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482 results for "agrippa"
1. Septuagint, Tobit, 8.10 (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 231
8.10. with the thought, "Perhaps he too will die."
2. Septuagint, 2 Kings, 15.9 (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 231
3. Septuagint, Genesis, 19.14, 22.3, 31.13 (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 93, 231
4. Septuagint, Baruch, 2.21-2.26 (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii Found in books: Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 183
5. Septuagint, Exodus, 12.13, 33.22 (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 166
6. Septuagint, Deuteronomy, 32.11 (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 166
7. Septuagint, Proverbs, 3.11 (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 230
8. Septuagint, Psalms, 16.8, 60.5, 90.14 (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 166
9. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 9.22, 21.17 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa •herod agrippa Found in books: Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 18; Samely (2002), Rabbinic Interpretation of Scripture in the Mishnah, 121
9.22. "וַיִּשָּׂא אַהֲרֹן אֶת־ידו [יָדָיו] אֶל־הָעָם וַיְבָרְכֵם וַיֵּרֶד מֵעֲשֹׂת הַחַטָּאת וְהָעֹלָה וְהַשְּׁלָמִים׃", 21.17. "דַּבֵּר אֶל־אַהֲרֹן לֵאמֹר אִישׁ מִזַּרְעֲךָ לְדֹרֹתָם אֲשֶׁר יִהְיֶה בוֹ מוּם לֹא יִקְרַב לְהַקְרִיב לֶחֶם אֱלֹהָיו׃", 9.22. "And Aaron lifted up his hands toward the people, and blessed them; and he came down from offering the sin-offering, and the burnt-offering, and the peace-offerings.", 21.17. "Speak unto Aaron, saying: Whosoever he be of thy seed throughout their generations that hath a blemish, let him not approach to offer the bread of his God.",
10. Hebrew Bible, Malachi, 2.16 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •berenice (daughter of herod agrippa i) •herod agrippa i Found in books: Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 317
2.16. "כִּי־שָׂנֵא שַׁלַּח אָמַר יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל וְכִסָּה חָמָס עַל־לְבוּשׁוֹ אָמַר יְהוָה צְבָאוֹת וְנִשְׁמַרְתֶּם בְּרוּחֲכֶם וְלֹא תִבְגֹּדוּ׃", 2.16. "For I hate putting away, Saith the LORD, the God of Israel, And him that covereth his garment with violence, Saith the LORD of hosts; Therefore take heed to your spirit, That ye deal not treacherously.",
11. Hebrew Bible, Proverbs, 1.7 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa castor Found in books: Vinzent (2013), Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament, 179
1.7. "יִרְאַת יְהוָה רֵאשִׁית דָּעַת חָכְמָה וּמוּסָר אֱוִילִים בָּזוּ׃", 1.7. "The fear of the LORD is the beginning of knowledge; But the foolish despise wisdom and discipline.",
12. Hebrew Bible, Job, 14.4 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa castor Found in books: Vinzent (2013), Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament, 179
14.4. "מִי־יִתֵּן טָהוֹר מִטָּמֵא לֹא אֶחָד׃", 14.4. "Who can bring a clean thing out of an unclean? not one.",
13. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, None (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 664
49.10. "The sceptre shall not depart from Judah, Nor the ruler’s staff from between his feet, As long as men come to Shiloh; And unto him shall the obedience of the peoples be.",
14. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 2.1-2.2, 16.8-16.11, 49.18, 80.7, 81.6, 110.1, 137.1-137.4 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 49, 173, 231; Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 758; Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 190; Levison (2009), Filled with the Spirit, 350; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 164
2.1. "וְעַתָּה מְלָכִים הַשְׂכִּילוּ הִוָּסְרוּ שֹׁפְטֵי אָרֶץ׃", 2.1. "לָמָּה רָגְשׁוּ גוֹיִם וּלְאֻמִּים יֶהְגּוּ־רִיק׃", 2.2. "יִתְיַצְּבוּ מַלְכֵי־אֶרֶץ וְרוֹזְנִים נוֹסְדוּ־יָחַד עַל־יְהוָה וְעַל־מְשִׁיחוֹ׃", 16.8. "שִׁוִּיתִי יְהוָה לְנֶגְדִּי תָמִיד כִּי מִימִינִי בַּל־אֶמּוֹט׃", 16.9. "לָכֵן שָׂמַח לִבִּי וַיָּגֶל כְּבוֹדִי אַף־בְּשָׂרִי יִשְׁכֹּן לָבֶטַח׃", 16.11. "תּוֹדִיעֵנִי אֹרַח חַיִּים שֹׂבַע שְׂמָחוֹת אֶת־פָּנֶיךָ נְעִמוֹת בִּימִינְךָ נֶצַח׃", 49.18. "כִּי לֹא בְמוֹתוֹ יִקַּח הַכֹּל לֹא־יֵרֵד אַחֲרָיו כְּבוֹדוֹ׃", 80.7. "תְּשִׂימֵנוּ מָדוֹן לִשְׁכֵנֵינוּ וְאֹיְבֵינוּ יִלְעֲגוּ־לָמוֹ׃", 81.6. "עֵדוּת בִּיהוֹסֵף שָׂמוֹ בְּצֵאתוֹ עַל־אֶרֶץ מִצְרָיִם שְׂפַת לֹא־יָדַעְתִּי אֶשְׁמָע׃", 110.1. "לְדָוִד מִזְמוֹר נְאֻם יְהוָה לַאדֹנִי שֵׁב לִימִינִי עַד־אָשִׁית אֹיְבֶיךָ הֲדֹם לְרַגְלֶיךָ׃", 137.1. "עַל נַהֲרוֹת בָּבֶל שָׁם יָשַׁבְנוּ גַּם־בָּכִינוּ בְּזָכְרֵנוּ אֶת־צִיּוֹן׃", 137.2. "עַל־עֲרָבִים בְּתוֹכָהּ תָּלִינוּ כִּנֹּרוֹתֵינוּ׃", 137.3. "כִּי שָׁם שְׁאֵלוּנוּ שׁוֹבֵינוּ דִּבְרֵי־שִׁיר וְתוֹלָלֵינוּ שִׂמְחָה שִׁירוּ לָנוּ מִשִּׁיר צִיּוֹן׃", 137.4. "אֵיךְ נָשִׁיר אֶת־שִׁיר־יְהוָה עַל אַדְמַת נֵכָר׃", 2.1. "Why are the nations in an uproar? And why do the peoples mutter in vain?", 2.2. "The kings of the earth stand up, And the rulers take counsel together, Against the LORD, and against His anointed:", 16.8. "I have set the LORD always before me; Surely He is at my right hand, I shall not be moved.", 16.9. "Therefore my heart is glad, and my glory rejoiceth; my flesh also dwelleth in safety;", 16.10. "For Thou wilt not abandon my soul to the nether-world; Neither wilt Thou suffer Thy godly one to see the pit.", 16.11. "Thou makest me to know the path of life; In Thy presence is fulness of joy, In Thy right hand bliss for evermore.", 49.18. "For when he dieth he shall carry nothing away; His wealth shall not descend after him.", 80.7. "Thou makest us a strife unto our neighbours; And our enemies mock as they please.", 81.6. "He appointed it in Joseph for a testimony, when He went forth against the land of Egypt. The speech of one that I knew not did I hear:", 110.1. "A Psalm of David. The LORD saith unto my lord: ‘Sit thou at My right hand, until I make thine enemies thy footstool.'", 137.1. "By the rivers of Babylon, There we sat down, yea, we wept, When we remembered Zion.", 137.2. "Upon the willows in the midst thereof We hanged up our harps.", 137.3. "For there they that led us captive asked of us words of song, And our tormentors asked of us mirth: ‘Sing us one of the songs of Zion.'", 137.4. "How shall we sing the LORD’S song In a foreign land?",
15. Hebrew Bible, Esther, 3.1, 3.8, 3.10-3.11 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •apion, of antiquities account of agrippa i •agrippa i (jewish king), in legatio •philo of alexandria, on the alexandrian crisis and agrippa i Found in books: Edwards (2023), In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus, 140, 146
