphy, Ig Ii, 13281, 13283 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 351 |
| 187. Eupolemus, Frag., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan |
| 188. Nemesius, On The Nature of Man, 1.1, 5.52.18, 5.52.19, 125.21-126.15 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 26 |
| 189. Syrianus, In Aristotelis Metaphysica (Kroll), 195, 53, 122 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 351 |
| 190. Simplicius of Cilicia, Commentary On Aristotles De Anima, 203 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 351 |
| 191. Julian (Emperor), De Aeternitate Mundi, 6.8 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 351 |
| 192. John Philoponus, Commentary On Aristotles Physics, None Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 351 |
| 193. Proclus, In Alcibiadem, 108, 227, 7, 236 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 351 |
| 194. Epigraphy, Cil, 3.14195 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Borg (2008) 56 |
| 195. Orphic Hymns., Fragments, 582, 628, 646-648, 650-651 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013) 123 |
| 196. Critolaus Historicus, Fragments, 15 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 22 |
| 197. Quodvultdeus, Temp. Barb., 1.2, 1.3, 1.4, 1.5, 1.6, 3.17-4.2 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Horkey (2019) 92 |
| 198. Gregory of Nazianzus, Orations, 27.10 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Cornelli (2013) 123 |
| 199. Favorinus, In Aulus Gellius Noctes Atticae, 14.1.19, 14.1.26 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Long (2006) 151 |
| 200. Aristotle, De Pythagoreis, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 201. Hermias, Life of Isidore, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: d, Hoine and Martijn (2017) 23 |
| 202. Photius, Bibliotheca (Library, Bibl.), 223 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Long (2006) 151 |
| 203. Stobaeus, Eclogues, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Graver (2007) 241 |
| 204. Aquinas, Thomas, Summa Theologiae, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 328 |
| 205. Stoic School, Stoicor. Veter. Fragm., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 252 |
| 206. Long And Sedley, The Hellenistic Philosophers, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brouwer (2013) 75 |
| 207. Alexander of Aphrodisias, De Providentia, 7.21, 9.2, 9.3, 9.4, 9.5, 9.6, 11.6, 31.11, 31.12, 31.13, 31.14, 31.15, 31.16, 31.17, 31.18, 31.19, 31.20, 31.21, 33.1, 59.6, 59.6-63.2, 59.7, 59.8, 59.9, 59.10, 59.11, 59.12, 61.5, 61.7, 63.2, 63.3, 63.4, 63.5, 63.6, 63.7, 63.8-65.8, 65.9, 65.9-67.13, 89.1, 89.2, 89.3, 89.4, 89.5, 89.6, 89.7, 89.8, 89.9, 89.10, 89.11, 89.12, 89.13 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 30, 34 |
| 208. Eunapius, Vitae Sophistarum Et Philosophorum, 5.2, 7.2 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 245 |
209. Strabo, Geography, 2.3.8, 2.76.11-2.76.12, 16.2.34 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: James (2021) 31; Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2012) 206; Taylor (2012) 145 | 2.3.8. First, then, the Ethiopians next Egypt are actually separated into two divisions; one part being in Asia, the other in Libya, otherwise there is no distinction between them. But it was not on this account that Homer divided the Ethiopians, nor yet because he was acquainted with the physical superiority of the Indians, (for it is not probable that Homer had the slightest idea of the Indians, since, according to the assertion of Eudoxus, Euergetes was both ignorant of India, and of the voyage thither,) but his division rather resulted from the cause we formerly mentioned. We have shown that as for the alteration of Crates, it makes no difference whether it be read so or not. Posidonius, however, says that it does make a difference, and would be better altered into towards the descending [sun]. But in what can this be said to differ from towards the west, since the whole section of the hemisphere west of the meridian is styled the west, not only the mere semicircle of the horizon. This is manifested by the following expression of Aratus, Where the extremities of the west and east blend together. Phaenom. v. 61. However, if the reading of Posidonius be preferable to that of Crates, any one may likewise claim for it a superiority over that of Aristarchus. So much for Posidonius. There are, however, many particulars relating to Geography, which we shall bring under discussion; others relating to Physics, which must be examined elsewhere, or altogether disregarded; for he is much too fond of imitating Aristotle's propensity for diving into causes, a subject which we [Stoics] scrupulously avoid, simply because of the extreme darkness in which all causes are enveloped. 