3.1. "וַיָּסַר הַמֶּלֶךְ אֶת־טַבַּעְתּוֹ מֵעַל יָדוֹ וַיִּתְּנָהּ לְהָמָן בֶּן־הַמְּדָתָא הָאֲגָגִי צֹרֵר הַיְּהוּדִים׃", 3.1. "אַחַר הַדְּבָרִים הָאֵלֶּה גִּדַּל הַמֶּלֶךְ אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ אֶת־הָמָן בֶּן־הַמְּדָתָא הָאֲגָגִי וַיְנַשְּׂאֵהוּ וַיָּשֶׂם אֶת־כִּסְאוֹ מֵעַל כָּל־הַשָּׂרִים אֲשֶׁר אִתּוֹ׃", 3.8. "וַיֹּאמֶר הָמָן לַמֶּלֶךְ אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ יֶשְׁנוֹ עַם־אֶחָד מְפֻזָּר וּמְפֹרָד בֵּין הָעַמִּים בְּכֹל מְדִינוֹת מַלְכוּתֶךָ וְדָתֵיהֶם שֹׁנוֹת מִכָּל־עָם וְאֶת־דָּתֵי הַמֶּלֶךְ אֵינָם עֹשִׂים וְלַמֶּלֶךְ אֵין־שֹׁוֶה לְהַנִּיחָם׃", 3.11. "וַיֹּאמֶר הַמֶּלֶךְ לְהָמָן הַכֶּסֶף נָתוּן לָךְ וְהָעָם לַעֲשׂוֹת בּוֹ כַּטּוֹב בְּעֵינֶיךָ׃", 3.1. "After these things did king Ahasuerus promote Haman the son of Hammedatha the Agagite, and advanced him, and set his seat above all the princes that were with him.", 3.8. "And Haman said unto king Ahasuerus: ‘There is a certain people scattered abroad and dispersed among the peoples in all the provinces of thy kingdom; and their laws are diverse from those of every people; neither keep they the king’s laws; therefore it profiteth not the king to suffer them.", 3.10. "And the king took his ring from his hand, and gave it unto Haman the son of Hammedatha the Agagite, the Jews’enemy.", 3.11. "And the king said unto Haman: ‘The silver is given to thee, the people also, to do with them as it seemeth good to thee.’",
16. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 5.9-5.10, 12.1-12.3, 17.15, 23.8-23.9, 26.1-26.11 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa castor •agrippa ii •agrippa •agrippa i, parallels between rabbinic literture and josephus on •agrippa i •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 173; Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 94; Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 770; Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 103; Samely (2002), Rabbinic Interpretation of Scripture in the Mishnah, 118; Thiessen (2011), Contesting Conversion: Genealogy, Circumcision, and Identity in Ancient Judaism and Christianity, 106, 107, 108; Vinzent (2013), Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament, 179
5.9. "לֹא־תִשְׁתַּחֲוֶה לָהֶם וְלֹא תָעָבְדֵם כִּי אָנֹכִי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ אֵל קַנָּא פֹּקֵד עֲוֺן אָבוֹת עַל־בָּנִים וְעַל־שִׁלֵּשִׁים וְעַל־רִבֵּעִים לְשֹׂנְאָי׃", 12.1. "וַעֲבַרְתֶּם אֶת־הַיַּרְדֵּן וִישַׁבְתֶּם בָּאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר־יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם מַנְחִיל אֶתְכֶם וְהֵנִיחַ לָכֶם מִכָּל־אֹיְבֵיכֶם מִסָּבִיב וִישַׁבְתֶּם־בֶּטַח׃", 12.1. "אֵלֶּה הַחֻקִּים וְהַמִּשְׁפָּטִים אֲשֶׁר תִּשְׁמְרוּן לַעֲשׂוֹת בָּאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר נָתַן יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵי אֲבֹתֶיךָ לְךָ לְרִשְׁתָּהּ כָּל־הַיָּמִים אֲשֶׁר־אַתֶּם חַיִּים עַל־הָאֲדָמָה׃", 12.2. "כִּי־יַרְחִיב יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ אֶת־גְּבוּלְךָ כַּאֲשֶׁר דִּבֶּר־לָךְ וְאָמַרְתָּ אֹכְלָה בָשָׂר כִּי־תְאַוֶּה נַפְשְׁךָ לֶאֱכֹל בָּשָׂר בְּכָל־אַוַּת נַפְשְׁךָ תֹּאכַל בָּשָׂר׃", 12.2. "אַבֵּד תְּאַבְּדוּן אֶת־כָּל־הַמְּקֹמוֹת אֲשֶׁר עָבְדוּ־שָׁם הַגּוֹיִם אֲשֶׁר אַתֶּם יֹרְשִׁים אֹתָם אֶת־אֱלֹהֵיהֶם עַל־הֶהָרִים הָרָמִים וְעַל־הַגְּבָעוֹת וְתַחַת כָּל־עֵץ רַעֲנָן׃", 12.3. "הִשָּׁמֶר לְךָ פֶּן־תִּנָּקֵשׁ אַחֲרֵיהֶם אַחֲרֵי הִשָּׁמְדָם מִפָּנֶיךָ וּפֶן־תִּדְרֹשׁ לֵאלֹהֵיהֶם לֵאמֹר אֵיכָה יַעַבְדוּ הַגּוֹיִם הָאֵלֶּה אֶת־אֱלֹהֵיהֶם וְאֶעֱשֶׂה־כֵּן גַּם־אָנִי׃", 12.3. "וְנִתַּצְתֶּם אֶת־מִזְבּחֹתָם וְשִׁבַּרְתֶּם אֶת־מַצֵּבֹתָם וַאֲשֵׁרֵיהֶם תִּשְׂרְפוּן בָּאֵשׁ וּפְסִילֵי אֱלֹהֵיהֶם תְּגַדֵּעוּן וְאִבַּדְתֶּם אֶת־שְׁמָם מִן־הַמָּקוֹם הַהוּא׃", 17.15. "שׂוֹם תָּשִׂים עָלֶיךָ מֶלֶךְ אֲשֶׁר יִבְחַר יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ בּוֹ מִקֶּרֶב אַחֶיךָ תָּשִׂים עָלֶיךָ מֶלֶךְ לֹא תוּכַל לָתֵת עָלֶיךָ אִישׁ נָכְרִי אֲשֶׁר לֹא־אָחִיךָ הוּא׃", 23.8. "לֹא־תְתַעֵב אֲדֹמִי כִּי אָחִיךָ הוּא לֹא־תְתַעֵב מִצְרִי כִּי־גֵר הָיִיתָ בְאַרְצוֹ׃", 23.9. "בָּנִים אֲשֶׁר־יִוָּלְדוּ לָהֶם דּוֹר שְׁלִישִׁי יָבֹא לָהֶם בִּקְהַל יְהוָה׃", 26.1. "וְהָיָה כִּי־תָבוֹא אֶל־הָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ נֹתֵן לְךָ נַחֲלָה וִירִשְׁתָּהּ וְיָשַׁבְתָּ בָּהּ׃", 26.1. "וְעַתָּה הִנֵּה הֵבֵאתִי אֶת־רֵאשִׁית פְּרִי הָאֲדָמָה אֲשֶׁר־נָתַתָּה לִּי יְהוָה וְהִנַּחְתּוֹ לִפְנֵי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ וְהִשְׁתַּחֲוִיתָ לִפְנֵי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ׃", 26.2. "וְלָקַחְתָּ מֵרֵאשִׁית כָּל־פְּרִי הָאֲדָמָה אֲשֶׁר תָּבִיא מֵאַרְצְךָ אֲשֶׁר יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ נֹתֵן לָךְ וְשַׂמְתָּ בַטֶּנֶא וְהָלַכְתָּ אֶל־הַמָּקוֹם אֲשֶׁר יִבְחַר יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ לְשַׁכֵּן שְׁמוֹ שָׁם׃", 26.3. "וּבָאתָ אֶל־הַכֹּהֵן אֲשֶׁר יִהְיֶה בַּיָּמִים הָהֵם וְאָמַרְתָּ אֵלָיו הִגַּדְתִּי הַיּוֹם לַיהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ כִּי־בָאתִי אֶל־הָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר נִשְׁבַּע יְהוָה לַאֲבֹתֵינוּ לָתֶת לָנוּ׃", 26.4. "וְלָקַח הַכֹּהֵן הַטֶּנֶא מִיָּדֶךָ וְהִנִּיחוֹ לִפְנֵי מִזְבַּח יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ׃", 26.5. "וְעָנִיתָ וְאָמַרְתָּ לִפְנֵי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ אֲרַמִּי אֹבֵד אָבִי וַיֵּרֶד מִצְרַיְמָה וַיָּגָר שָׁם בִּמְתֵי מְעָט וַיְהִי־שָׁם לְגוֹי גָּדוֹל עָצוּם וָרָב׃", 26.6. "וַיָּרֵעוּ אֹתָנוּ הַמִּצְרִים וַיְעַנּוּנוּ וַיִּתְּנוּ עָלֵינוּ עֲבֹדָה קָשָׁה׃", 26.7. "וַנִּצְעַק אֶל־יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵי אֲבֹתֵינוּ וַיִּשְׁמַע יְהוָה אֶת־קֹלֵנוּ וַיַּרְא אֶת־עָנְיֵנוּ וְאֶת־עֲמָלֵנוּ וְאֶת־לַחֲצֵנוּ׃", 26.8. "וַיּוֹצִאֵנוּ יְהוָה מִמִּצְרַיִם בְּיָד חֲזָקָה וּבִזְרֹעַ נְטוּיָה וּבְמֹרָא גָּדֹל וּבְאֹתוֹת וּבְמֹפְתִים׃", 26.9. "וַיְבִאֵנוּ אֶל־הַמָּקוֹם הַזֶּה וַיִּתֶּן־לָנוּ אֶת־הָאָרֶץ הַזֹּאת אֶרֶץ זָבַת חָלָב וּדְבָשׁ׃", 26.11. "וְשָׂמַחְתָּ בְכָל־הַטּוֹב אֲשֶׁר נָתַן־לְךָ יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ וּלְבֵיתֶךָ אַתָּה וְהַלֵּוִי וְהַגֵּר אֲשֶׁר בְּקִרְבֶּךָ׃", 5.9. "Thou shalt not bow down unto them, nor serve them; for I the LORD thy God am a jealous God, visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children, and upon the third and upon the fourth generation of them that hate Me,", 5.10. "and showing mercy unto the thousandth generation of them that love Me and keep My commandments.", 12.1. "These are the statutes and the ordices, which ye shall observe to do in the land which the LORD, the God of thy fathers, hath given thee to possess it, all the days that ye live upon the earth.", 12.2. "Ye shall surely destroy all the places, wherein the nations that ye are to dispossess served their gods, upon the high mountains, and upon the hills, and under every leafy tree.", 12.3. "And ye shall break down their altars, and dash in pieces their pillars, and burn their Asherim with fire; and ye shall hew down the graven images of their gods; and ye shall destroy their name out of that place.", 17.15. "thou shalt in any wise set him king over thee, whom the LORD thy God shall choose; one from among thy brethren shalt thou set king over thee; thou mayest not put a foreigner over thee, who is not thy brother.", 23.8. "Thou shalt not abhor an Edomite, for he is thy brother; thou shalt not abhor an Egyptian, because thou wast a stranger in his land.", 23.9. "The children of the third generation that are born unto them may enter into the assembly of the LORD.", 26.1. "And it shall be, when thou art come in unto the land which the LORD thy God giveth thee for an inheritance, and dost possess it, and dwell therein;", 26.2. "that thou shalt take of the first of all the fruit of the ground, which thou shalt bring in from thy land that the LORD thy God giveth thee; and thou shalt put it in a basket and shalt go unto the place which the LORD thy God shall choose to cause His name to dwell there.", 26.3. "And thou shalt come unto the priest that shall be in those days, and say unto him: ‘I profess this day unto the LORD thy God, that I am come unto the land which the LORD swore unto our fathers to give us.’", 26.4. "And the priest shall take the basket out of thy hand, and set it down before the altar of the LORD thy God.", 26.5. "And thou shalt speak and say before the LORD thy God: ‘A wandering Aramean was my father, and he went down into Egypt, and sojourned there, few in number; and he became there a nation, great, mighty, and populous.", 26.6. "And the Egyptians dealt ill with us, and afflicted us, and laid upon us hard bondage.", 26.7. "And we cried unto the LORD, the God of our fathers, and the LORD heard our voice, and saw our affliction, and our toil, and our oppression.", 26.8. "And the LORD brought us forth out of Egypt with a mighty hand, and with an outstretched arm, and with great terribleness, and with signs, and with wonders.", 26.9. "And He hath brought us into this place, and hath given us this land, a land flowing with milk and honey.", 26.10. "And now, behold, I have brought the first of the fruit of the land, which Thou, O LORD, hast given me.’ And thou shalt set it down before the LORD thy God, and worship before the LORD thy God.", 26.11. "And thou shalt rejoice in all the good which the LORD thy God hath given unto thee, and unto thy house, thou, and the Levite, and the stranger that is in the midst of thee.",
17. Hebrew Bible, Zephaniah, 2.3 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 166
2.3. "בַּקְּשׁוּ אֶת־יְהוָה כָּל־עַנְוֵי הָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר מִשְׁפָּטוֹ פָּעָלוּ בַּקְּשׁוּ־צֶדֶק בַּקְּשׁוּ עֲנָוָה אוּלַי תִּסָּתְרוּ בְּיוֹם אַף־יְהוָה׃", 2.3. "Seek ye the LORD, all ye humble of the earth, That have executed His ordice; Seek righteousness, seek humility. It may be ye shall be hid in the day of the LORD’S anger.",
18. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 25-31, 35-37, 39-40, 38 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 168
19. Hebrew Bible, Joel, 2.28-2.32 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •herod, agrippa ii Found in books: Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 190
20. Hebrew Bible, Joshua, 18.8 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 231
18.8. "וַיָּקֻמוּ הָאֲנָשִׁים וַיֵּלֵכוּ וַיְצַו יְהוֹשֻׁעַ אֶת־הַהֹלְכִים לִכְתֹּב אֶת־הָאָרֶץ לֵאמֹר לְכוּ וְהִתְהַלְּכוּ בָאָרֶץ וְכִתְבוּ אוֹתָהּ וְשׁוּבוּ אֵלַי וּפֹה אַשְׁלִיךְ לָכֶם גּוֹרָל לִפְנֵי יְהוָה בְּשִׁלֹה׃", 18.8. "And the men arose, and went; and Joshua charged them that went to describe the land, saying: ‘Go and walk through the land, and describe it, and come back to me, and I will cast lots for you here before the LORD in Shiloh.’",
21. Homer, Iliad, 18.607-18.608 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •map of agrippa (cf. peutinger table), of ‘kypros’ Found in books: Gee (2020), Mapping the Afterlife: From Homer to Dante, 76
18.607. / and two tumblers whirled up and down through the midst of them as leaders in the dance.Therein he set also the great might of the river Oceanus, around the uttermost rim of the strongly-wrought shield.But when he had wrought the shield, great and sturdy, 18.608. / and two tumblers whirled up and down through the midst of them as leaders in the dance.Therein he set also the great might of the river Oceanus, around the uttermost rim of the strongly-wrought shield.But when he had wrought the shield, great and sturdy,
22. Hebrew Bible, Amos, 8.9 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •herod agrippa i Found in books: Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 380
8.9. "וְהָיָה בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא נְאֻם אֲדֹנָי יְהוִה וְהֵבֵאתִי הַשֶּׁמֶשׁ בַּצָּהֳרָיִם וְהַחֲשַׁכְתִּי לָאָרֶץ בְּיוֹם אוֹר׃", 8.9. "And it shall come to pass in that day, Saith the Lord GOD, That I will cause the sun to go down at noon, And I will darken the earth in the clear day.",
23. Hebrew Bible, 2 Samuel, 3.16, 16.5, 17.18, 18.18, 19.16 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 165
3.16. "וַיֵּלֶךְ אִתָּהּ אִישָׁהּ הָלוֹךְ וּבָכֹה אַחֲרֶיהָ עַד־בַּחֻרִים וַיֹּאמֶר אֵלָיו אַבְנֵר לֵךְ שׁוּב וַיָּשֹׁב׃", 16.5. "וּבָא הַמֶּלֶךְ דָּוִד עַד־בַּחוּרִים וְהִנֵּה מִשָּׁם אִישׁ יוֹצֵא מִמִּשְׁפַּחַת בֵּית־שָׁאוּל וּשְׁמוֹ שִׁמְעִי בֶן־גֵּרָא יֹצֵא יָצוֹא וּמְקַלֵּל׃", 17.18. "וַיַּרְא אֹתָם נַעַר וַיַּגֵּד לְאַבְשָׁלֹם וַיֵּלְכוּ שְׁנֵיהֶם מְהֵרָה וַיָּבֹאוּ אֶל־בֵּית־אִישׁ בְּבַחוּרִים וְלוֹ בְאֵר בַּחֲצֵרוֹ וַיֵּרְדוּ שָׁם׃", 18.18. "וְאַבְשָׁלֹם לָקַח וַיַּצֶּב־לוֹ בחיו [בְחַיָּיו] אֶת־מַצֶּבֶת אֲשֶׁר בְּעֵמֶק־הַמֶּלֶךְ כִּי אָמַר אֵין־לִי בֵן בַּעֲבוּר הַזְכִּיר שְׁמִי וַיִּקְרָא לַמַּצֶּבֶת עַל־שְׁמוֹ וַיִּקָּרֵא לָהּ יַד אַבְשָׁלֹם עַד הַיּוֹם הַזֶּה׃", 19.16. "וַיָּשָׁב הַמֶּלֶךְ וַיָּבֹא עַד־הַיַּרְדֵּן וִיהוּדָה בָּא הַגִּלְגָּלָה לָלֶכֶת לִקְרַאת הַמֶּלֶךְ לְהַעֲבִיר אֶת־הַמֶּלֶךְ אֶת־הַיַּרְדֵּן׃", 3.16. "And her husband went along with her weeping behind her to Baĥurim. Then said Avner to him, Go, return. And he returned.", 16.5. "And when king David came to Baĥurim, behold, thence came out a man of the family of the house of Sha᾽ul, whose name was Shim῾i, the son of Gera: he came out, cursing as he came.", 17.18. "Nevertheless a lad saw them, and told Avshalom: but they went both of them away quickly, and came to a man’s house in Baĥurim, and he had a well in his court; and they went down into it.", 18.18. "Now Avshalom in his lifetime had taken and reared up for himself a pillar, which is in the king’s valley: for he said, I have no son to keep my name in remembrance: and he called the pillar after his own name: and it is called to this day, Avshalom’s monument.", 19.16. "So the king returned, and came to the Yarden. And Yehuda came to Gilgal, to go to meet the king, to conduct the king over the Yarden.",
24. Septuagint, Isaiah, 45.13, 51.16 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 166
25. Hebrew Bible, 2 Kings, 25.4 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 165
25.4. "וַתִּבָּקַע הָעִיר וְכָל־אַנְשֵׁי הַמִּלְחָמָה הַלַּיְלָה דֶּרֶךְ שַׁעַר בֵּין הַחֹמֹתַיִם אֲשֶׁר עַל־גַּן הַמֶּלֶךְ וְכַשְׂדִּים עַל־הָעִיר סָבִיב וַיֵּלֶךְ דֶּרֶךְ הָעֲרָבָה׃", 25.4. "Then a breach was made in the city, and all the men of war [fled] by night by the way of the gate between the two walls, which was by the king’s garden—now the Chaldeans were against the city round about—and the king went by the way of the Arabah.",
26. Hebrew Bible, Jeremiah, 24.1-24.7, 31.6, 39.17-39.18, 52.7 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of •agrippa Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 165, 166, 222, 230; Cohn (2013), The Memory of the Temple and the Making of the Rabbis, 5