16.2.34. The western extremities of Judaea towards Casius are occupied by Idumaeans, and by the lake [Sirbonis]. The Idumaeans are Nabataeans. When driven from their country by sedition, they passed over to the Jews, and adopted their customs. The greater part of the country along the coast to Jerusalem is occupied by the Lake Sirbonis, and by the tract contiguous to it; for Jerusalem is near the sea, which, as we have said, may be seen from the arsenal of Joppa. These districts (of Jerusalem and Joppa) lie towards the north; they are inhabited generally, and each place in particular, by mixed tribes of Egyptians, Arabians, and Phoenicians. of this description are the inhabitants of Galilee, of the plain of Jericho, and of the territories of Philadelphia and Samaria, surnamed Sebaste by Herod; but although there is such a mixture of inhabitants, the report most credited, [one] among many things believed respecting the temple [and the inhabitants] of Jerusalem, is, that the Egyptians were the ancestors of the present Jews. |
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| 210. Simplicius of Cilicia, In Libros Aristotelis De Anima Commentaria, None (missingth cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 85 |
| 211. Simplicius of Cilicia, In Aristotelis Physicorum Libros Commentaria, None (missingth cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Erler et al (2021) 173; Marmodoro and Prince (2015) 122 |
| 212. Simplicius of Cilicia, In Aristotelis De Caelo Libros Commentaria, None (missingth cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 18 |
| 213. Aurelianus, Celeres Passonies (De Morbis Acutis), 1.115 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Inwood and Warren (2020) 109 |
| 214. Simplicius of Cilicia, In Aristotelis Categorias Commentarium, 1.15, 1.18-2.5, 2.3, 2.4, 7.24-8.8, 9.4-18.28, 29.30, 65.2-66.2, 65.2, 65.3, 65.4, 65.5, 65.6, 65.7, 65.8, 65.9, 65.10, 65.11, 65.12, 65.13, 78.20, 78.21, 78.22, 78.23, 78.24 (missingth cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Erler et al (2021) 174 |
| 215. Critolaus Phaselinus Ca. V2. Jh., Fragments, 15 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 22 |
| 216. Ammonius, Aristotelis De Interpretatione Commentarius, 132.8-132.9 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Wilson (2018) 39 |
| 218. Musonius Rufus, Ed.Hense, Fragments, None Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias, aristotelian, proairesis involved in all action that is upto us Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 332 |
| 219. Sophonias, In Aristotelis De Anima, 121.27 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Carter (2019) 27 |
| 220. Johannes Philoponus, In De Anima, 182.11-182.14 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Carter (2019) 27 |
| 221. Plutarch, Com. Not., None Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Harte (2017) 228 |
| 222. Galen, Adv. Iul., 18.266 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Harte (2017) 228 |
| 224. Nemesius, Fr., Ed. Morani, 105.9-105.12, 174.3-174.27 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Harte (2017) 241, 246, 253 |
| 225. Alexander of Aphrodisias, Mant., 113.26-118.4, 115.6, 115.7, 115.8, 115.9, 115.10, 115.11, 115.12, 174.3, 174.4, 174.5, 174.6, 174.7, 174.9, 174.10, 174.13, 174.14, 174.15, 174.16, 174.17, 174.18, 174.19, 174.20, 174.21, 174.22, 174.23, 174.24 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Harte (2017) 242, 243 |
| 226. Boethus of Sidon, Fr., 18 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Erler et al (2021) 174 |
| 230. Epiphanius, De Fide, 9.35-9.39 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 22, 25 |
| 231. Pythagorean School, Fragments, Dk 58, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013) 353 |
| 232. Themistius, In Aristotelis Metaphysica, 20.31-20.35 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 6 |