24.1. "וְשִׁלַּחְתִּי בָם אֶת־הַחֶרֶב אֶת־הָרָעָב וְאֶת־הַדָּבֶר עַד־תֻּמָּם מֵעַל הָאֲדָמָה אֲשֶׁר־נָתַתִּי לָהֶם וְלַאֲבוֹתֵיהֶם׃", 24.1. "הִרְאַנִי יְהוָה וְהִנֵּה שְׁנֵי דּוּדָאֵי תְאֵנִים מוּעָדִים לִפְנֵי הֵיכַל יְהוָה אַחֲרֵי הַגְלוֹת נְבוּכַדְרֶאצַּר מֶלֶךְ־בָּבֶל אֶת־יְכָנְיָהוּ בֶן־יְהוֹיָקִים מֶלֶךְ־יְהוּדָה וְאֶת־שָׂרֵי יְהוּדָה וְאֶת־הֶחָרָשׁ וְאֶת־הַמַּסְגֵּר מִירוּשָׁלִַם וַיְבִאֵם בָּבֶל׃", 24.2. "הַדּוּד אֶחָד תְּאֵנִים טֹבוֹת מְאֹד כִּתְאֵנֵי הַבַּכֻּרוֹת וְהַדּוּד אֶחָד תְּאֵנִים רָעוֹת מְאֹד אֲשֶׁר לֹא־תֵאָכַלְנָה מֵרֹעַ׃", 24.3. "וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה אֵלַי מָה־אַתָּה רֹאֶה יִרְמְיָהוּ וָאֹמַר תְּאֵנִים הַתְּאֵנִים הַטֹּבוֹת טֹבוֹת מְאֹד וְהָרָעוֹת רָעוֹת מְאֹד אֲשֶׁר לֹא־תֵאָכַלְנָה מֵרֹעַ׃", 24.4. "וַיְהִי דְבַר־יְהוָה אֵלַי לֵאמֹר׃", 24.5. "כֹּה־אָמַר יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל כַּתְּאֵנִים הַטֹּבוֹת הָאֵלֶּה כֵּן־אַכִּיר אֶת־גָּלוּת יְהוּדָה אֲשֶׁר שִׁלַּחְתִּי מִן־הַמָּקוֹם הַזֶּה אֶרֶץ כַּשְׂדִּים לְטוֹבָה׃", 24.6. "וְשַׂמְתִּי עֵינִי עֲלֵיהֶם לְטוֹבָה וַהֲשִׁבֹתִים עַל־הָאָרֶץ הַזֹּאת וּבְנִיתִים וְלֹא אֶהֱרֹס וּנְטַעְתִּים וְלֹא אֶתּוֹשׁ׃", 24.7. "וְנָתַתִּי לָהֶם לֵב לָדַעַת אֹתִי כִּי אֲנִי יְהוָה וְהָיוּ־לִי לְעָם וְאָנֹכִי אֶהְיֶה לָהֶם לֵאלֹהִים כִּי־יָשֻׁבוּ אֵלַי בְּכָל־לִבָּם׃", 31.6. "כִּי יֶשׁ־יוֹם קָרְאוּ נֹצְרִים בְּהַר אֶפְרָיִם קוּמוּ וְנַעֲלֶה צִיּוֹן אֶל־יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵינוּ׃", 39.17. "וְהִצַּלְתִּיךָ בַיּוֹם־הַהוּא נְאֻם־יְהוָה וְלֹא תִנָּתֵן בְּיַד הָאֲנָשִׁים אֲשֶׁר־אַתָּה יָגוֹר מִפְּנֵיהֶם׃", 39.18. "כִּי מַלֵּט אֲמַלֶּטְךָ וּבַחֶרֶב לֹא תִפֹּל וְהָיְתָה לְךָ נַפְשְׁךָ לְשָׁלָל כִּי־בָטַחְתָּ בִּי נְאֻם־יְהוָה׃", 52.7. "וַתִּבָּקַע הָעִיר וְכָל־אַנְשֵׁי הַמִּלְחָמָה יִבְרְחוּ וַיֵּצְאוּ מֵהָעִיר לַיְלָה דֶּרֶךְ שַׁעַר בֵּין־הַחֹמֹתַיִם אֲשֶׁר עַל־גַּן הַמֶּלֶךְ וְכַשְׂדִּים עַל־הָעִיר סָבִיב וַיֵּלְכוּ דֶּרֶךְ הָעֲרָבָה׃", 24.1. "The LORD showed me, and behold two baskets of figs set before the temple of the LORD; after that Nebuchadrezzar king of Babylon had carried away captive Jeconiah the son of Jehoiakim, king of Judah, and the princes of Judah, with the craftsmen and smiths, from Jerusalem, and had brought them to Babylon.", 24.2. "One basket had very good figs, like the figs that are first-ripe; and the other basket had very bad figs, which could not be eaten, they were so bad.", 24.3. "Then said the LORD unto me: ‘What seest thou, Jeremiah?’ And I said: ‘Figs; the good figs, very good; and the bad, very bad, that cannot be eaten, they are so bad.’", 24.4. "And the word of the LORD came unto me, saying:", 24.5. "’Thus saith the LORD, the God of Israel: Like these good figs, so will I regard the captives of Judah, whom I have sent out of this place into the land of the Chaldeans, for good.", 24.6. "And I will set Mine eyes upon them for good, and I will bring them back to this land; and I will build them, and not pull them down; and I will plant them, and not pluck them up.", 24.7. "And I will give them a heart to know Me, that I am the LORD; and they shall be My people, and I will be their God; for they shall return unto Me with their whole heart.", 31.6. "For there shall be a day, That the watchmen shall call upon the mount Ephraim: Arise ye, and let us go up to Zion, Unto the LORD our God.’", 39.17. "But I will deliver thee in that day, saith the LORD; and thou shalt not be given into the hand of the men of whom thou art afraid.", 39.18. "For I will surely deliver thee, and thou shalt not fall by the sword, but thy life shall be for a prey unto thee; because thou hast put thy trust in Me, saith the LORD.’", 52.7. "Then a breach was made in the city, and all the men of war fled, and went forth out of the city by night by the way of the gate between the two walls, which was by the king’s garden—now the Chaldeans were against the city round about—and they went by the way of the Arabah.",
27. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 6.9-6.10, 65.15 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 799; Roskovec and Hušek (2021), Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts, 111
6.9. "וַיֹּאמֶר לֵךְ וְאָמַרְתָּ לָעָם הַזֶּה שִׁמְעוּ שָׁמוֹעַ וְאַל־תָּבִינוּ וּרְאוּ רָאוֹ וְאַל־תֵּדָעוּ׃", 65.15. "וְהִנַּחְתֶּם שִׁמְכֶם לִשְׁבוּעָה לִבְחִירַי וֶהֱמִיתְךָ אֲדֹנָי יְהוִה וְלַעֲבָדָיו יִקְרָא שֵׁם אַחֵר׃", 6.9. "And He said: ‘Go, and tell this people: Hear ye indeed, but understand not; and see ye indeed, but perceive not.", 6.10. "Make the heart of this people fat, and make their ears heavy, and shut their eyes; lest they, seeing with their eyes, and hearing with their ears, and understanding with their heart, return, and be healed.’", 65.15. "And ye shall leave your name for a curse unto Mine elect: ‘So may the Lord GOD slay thee’; But He shall call His servants by another name;",
28. Hebrew Bible, Habakkuk, 1.5, 3.12, 13.41 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •herod agrippa Found in books: Levison (2009), Filled with the Spirit, 350
1.5. "רְאוּ בַגּוֹיִם וְהַבִּיטוּ וְהִתַּמְּהוּ תְּמָהוּ כִּי־פֹעַל פֹּעֵל בִּימֵיכֶם לֹא תַאֲמִינוּ כִּי יְסֻפָּר׃", 3.12. "בְּזַעַם תִּצְעַד־אָרֶץ בְּאַף תָּדוּשׁ גּוֹיִם׃", 1.5. "Look ye among the nations, and behold, And wonder marvellously; For, behold, a work shall be wrought in your days, Which ye will not believe though it be told you.", 3.12. "Thou marchest through the earth in indignation, Thou threshest the nations in anger.",
29. Aesop, Fables, None (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 8, 9
30. Hebrew Bible, Ezekiel, 11, 8-10 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 166
31. Pindar, Fragments, 169 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa Found in books: Omeara (2005), Platonopolis: Platonic Political Philosophy in Late Antiquity 99
32. Xenophon, The Education of Cyrus, 5.2.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 231
5.2.1. πρῲ δʼ ἀναστάντες ἐπορεύοντο πρὸς Γωβρύαν, Κῦρος μὲν ἐφʼ ἵππου καὶ οἱ Περσῶν ἱππεῖς γεγενημένοι εἰς δισχιλίους· οἱ δὲ τὰ τούτων γέρρα καὶ τὰς κοπίδας ἔχοντες ἐπὶ τούτοις εἵποντο, ἴσοι ὄντες τὸν ἀριθμόν· καὶ ἡ ἄλλη δὲ στρατιὰ τεταγμένη ἐπορεύετο. ἕκαστον δʼ ἐκέλευσε τοῖς καινοῖς αὑτῶν θεράπουσιν εἰπεῖν ὅτι ὅστις ἂν αὐτῶν ἢ τῶν ὀπισθοφυλάκων φαίνηται ὄπισθεν ἢ τοῦ μετώπου πρόσθεν ἴῃ ἢ κατὰ τὰ πλάγια ἔξω τῶν ἐν τάξει ἰόντων ἁλίσκηται, κολασθήσεται. 5.2.1. Rising early the next morning they started— The Persian army visits Gobryas Cyrus , on horseback, with those of the Persians who had been transformed into cavalrymen, to the number of about two thousand—to visit Gobryas. And those who carried the horsemen’s shields and sabres followed behind them, to the same number; the rest of the army also proceeded in its proper divisions. He ordered the horsemen, each one, to inform their new squires that if any one of them should be seen behind the rear-guard or get in front of the van or be found on the flanks outside the line of march, he should be punished.
33. Xenophon, Memoirs, 2.1, 2.3.18 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •vipsanius agrippa, m. •menenius agrippa (politician) Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 137; McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 101
2.3.18. νῦν μὲν γὰρ οὕτως, ἔφη, διάκεισθον, ὥσπερ εἰ τὼ χεῖρε, ἃς ὁ θεὸς ἐπὶ τῷ συλλαμβάνειν ἀλλήλοιν ἐποίησεν, ἀφεμένω τούτου τράποιντο πρὸς τὸ διακωλύειν ἀλλήλω, ἢ εἰ τὼ πόδε θείᾳ μοίρᾳ πεποιημένω πρὸς τὸ συνεργεῖν ἀλλήλοιν, ἀμελήσαντε τούτου ἐμποδίζοιεν ἀλλήλω. 2.3.18. What if a pair of hands refused the office of mutual help for which God made them, and tried to thwart each other; or if a pair of feet neglected the duty of working together, for which they were fashioned, and took to hampering each other? That is how you two are behaving at present.
34. Hebrew Bible, Zechariah, 10-13, 9, 14 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 380
35. Plato, Gorgias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa Found in books: Omeara (2005), Platonopolis: Platonic Political Philosophy in Late Antiquity 99
484b. ἐξέλαμψεν τὸ τῆς φύσεως δίκαιον. δοκεῖ δέ μοι καὶ Πίνδαρος ἅπερ ἐγὼ λέγω ἐνδείκνυσθαι ἐν τῷ ᾁσματι ἐν ᾧ λέγει ὅτι— νόμος ὁ πάντων βασιλεὺς θνατῶν τε καὶ ἀθανάτων· Pind. fr. 169 οὗτος δὲ δή, φησίν,— ἄγει δικαιῶν τὸ βιαιότατον ὑπερτάτᾳ χειρί· τεκμαίρομαι ἔργοισιν Ἡρακλέος, ἐπεὶ—ἀπριάτας— Pind. fr. 169 λέγει οὕτω πως—τὸ γὰρ ᾆσμα οὐκ ἐπίσταμαι—λέγει δʼ ὅτι οὔτε πριάμενος οὔτε δόντος τοῦ Γηρυόνου ἠλάσατο τὰς βοῦς, 484b. dawns the full light of natural justice. And it seems to me that Pindar adds his evidence to what I say, in the ode where he says— Law the sovereign of all, Mortals and immortals, Pind. Fr. 169 (Bergk) which, so he continues,— Carries all with highest hand, Justifying the utmost force: in proof I take The deeds of Hercules , for unpurchased Pind. Fr. 169 (Bergk) —the words are something like that—I do not know the poem well—but it tells how he drove off the cow
36. Septuagint, Prayer of Azariah, 1.164-1.169, 2.36, 2.88-2.90 (5th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa (pyrrhonist) Found in books: Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 48, 49, 50
37. Hippocrates, Nature of Man, 4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •memmius, c., menenius agrippa, fable of Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 19
38. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Omeara (2005), Platonopolis: Platonic Political Philosophy in Late Antiquity 100
752d. ΚΛ. ἔχει γοῦν λόγον. ΑΘ. ἴδωμεν τοίνυν πρὸς τοῦτο εἴ πῄ τινα πόρον ἱκανὸν πορίζοιμεν ἂν κατὰ τάδε. φημὶ γάρ, ὦ Κλεινία, Κνωσίους χρῆναι τῶν ἄλλων διαφερόντως Κρητῶν μὴ μόνον ἀφοσιώσασθαι περὶ τῆς χώρας ἣν νῦν κατοικίζετε, συντόνως δʼ ἐπιμεληθῆναι τὰς πρώτας ἀρχὰς εἰς δύναμιν ὅπως ἂν ἱστῶσιν ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα καὶ ἄριστα. τὰς μὲν οὖν ἄλλας 752d. Clin. It is certainly reasonable to suppose so. Ath. Let us then consider whether we might succeed in providing an adequate means to this end on the following lines. For I declare, Clinias, that you Cnosians, above all other Cretans, not only ought to deal in no perfunctory manner with the soil which you are now settling, but ought also to take the utmost care that the first officials are appointed in the best and most secure way possible. The selection of the rest of them will be a less serious task; but it is imperatively necessary
39. Hebrew Bible, Nehemiah, 8.4, 10.21 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa i •agrippa Found in books: Hachlili (2005), Practices And Rites In The Second Temple Period, 300; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 344
8.4. "וַיַּעֲמֹד עֶזְרָא הַסֹּפֵר עַל־מִגְדַּל־עֵץ אֲשֶׁר עָשׂוּ לַדָּבָר וַיַּעֲמֹד אֶצְלוֹ מַתִּתְיָה וְשֶׁמַע וַעֲנָיָה וְאוּרִיָּה וְחִלְקִיָּה וּמַעֲשֵׂיָה עַל־יְמִינוֹ וּמִשְּׂמֹאלוֹ פְּדָיָה וּמִישָׁאֵל וּמַלְכִּיָּה וְחָשֻׁם וְחַשְׁבַּדָּנָה זְכַרְיָה מְשֻׁלָּם׃", 10.21. "מַגְפִּיעָשׁ מְשֻׁלָּם חֵזִיר׃", 8.4. "And Ezra the scribe stood upon a pulpit of wood, which they had made for the purpose; and beside him stood Mattithiah, and Shema, and Anaiah, and Uriah, and Hilkiah, and Maaseiah, on his right hand; and on his left hand, Pedaiah, and Mishael, and Malchijah, and Hashum, and Hashbaddanah, Zechariah, and Meshullam.", 10.21. "Magpiash, Meshullam, Hezir;",
40. Hebrew Bible, Ezra, 2.65, 7.24 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 333
2.65. "מִלְּבַד עַבְדֵיהֶם וְאַמְהֹתֵיהֶם אֵלֶּה שִׁבְעַת אֲלָפִים שְׁלֹשׁ מֵאוֹת שְׁלֹשִׁים וְשִׁבְעָה וְלָהֶם מְשֹׁרְרִים וּמְשֹׁרְרוֹת מָאתָיִם׃", 7.24. "וּלְכֹם מְהוֹדְעִין דִּי כָל־כָּהֲנַיָּא וְלֵוָיֵא זַמָּרַיָּא תָרָעַיָּא נְתִינַיָּא וּפָלְחֵי בֵּית אֱלָהָא דְנָה מִנְדָּה בְלוֹ וַהֲלָךְ לָא שַׁלִּיט לְמִרְמֵא עֲלֵיהֹם׃", 2.65. "beside their men-servants and their maid-servants, of whom there were seven thousand three hundred thirty and seven; and they had two hundred singing men and singing women.", 7.24. "Also we announce to you, that touching any of the priests and Levites, the singers, porters, Nethinim, or servants of this house of God, it shall not be lawful to impose tribute, impost, or toll, upon them.",
41. Herodotus, Histories, 3.125-3.137 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa i (jewish king), and divine providence •agrippa i (jewish king), imprisonment of •agrippa i (jewish king), literary connections to joseph (genesis patriarch) •subversive adaptation, in antiquities account of agrippa i Found in books: Edwards (2023), In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus, 124
3.125. But Polycrates would listen to no advice. He sailed to meet Oroetes, with a great retinue of followers, among whom was Democedes, son of Calliphon, a man of Croton and the most skillful physician of his time. ,But no sooner had Polycrates come to Magnesia than he was horribly murdered in a way unworthy of him and of his aims; for, except for the sovereigns of Syracuse , no sovereign of Greek race is fit to be compared with Polycrates for magnificence. ,Having killed him in some way not fit to be told, Oroetes then crucified him; as for those who had accompanied him, he let the Samians go, telling them to thank him that they were free; those who were not Samians, or were servants of Polycrates' followers, he kept for slaves. ,And Polycrates hanging in the air fulfilled his daughter's vision in every detail; for he was washed by Zeus when it rained, and he was anointed by Helios as he exuded sweat from his body. 3.126. This was the end of Polycrates' string of successes [as Amasis king of Egypt had forewarned him]. But not long after, atonement for Polycrates overtook Oroetes. After the death of Cambyses and the rule of the Magi, Oroetes stayed in Sardis , where he did not help the Persians in any way to regain the power taken from them by the Medes, ,but, to the contrary, in this confusion killed two prominent Persians, Mitrobates, the governor from Dascyleium, who had taunted him about Polycrates, and Mitrobates' son Cranaspes; and on top of many other violent acts, he set an ambush down the road after a messenger from Darius came with a message which displeased him and killed that messenger on his homeward journey, and concealed the man's body and horse. 3.127. So when Darius became king, he wanted to punish Oroetes for all his wrongdoing, and especially for killing Mitrobates and his son. But he thought it best not to send an army openly against the satrap, seeing that everything was still in confusion and he was still new to the royal power; moreover he heard that Oroetes was very powerful, having a guard of a thousand Persian spearmen and being governor of the Phrygian and Lydian and Ionian province. ,He had recourse, then, to the following expedient: having summoned an assembly of the most prominent Persians, he addressed them as follows: “Persians, which of you will promise to do this for me, not with force and numbers, but by cunning? Where there is need for cunning, force has no business. ,So then, which of you would either bring me Oroetes alive or kill him? For he has done the Persians no good, but much harm; he has destroyed two of us, Mitrobates and his son, and is killing my messengers that are sent to recall him, displaying an insolence that is not to be borne. So, then, before he does the Persians some still greater harm, he has to be punished by us with death.” 3.128. Darius asked this and thirty men promised, each wanting to do it himself. Darius told them not argue but draw lots; they did, and the lot fell to Bagaeus, son of Artontes. ,Bagaeus, having drawn the lot, did as follows: he had many letters written concerning many things and put the seal of Darius on them, and then went with them to Sardis . ,When he got there and came into Oroetes' presence, he took out each letter in turn and gave it to one of the royal scribes to read (all of the governors of the King have scribes); Bagaeus gave the letters to test the spearmen, whether they would consent to revolt against Oroetes. ,Seeing that they were greatly affected by the rolls and yet more by what was written in them, he gave another, in which were these words: “Persians! King Darius forbids you to be Oroetes' guard.” Hearing this, they lowered their spears for him. ,When Bagaeus saw that they obeyed the letter so far, he was encouraged and gave the last roll to the scribe, in which was written: “King Darius instructs the Persians in Sardis to kill Oroetes.” Hearing this the spearmen drew their scimitars and killed him at once. Thus atonement for Polycrates the Samian overtook Oroetes the Persian. 3.129. Oroetes' slaves and other possessions were brought to Susa . Not long after this, it happened that Darius twisted his foot in dismounting from his horse while hunting ,so violently that the ball of the ankle joint was dislocated from its socket. Darius called in the best physicians of Egypt , whom he had until now kept near his person. But by violently twisting the foot they made the injury worse; ,and for seven days and nights the king could not sleep because of the pain. On the eighth day, when he was doing poorly, someone who had heard in Sardis of the skill of Democedes of Croton told Darius of him; and he told them to bring him as quickly as possible. When they found him among the slaves of Oroetes, where he was forgotten, they brought him along, dragging his chains and dressed in rags. 3.130. Darius asked him when he was brought in if he were trained in medicine. He refused to admit it, for he was afraid that if he revealed himself he would be cut off from Hellas for good. ,It was clear to Darius, however, that he was trained in deceit, and he ordered those who had brought him to bring along scourges and goads. Then he confessed, saying that his training was not exact, but that he had associated with a physician and had a passing acquaintance with medicine. ,But when Darius turned the case over to him and Democedes applied Greek remedies and used gentleness instead of the Egyptians' violence, he enabled him to sleep and in a short time had him well, although Darius had had no hope of regaining the use of his foot. ,After this, Darius rewarded him with a gift of two pairs of golden fetters. “Is it your purpose,” Democedes asked, “to double my pains for making you well?” Pleased by the retort, Darius sent him to his own wives. The eunuchs who conducted him told the women that this was the man who had given the king his life back. ,Each of them took a bowl and dipped it in a chest full of gold, so richly rewarding Democedes that the servant accompanying him, whose name was Sciton, collected a very great sum of gold by picking up the staters that fell from the bowls. 3.131. Now this is how Democedes had come from Croton to live with Polycrates: he was oppressed by a harsh-tempered father at Croton ; since he could not stand him, he left him and went to Aegina . Within the first year after settling there, he excelled the rest of the physicians, although he had no equipment nor any medical implements. ,In his second year the Aeginetans paid him a talent to be their public physician; in the third year the Athenians hired him for a hundred minae, and Polycrates in the fourth year for two talents. Thus he came to Samos , and not least because of this man the physicians of Croton were well-respected [ ,for at this time the best physicians in Greek countries were those of Croton , and next to them those of Cyrene . About the same time the Argives had the name of being the best musicians]. 3.132. So now because he had healed Darius at Susa Democedes had a very grand house and ate at the king's table; he had everything, except permission to return to the Greeks. ,When the Egyptian physicians who until now had attended the king were about to be impaled for being less skilful than a Greek, Democedes interceded with the king for them and saved them; and he saved an Elean seer, too, who had been a retainer of Polycrates' and was forgotten among the slaves. Democedes was a man of considerable influence with the King. 3.133. A short time after this, something else occurred; there was a swelling on the breast of Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus and wife of Darius, which broke and spread further. As long as it was small, she hid it out of shame and told no one; but when it got bad, she sent for Democedes and showed it to him. ,He said he would cure her, but made her swear that she would repay him by granting whatever he asked of her, and said that he would ask nothing shameful. 3.134. And after he treated her and did cure her, Atossa addressed Darius in their chamber as she had been instructed by Democedes: “O King, although you have so much power you are idle, acquiring no additional people or power for the Persians. ,The right thing for a man who is both young and the master of great wealth is to be seen aggrandizing himself, so that the Persians know too that they are ruled by a man. On two counts it is in your interest to do this, both so that the Persians know that their leader is a man, and so that they be occupied by war and not have time to plot against you. ,You should show some industry now, while you are still young: for sense grows with the growing body, but grows old too with the aging body and loses its edge for all purposes.” ,She said this as instructed, but he replied with this: “Woman, what you have said is exactly what I had in mind to do. For I have planned to make a bridge from this continent to the other continent and lead an army against the Scythians; and this will be done in a short time.” ,“Look,” Atossa said, “let the Scythians go for the present; you shall have them whenever you like; I tell you, march against Hellas . I have heard of Laconian and Argive and Attic and Corinthian women, and would like to have them as servants. You have a man who is fitter than any other to instruct and guide you in everything concerning Hellas : I mean the physician who healed your foot.” ,Darius answered, “Woman, since you think that we should make an attempt on Greece first, it seems to me to be best that we first send Persian spies with the man whom you mention, who shall tell us everything that they learn and observe; and then when I am fully informed I shall rouse myself against them.” 3.135. He said this, and no sooner said than did it. For the next day at dawn he summoned fifteen prominent Persians, and instructed them to go with Democedes and sail along the coast of Hellas ; telling them, too, by all means to bring the physician back and not let him escape. ,Having given these instructions to them, he then sent for Democedes, and asked of him that when he had shown and made clear all of Greece to the Persians, he would come back; and he told him to take all his movable goods to give to his father and siblings, saying that he would give him many times as much in return and would send with him a ship with a cargo of all good things. ,Darius, I think, made this promise without a treacherous intent, but Democedes was afraid that Darius was testing him; therefore he was in no hurry to accept all that was offered, but answered that he would leave his own possessions where they were, so as to have them when he returned; the ship which Darius promised him to carry the gifts for his siblings, he said he would accept. Having given the same instructions to Democedes too, Darius sent them all to the coast. 3.136. They came down to the city of Sidon in Phoenicia , and there chartered two triremes, as well as a great galley laden with all good things; and when everything was ready they set sail for Hellas , where they surveyed and mapped the coasts to which they came; until having viewed the greater and most famous parts they reached Tarentum in Italy . ,There Aristophilides, king of the Tarentines, out of sympathy for Democedes, took the steering gear off the Median ships and put the Persians under a guard, calling them spies. While they were in this plight, Democedes made his way to Croton ; and Aristophilides did not set the Persians free and give them back what he had taken from their ships until the physician was in his own country. 3.137. The Persians sailed from Tarentum and pursued Democedes to Croton , where they found him in the marketplace and tried to seize him. ,Some Crotoniats, who feared the Persian power, would have given him up; but others resisted and beat the Persians with their sticks. “Men of Croton , watch what you do,” said the Persians; “you are harboring an escaped slave of the King's. ,How do you think King Darius will like this insolence? What good will it do you if he gets away from us? What city will we attack first here? Which will we try to enslave first?” ,But the men of Croton paid no attention to them; so the Persians lost Democedes and the galley with which they had come, and sailed back for Asia , making no attempt to visit and learn of the further parts of Hellas now that their guide was taken from them. ,But Democedes gave them a message as they were setting sail; they should tell Darius, he said, that Democedes was engaged to the daughter of Milon. For Darius held the name of Milon the wrestler in great honor; and, to my thinking, Democedes sought this match and paid a great sum for it to show Darius that he was a man of influence in his own country as well as in Persia .