| 233. Ps.-Alexander of Aphrodisias, In Aristotelis Metaphysica, 18.9, 696.33-697.6, 699.1, 699.2, 699.3, 699.4, 699.5, 699.6, 699.7, 699.8, 699.9, 699.10, 699.11, 701.1, 701.2, 701.3, 701.4, 706.31, 707.1, 707.2, 707.7, 709.28, 721.32 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 18 |
| 235. Alexander of Aphrodisias, De Principiis, 123.18, 124, 130, 130.42, 130.44-131.18, 132.14, 132.15, 132.16, 132.17, 132.18, 135.27, 135.28, 135.29 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 18 |
| 236. Aristotle, De Philosophia, None Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 12 |
| 238. Alexander of Aphrodisias, Ap. Simplicium In Aristotelis De Caelo, 116.31-117.2 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 20 |
| 239. Atticus (Des Places), Fr., 3, 8, 7 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 26 |
| 240. Iohannes Lydus, De Mensibus, 4.2 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Cornelli (2013) 123 |
| 241. Demetrius of Laconia, Pherc., 42.9-42.10 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Inwood and Warren (2020) 100 |
| 245. Alexander of Aphrodisias, Ap. Simplicium In Aristotelis Physica, 116.31-117.2, 964.9, 964.10, 964.11, 964.12, 964.13, 964.14, 964.15, 964.16, 964.17, 964.18, 964.19, 964.20, 964.21, 964.22, 964.23, 1261.30, 1354.16, 1361.31, 1362.13 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001) 18, 20 |
| 249. Chrysippus, De Fato, 181.13-182.20 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Wilson (2018) 37 |
| 250. Simplicius, Arist. Cat. S., 194 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Widdicombe (2000) 131 |
| 251. Porphyry, Arist. Cat. S., 119 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Widdicombe (2000) 131 |
| 252. Alexander of Aphrodisias, Arist. Met., 406 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Widdicombe (2000) 131 |
| 253. Arius, Letter To Alexander of Alexandria, None Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Widdicombe (2000) 143 |
| 254. Alexander of Alexandria, Ἡ Φίλαϱχος, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Widdicombe (2000) 131 |
| 255. Aristotle, On Youth And Old Age (Juv.), None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Trott (2019) 158 |
| 256. Alexander of Aphrodisias, On Aristotles Meteorology, 208, 186 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Trott (2019) 158 |
| 257. Philoponus, De Aet. Mundi, 215 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Vazques and Ross (2022) 115 |
| 258. Eustathius of Antioch, De Anima, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan |
| 259. Eustathius, Encomium On Michael, None Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Singer and van Eijk (2018) 7 |
| 260. Quodvultdeus, Liber Promissionum, 294.27-294.31, 295.20-295.22 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Horkey (2019) 99 |
| 261. Anon., Tanḥuma Shoftim, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan |
| 262. Lysias, Orations, 43, 5 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020) 246 |
| 263. Epigraphy, Inscr. Rom. Tripolitania, 1952, None Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Borg (2008) 56 |
| 264. Philo of Alexandria, Rule of The Community, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan |
| 265. Epigraphy, Seg, 4.544 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Borg (2008) 56 |
| 266. Proclus, De Prov., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schibli (2002) 333 |
| 267. Anon., Scholia In Homeri Iliadem, 13.589 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Cornelli (2013) 123 |
| 268. Epigraphy, L&S, None Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Maso (2022) 122 |
| 269. Alex. Aphr., Fat., 22.192.17-22.192.19 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Maso (2022) 99 |
| 270. Cicero, Luc., 97 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Maso (2022) 99 |
| 271. Fds, Fds, 324 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Brouwer (2013) 112 |
| 272. Plutarch, Synopsis, None Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Brouwer (2013) 75 |
| 275. Cicero, Pref., 4 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Graver (2007) 241 |
| 276. New Testament, Chapter, 11 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Wilson (2018) 38 |
| 277. Porphyry, De Vita Plotini, 16 Tagged with subjects: •alexander of aphrodisias Found in books: Wilson (2018) 37 |