42. Empedocles, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •memmius, c., menenius agrippa, fable of Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 8
43. Hebrew Bible, 2 Chronicles, 5.12, 5.22, 23.13, 29.2 (5th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 333
5.12. "וְהַלְוִיִּם הַמְשֹׁרֲרִים לְכֻלָּם לְאָסָף לְהֵימָן לִידֻתוּן וְלִבְנֵיהֶם וְלַאֲחֵיהֶם מְלֻבָּשִׁים בּוּץ בִּמְצִלְתַּיִם וּבִנְבָלִים וְכִנֹּרוֹת עֹמְדִים מִזְרָח לַמִּזְבֵּחַ וְעִמָּהֶם כֹּהֲנִים לְמֵאָה וְעֶשְׂרִים מחצררים [מַחְצְרִים] בַּחֲצֹצְרוֹת׃", 23.13. "וַתֵּרֶא וְהִנֵּה הַמֶּלֶךְ עוֹמֵד עַל־עַמּוּדוֹ בַּמָּבוֹא וְהַשָּׂרִים וְהַחֲצֹצְרוֹת עַל־הַמֶּלֶךְ וְכָל־עַם הָאָרֶץ שָׂמֵחַ וְתוֹקֵעַ בַּחֲצֹצְרוֹת וְהַמְשׁוֹרֲרִים בִּכְלֵי הַשִּׁיר וּמוֹדִיעִים לְהַלֵּל וַתִּקְרַע עֲתַלְיָהוּ אֶת־בְּגָדֶיהָ וַתֹּאמֶר קֶשֶׁר קָשֶׁר׃", 29.2. "וַיַּשְׁכֵּם יְחִזְקִיָּהוּ הַמֶּלֶךְ וַיֶּאֱסֹף אֵת שָׂרֵי הָעִיר וַיַּעַל בֵּית יְהוָה׃", 29.2. "וַיַּעַשׂ הַיָּשָׁר בְּעֵינֵי יְהוָה כְּכֹל אֲשֶׁר־עָשָׂה דָּוִיד אָבִיו׃", 5.12. "also the Levites who were the singers, all of them, even Asaph, Heman, Jeduthun, and their sons and their brethren, arrayed in fine linen, with cymbals and psalteries and harps, stood at the east end of the altar, and with them a hundred and twenty priests sounding with trumpets—", 23.13. "and she looked, and, behold, the king stood on his platform at the entrance, and the captains and the trumpets by the king; and all the people of the land rejoiced, and blew with trumpets; the singers also [played] on instruments of music, and led the singing of praise. Then Athaliah rent her clothes, and said: ‘Treason, treason.’", 29.2. "And he did that which was right in the eyes of the LORD, according to all that David his father had done.",
44. Hebrew Bible, 1 Chronicles, 15.16, 16.5, 24.13, 24.15, 25.7 (5th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii •agrippa Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 333; Hachlili (2005), Practices And Rites In The Second Temple Period, 300
15.16. "וַיֹּאמֶר דָּוִיד לְשָׂרֵי הַלְוִיִּם לְהַעֲמִיד אֶת־אֲחֵיהֶם הַמְשֹׁרְרִים בִּכְלֵי־שִׁיר נְבָלִים וְכִנֹּרוֹת וּמְצִלְתָּיִם מַשְׁמִיעִים לְהָרִים־בְּקוֹל לְשִׂמְחָה׃", 16.5. "אָסָף הָרֹאשׁ וּמִשְׁנֵהוּ זְכַרְיָה יְעִיאֵל וּשְׁמִירָמוֹת וִיחִיאֵל וּמַתִּתְיָה וֶאֱלִיאָב וּבְנָיָהוּ וְעֹבֵד אֱדֹם וִיעִיאֵל בִּכְלֵי נְבָלִים וּבְכִנֹּרוֹת וְאָסָף בַּמְצִלְתַּיִם מַשְׁמִיעַ׃", 24.13. "לְחֻפָּה שְׁלֹשָׁה עָשָׂר לְיֶשֶׁבְאָב אַרְבָּעָה עָשָׂר׃", 24.15. "לְחֵזִיר שִׁבְעָה עָשָׂר לְהַפִּצֵּץ שְׁמוֹנָה עָשָׂר׃", 25.7. "וַיְהִי מִסְפָּרָם עִם־אֲחֵיהֶם מְלֻמְּדֵי־שִׁיר לַיהוָה כָּל־הַמֵּבִין מָאתַיִם שְׁמוֹנִים וּשְׁמוֹנָה׃", 15.16. "And David spoke to the chief of the Levites to appoint their brethren the singers, with instruments of music, psalteries and harps and cymbals, sounding aloud and lifting up the voice with joy.", 16.5. "Asaph the chief, and second to him Zechariah, Jeiel, and Shemiramoth, and Jehiel, and Mattithiah, and Eliab, and Benaiah, and Obed-edom, and Jeiel, with psalteries and with harps; and Asaph with cymbals, sounding aloud;", 24.13. "the thirteenth to Huppah, the fourteenth to Jeshebeab;", 24.15. "the seventeenth to Hezir, the eighteenth to Happizzez;", 25.7. "And the number of them, with their brethren that were instructed in singing unto the LORD, even all that were skilful, was two hundred fourscore and eight.",
45. Aristotle, Prior Analytics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 49
46. Menander, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 20
47. Aristotle, Topics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 49
48. Aristotle, Metaphysics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 48, 49
49. Menander, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 20
50. Septuagint, Tobit, 8.10 (4th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 231
8.10. with the thought, "Perhaps he too will die."
51. Aeschines, Against Timarchus, 190-191 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 137
52. Theophrastus, Metaphysics, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa (pyrrhonist) Found in books: Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 48
53. Aristotle, Poetics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •vipsanius agrippa, m. Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 137
54. Aristotle, Posterior Analytics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 49
55. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, 10.9.118021-10.9.118022 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa Found in books: Omeara (2005), Platonopolis: Platonic Political Philosophy in Late Antiquity 99
56. Hegesippus Mecybernaeus, Fragments, None (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 251
57. Cicero, Pro Marcello, 22 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa postumus Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 127
58. Cicero, Pro Murena, 51 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •memmius, c., menenius agrippa, fable of Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 14, 15
51. referente me ne postero die comitia haberentur, ut de his rebus in senatu agere possemus. itaque postridie frequenti senatu Catilinam excitavi atque eum de his rebus iussi, si quid vellet, quae ad me adlatae essent dicere. atque ille, ut semper fuit apertissimus, non se purgavit sed indicavit atque induit. tum enim dixit duo corpora esse esse duo corpora A rei publicae, unum debile infirmo capite, alterum firmum sine capite; huic, si si cum y2 ita de se meritum esset, caput se vivo non defuturum. congemuit senatus frequens neque tamen satis severe pro rei indignitate decrevit; nam partim ideo fortes in decernendo non erant, quia nihil timebant, partim, quia omnia omnia scripsi : timebant codd. : timebant nimium Müller . erupit ante erupit add. cue Sx1 ( al. que vel cur S mg. ), cum A pfw, qui x2, cur y1, tum y2 : atque Mommsen ( in archetypo videtur juisse que (=quaere) aliquid amissum esse significans ) e senatu triumphans gaudio quem omnino vivum illinc exire non oportuerat, praesertim cum idem ille in eodem ordine paucis diebus ante Catoni, fortissimo viro, iudicium minitanti ac denuntianti respondisset, si si y : etsi cett. quod esset esset esse S A f in suas fortunas incendium excitatum, id se non aqua sed ruina restincturum extincturum A .
59. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 4.30 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •memmius, c., menenius agrippa, fable of Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 19
4.30. vitia enim adfectiones sunt manentes, perturbationes autem moventes, ut non possint adfectionum manentium partes esse. Atque ut in malis attingit animi naturam corporis St. fr. 3. 279 similitudo, sic in bonis. sunt enim in corpore praecipua, pulchritudo, valetudo vires pulchritudo Sey. val. pulchr. vires Ursin. sed cf. Sextus 11, 142 ai(reta/ e0n toi=s peri\ sw=ma ka/llos i0sxu\s eu)eci/a al. ac de variato ordine fin. 5, 80 vires, valetudo, valitudo KH firmitas, velocitas, intellegatur... 375, 29 velocitas H sunt item in animo. ut enim corporis temperatio, add. Camerarius (est add. V rec ) cum ea congruunt inter se e quibus constamus, sanitas, sic animi dicitur, cum eius iudicia opinionesque concordant, eaque animi est virtus, quam alii ipsam temperantiam dicunt esse, alii alii ( priore loco )] aliam GRV 1 ( corr. c ) obtemperantem temperantiae praeceptis et eam ea K subsequentem nec habentem ullam speciem suam, sed sive hoc sive illud sit, in solo esse sapiente. est autem quaedam animi sanitas, quae in insipientem in insipientem insipientem in in sapientem mut. V 1 aut 2 (insanitas quae in sapientem Turn. ) etiam cadat, cum curatione et purgatione purgatione Lb. perturbatione ( gubernatione V rec ) W et perturbatione del. Victorius medicorum conturbatio mentis aufertur.
60. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 71 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •menenius, agrippa Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 138
61. Hebrew Bible, Daniel, 2.23-2.24, 2.45, 7.14 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 286; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 23
2.23. "לָךְ אֱלָהּ אֲבָהָתִי מְהוֹדֵא וּמְשַׁבַּח אֲנָה דִּי חָכְמְתָא וּגְבוּרְתָא יְהַבְתְּ לִי וּכְעַן הוֹדַעְתַּנִי דִּי־בְעֵינָא מִנָּךְ דִּי־מִלַּת מַלְכָּא הוֹדַעְתֶּנָא׃", 2.24. "כָּל־קֳבֵל דְּנָה דָּנִיֵּאל עַל עַל־אַרְיוֹךְ דִּי מַנִּי מַלְכָּא לְהוֹבָדָה לְחַכִּימֵי בָבֶל אֲזַל וְכֵן אֲמַר־לֵהּ לְחַכִּימֵי בָבֶל אַל־תְּהוֹבֵד הַעֵלְנִי קֳדָם מַלְכָּא וּפִשְׁרָא לְמַלְכָּא אֲחַוֵּא׃", 2.45. "כָּל־קֳבֵל דִּי־חֲזַיְתָ דִּי מִטּוּרָא אִתְגְּזֶרֶת אֶבֶן דִּי־לָא בִידַיִן וְהַדֶּקֶת פַּרְזְלָא נְחָשָׁא חַסְפָּא כַּסְפָּא וְדַהֲבָא אֱלָהּ רַב הוֹדַע לְמַלְכָּא מָה דִּי לֶהֱוֵא אַחֲרֵי דְנָה וְיַצִּיב חֶלְמָא וּמְהֵימַן פִּשְׁרֵהּ׃", 7.14. "וְלֵהּ יְהִיב שָׁלְטָן וִיקָר וּמַלְכוּ וְכֹל עַמְמַיָּא אֻמַיָּא וְלִשָּׁנַיָּא לֵהּ יִפְלְחוּן שָׁלְטָנֵהּ שָׁלְטָן עָלַם דִּי־לָא יֶעְדֵּה וּמַלְכוּתֵהּ דִּי־לָא תִתְחַבַּל׃", 2.23. "I thank Thee, and praise Thee, O Thou God of my fathers, w Who hast given me wisdom and might, And hast now made known unto me what we desired of Thee; For Thou hast made known unto us the king’s matter.", 2.24. "Therefore Daniel went in unto Arioch, whom the king had appointed to destroy the wise men of Babylon; he went and said thus unto him: ‘Destroy not the wise men of Babylon; bring me in before the king, and I will declare unto the king the interpretation.’", 2.45. "Forasmuch as thou sawest that a stone was cut out of the mountain without hands, and that it broke in pieces the iron, the brass, the clay, the silver, and the gold; the great God hath made known to the king what shall come to pass hereafter; and the dream is certain, and the interpretation thereof sure.’", 7.14. "And there was given him dominion, And glory, and a kingdom, That all the peoples, nations, and languages Should serve him; His dominion is an everlasting dominion, which shall not pass away, And his kingdom that which shall not be destroyed.",
62. Dead Sea Scrolls, Aramaic Levi, 14.27 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 166
63. Anon., Testament of Benjamin, 3.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 166
3.4. How many men wished to slay him, and God shielded him! For he that feareth God and loveth his neighbour cannot be smitten by the spirit of Beliar, being shielded by the fear of God.
64. Anon., Testament of Levi, 2.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 166
2.3. And when I was feeding the flocks in Abel-Maul, the spirit of understanding of the Lord came upon me, and I saw all men corrupting their way, and that unrighteousness had built for itself walls, and lawlessness sat upon towers.
65. Cicero, Pro S. Roscio Amerino, 45-46, 48-51, 67, 47 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 137
66. Cicero, Pro Flacco, 68-69, 67 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 96
67. Italia et ex omnibus nostris provinciis Hierosolymam exportari soleret, Flaccus sanxit edicto ne ex Asia exportari liceret. quis est, iudices, qui hoc non vere laudare possit? exportari aurum non oportere cum saepe antea senatus tum me consule gravissime iudicavit. huic autem barbarae superstitioni resistere severitatis, multitudinem Iudaeorum flagrantem non numquam in contionibus pro re publica contemnere gravitatis summae fuit. at Cn. Pompeius captis Hierosolymis victor ex illo fano nihil attigit.
67. Cicero, Brutus, 261 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •vipsanius agrippa, m., his pantheon Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 102
261. Caesar autem rationem adhibens consuetudinem vitiosam et corruptam pura et incorrupta consuetudine emendat emendabat OG . Itaque cum ad hanc elegantiam verborum Latinorum—quae, etiam si orator non sis et sis ingenuus civis Romanus, tamen necessaria est—adiungit illa oratoria ornamenta dicendi, tum videtur tamquam tabulas bene pictas conlocare in bono lumine. Hanc cum habeat praecipuam laudem, in communibus non video cui debeat cedere. Splendidam quandam minimeque veteratoriam rationem dicendi tenet, voce motu forma etiam magnificam et generosam magnificam et generosam Lambinus ( coll. Suet. Iul. 55): magnifica et generosa L quodam modo.
68. Cicero, Pro Balbo, 53 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, baths of agrippa Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 71
69. Cicero, On Divination, 1.120 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •memmius, c., menenius agrippa, fable of Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 20
1.120. Eademque efficit in avibus divina mens, ut tum huc, tum illuc volent alites, tum in hac, tum in illa parte se occultent, tum a dextra, tum a sinistra parte cat oscines. Nam si animal omne, ut vult, ita utitur motu sui corporis, prono, obliquo, supino, membraque, quocumque vult, flectit, contorquet, porrigit, contrahit eaque ante efficit paene, quam cogitat, quanto id deo est facilius, cuius numini parent omnia! Idemque mittit et signa nobis eius generis, qualia permulta historia tradidit, quale scriptum illud videmus: 1.120. The Divine Will accomplishes like results in the case of birds, and causes those known as alites, which give omens by their flight, to fly hither and thither and disappear now here and now there, and causes those known as oscines, which give omens by their cries, to sing now on the left and now on the right. For if every animal moves its body forward, sideways, or backward at will, it bends, twists, extends, and contracts its members as it pleases, and performs these various motions almost mechanically; how much easier it is for such results to be accomplished by a god, whose divine will all things obey!
70. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 2.31.103 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa i Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 651
71. Cicero, De Lege Agraria, 2.1, 2.93 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •memmius, c., menenius agrippa, fable of •vipsanius agrippa, m. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 76; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 8
72. Cicero, On Laws, 1.40, 3.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •vipsanius agrippa, m. •memmius, c., menenius agrippa, fable of Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 137; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 19
73. Cicero, On Duties, 1.85, 2.31.103, 3.17, 3.22-3.23, 3.32 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •menenius agrippa (politician) •agrippa i •memmius, c., menenius agrippa, fable of Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 651; McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 101; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 18
1.85. Omnino qui rei publicae praefuturi sunt, duo Platonis praecepta teneant, unum, ut utilitatem civium sic tueantur, ut, quaecumque agunt, ad eam referant obliti commodorum suorum, alterum, ut totum corpus rei publicae curent, ne, dum partem aliquam tuentur, reliquas deserant. Ut enim tutela, sic procuratio rei publicae ad eorum utilitatem, qui commissi sunt, non ad eorum, quibus commissa est, gerenda est. Qui autem parti civium consulunt, partem neglegunt, rem perniciosissimam in civitatem inducunt, seditionem atque discordiam; ex quo evenit, ut alii populares, alii studiosi optimi cuiusque videantur, pauci universorum. 3.17. Quocirca nec id, quod vere honestum est, fas est cum utilitatis repugtia comparari, nec id, quod communiter appellamus honestum, quod colitur ab iis, qui bonos se viros haberi volunt, cum emolumentis umquam est comparandum, tamque id honestum, quod in nostram intellegentiam cadit, tuendum conservandumque nobis est quam illud, quod proprie dicitur vereque est honestum, sapientibus; aliter enim teneri non potest, si qua ad virtutem est facta progressio. Sed haec quidem de iis, qui conservatione officiorum existimantur boni. 3.22. Ut, si unum quodque membrum sensum hunc haberet, ut posse putaret se valere, si proximi membri valetudinem ad se traduxisset, debilitari et interire totum corpus necesse esset, sic, si unus quisque nostrum ad se rapiat commoda aliorum detrahatque, quod cuique possit, emolumenti sui gratia, societas hominum et communitas evertatur necesse est. Nam sibi ut quisque malit, quod ad usum vitae pertineat, quam alteri acquirere, concessum est non repugte natura, illud natura non patitur, ut aliorum spoliis nostras facultates, copias, opes augeamus. 3.23. Neque vero hoc solum natura, id est iure gentium, sed etiam legibus populorum, quibus in singulis civitatibus res publica continetur, eodem modo constitutum est, ut non liceat sui commodi causa nocere alteri; hoc enim spectant leges, hoc volunt, incolumem esse civium coniunctionem; quam qui dirimunt, eos morte, exsilio, vinclis, damno coërcent. Atque hoc multo magis efficit ipsa naturae ratio, quae est lex divina et humana; cui parere qui velit (omnes autem parebunt, qui secundum naturam volent vivere), numquam committet, ut alienum appetat et id, quod alteri detraxerit, sibi adsumat. 3.32. Nam quod ad Phalarim attinet, perfacile iudicium est. Nulla est enim societas nobis cum tyrannis, et potius summa distractio est, neque est contra naturam spoliare eum, si possis, quem est honestum necare, atque hoc omne genus pestiferum atque impium ex hominum communitate extermidum est. Etenim, ut membra quaedam amputantur, si et ipsa sanguine et tamquam spiritu carere coeperunt et nocent reliquis partibus corporis, sic ista in figura hominis feritas et immanitas beluae a communi tamquam humanitatis corpore segreganda est. Huius generis quaestiones sunt omnes eae, in quibus ex tempore officium exquiritur. 1.85.  Those who propose to take charge of the affairs of government should not fail to remember two of Plato's rules: first, to keep the good of the people so clearly in view that regardless of their own interests they will make their every action conform to that; second, to care for the welfare of the whole body politic and not in serving the interests of some one party to betray the rest. For the administration of the government, like the office of a trustee, must be conducted for the benefit of those entrusted to one's care, not of those to whom it is entrusted. Now, those who care for the interests of a part of the citizens and neglect another part, introduce into the civil service a dangerous element — dissension and party strife. The result is that some are found to be loyal supporters of the democratic, others of the aristocratic party, and few of the nation as a whole. 3.17.  For these reasons it is unlawful either to weigh true morality against conflicting expediency, or common morality, which is cultivated by those who wish to be considered good men, against what is profitable; but we every-day people must observe and live up to that moral right which comes within the range of our comprehension as jealously as the truly wise men have to observe and live up to that which is morally right in the technical and true sense of the word. For otherwise we cannot maintain such progress as we have made in the direction of virtue. So much for those who have won a reputation for being good men by their careful observance of duty. 3.22.  Suppose, by way of comparison, that each one of our bodily members should conceive this idea and imagine that it could be strong and well if it should draw off to itself the health and strength of its neighbouring member, the whole body would necessarily be enfeebled and die; so, if each one of us should seize upon the property of his neighbours and take from each whatever he could appropriate to his own use, the bonds of human society must inevitably be annihilated. For, without any conflict with Nature's laws, it is granted that everybody may prefer to secure for himself rather than for his neighbour what is essential for the conduct of life; but Nature's laws do forbid us to increase our means, wealth, and resources by despoiling others. 3.23.  But this principle is established not by Nature's laws alone (that is, by the common rules of equity), but also by the statutes of particular communities, in accordance with which in individual states the public interests are maintained. In all these it is with one accord ordained that no man shall be allowed for the sake of his own advantage to injure his neighbour. For it is to this that the laws have regard; this is their intent, that the bonds of union between citizens should not be impaired; and any attempt to destroy these bonds is repressed by the penalty of death, exile, imprisonment, or fine. Again, this principle follows much more effectually directly from the Reason which is in Nature, which is the law of gods and men. If anyone will hearken to that voice (and all will hearken to it who wish to live in accord with Nature's laws), he will never be guilty of coveting anything that is his neighbour's or of appropriating to himself what he has taken from his neighbour. 3.32.  As for the case of Phalaris, a decision is quite simple: we have no ties of fellowship with a tyrant, but rather the bitterest feud; and it is not opposed to Nature to rob, if one can, a man whom it is morally right to kill; — nay, all that pestilent and abominable race should be exterminated from human society. And this may be done by proper measures; for, as certain members are amputated, if they show signs themselves of being bloodless and virtually lifeless and thus jeopardize the health of the other parts of the body, so those fierce and savage monsters in human form should be cut off from what may be called the common body of humanity. of this sort are all those problems in which we have to determine what moral duty is, as it varies with varying circumstances.
74. Cicero, De Oratore, 1.17, 1.53, 1.60, 2.178, 2.199, 2.215 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 137; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 8
1.17. Est enim et scientia comprehendenda rerum plurimarum, sine qua verborum volubilitas iis atque inridenda est, et ipsa oratio conformanda non solum electione, sed etiam constructione verborum, et omnes animorum motus, quos hominum generi rerum natura tribuit, penitus pernoscendi, quod omnis vis ratioque dicendi in eorum, qui audiunt, mentibus aut sedandis aut excitandis expromenda est; accedat eodem oportet lepos quidam facetiaeque et eruditio libero digna celeritasque et brevitas et respondendi et lacessendi subtili venustate atque urbanitate coniuncta; tenenda praeterea est omnis antiquitas exemplorumque vis, neque legum ac iuris civilis scientia neglegenda est. 1.53. Quis enim nescit maximam vim exsistere oratoris in hominum mentibus vel ad iram aut ad odium aut ad dolorem incitandis vel ab hisce eisdem permotionibus ad lenitatem misericordiamque revocandis? Quae nisi qui naturas hominum vimque omnem humanitatis causasque eas, quibus mentes aut incitantur aut reflectuntur, penitus perspexerit, dicendo quod volet perficere non poterit. Atque totus hic locus philosophorum proprius videtur, neque orator me auctore umquam repugnabit; 1.60. Quaero enim num possit aut contra imperatorem aut pro imperatore dici sine rei militaris usu aut saepe etiam sine regionum terrestrium aut maritimarum scientia; num apud populum de legibus iubendis aut vetandis, num in senatu de omni rei publicae genere dici sine summa rerum civilium cognitione et prudentia; num admoveri possit oratio ad sensus animorum atque motus vel inflammandos vel etiam exstinguendos, quod unum in oratore dominatur, sine diligentissima pervestigatione earum omnium rationum, quae de naturis humani generis ac moribus a philosophis explicantur. 2.178. Haec properans ut et apud doctos et semidoctus ipse percurro, ut aliquando ad illa maiora veniamus: nihil est enim in dicendo, Catule, maius, quam ut faveat oratori is, qui audiet, utique ipse sic moveatur, ut impetu quodam animi et perturbatione magis quam iudicio aut consilio regatur: plura enim multo homines iudicant odio aut amore aut cupiditate aut iracundia aut dolore aut laetitia aut spe aut timore aut errore aut aliqua permotione mentis quam veritate aut praescripto aut iuris norma aliqua aut iudici formula aut legibus. 2.199. Omnium seditionum genera, vitia, pericula conlegi eamque orationem ex omni rei publicae nostrae temporum varietate repetivi conclusique ita, ut dicerem, etsi omnes semper molestae seditiones fuissent, iustas tamen fuisse non nullas et prope necessarias. Tum illa, quae modo Crassus commemorabat, egi: neque reges ex hac civitate exigi neque tribunos plebis creari neque plebiscitis totiens consularem potestatem minui neque provocationem, patronam illam civitatis ac vindicem libertatis, populo Romano dari sine nobilium dissensione potuisse; ac, si illae seditiones saluti huic civitati fuissent, non continuo, si quis motus populi factus esset, id C. Norbano in nefario crimine atque in fraude capitali esse ponendum. Quod si umquam populo Romano concessum esset ut iure incitatus videretur, id quod docebam saepe esse concessum, nullam illa causa iustiorem fuisse. Tum omnem orationem traduxi et converti in increpandam Caepionis fugam, in deplorandum interitum exercitus: sic et eorum dolorem, qui lugebant suos, oratione refricabam et animos equitum Romanorum, apud quos tum iudices causa agebatur, ad Q. Caepionis odium, a quo erant ipsi propter iudicia abalienati, renovabam. 2.215. qua re qui aut breviter aut summisse dicunt, docere iudicem possunt, commovere non possunt; in quo sunt omnia. Iam illud perspicuum est, omnium rerum in contrarias partis facultatem ex eisdem suppeditari locis. Sed argumento resistendum est aut eis, quae comprobandi eius causa sumuntur, reprehendendis aut demonstrando, id, quod concludere illi velint, non effici ex propositis nec esse consequens, aut, si ita non refellas, adferendum est in contrariam partem, quod sit aut gravius aut aeque grave.
75. Cicero, Republic, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 18
1.6. nam vel exilium Camilli vel offensio commemoratur Ahalae vel invidia Nasicae vel expulsio Laenatis vel Opimii damnatio vel fuga Metelli vel acerbissima C. Marii clades principum que caedes vel eorum multorum pestes, quae paulo post secutae sunt. Nec vero iam meo nomine abstinent et, credo, quia nostro consilio ac periculo sese in illa vita atque otio conservatos putant, gravius etiam de nobis queruntur et amantius. Sed haud facile dixerim, cur, cum ipsi discendi aut visendi causa maria tramittant 1.6. Arusianus Messius GL 7.457K A qua isti avocabant.
76. Cicero, Pro Cluentio, 4, 67 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 17
77. Cicero, On Old Age, 14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •memmius, c., menenius agrippa, fable of Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 14
78. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 3.8.3-3.8.5, 7.23, 7.23.1-7.23.2, 13.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •josephus, on agrippa i, and house tax •vipsanius agrippa, m., on public art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 58; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 179
79. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, 3.5.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •memmius, c., menenius agrippa, fable of Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 18
80. Cicero, In Catilinam, 4.11.18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa Found in books: Pandey (2018), The Poetics of Power in Augustan Rome, 172
81. Cicero, In Pisonem, 46 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •vipsanius agrippa, m. Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 137
82. Cicero, In Verrem, 1.1.30, 2.1.46, 2.1.64, 2.2.50, 2.2.84-2.2.85, 2.2.114, 2.4.1-2.4.7, 2.4.29-2.4.30, 2.4.32, 2.4.79, 2.4.122, 2.4.128-2.4.130, 4.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •menenius, agrippa •rome, saepta julia, m. vipsanius agrippa builds •vipsanius agrippa, m., on public art •rome, baths of agrippa •vipsanius agrippa, m., purchases paintings from the cyzicans •agrippa •agrippa, map of Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 49; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 49; Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 138; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 49, 58, 67, 75
83. Cicero, Orator, 128, 69 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 137
84. Cicero, Brutus, 261, 276, 279, 322, 54, 141 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 18
85. Cicero, Letters, 5.16.2, 6.2.3, 9.10.3, 11.6.2, 13.6.1, 89.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •josephus, on agrippa i, and house tax •memmius, c., menenius agrippa, fable of •agrippa postumus •vipsanius agrippa, m. •agrippa Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 76; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 177; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 127; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 179; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 20
86. Cicero, Philippicae, 9.14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •vipsanius agrippa, m., on public art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 58
87. Anon., Testament of Solomon, 11 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 60
88. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 2.34-2.41, 10.30, 15.29, 16.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii •agrippa ii, son of agrippa i •herod agrippa i •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 231; Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 179; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 37; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 49
2.34. But they said, "We will not come out, nor will we do what the king commands and so profane the sabbath day." 2.35. Then the enemy hastened to attack them. 2.36. But they did not answer them or hurl a stone at them or block up their hiding places, 2.37. for they said, "Let us all die in our innocence; heaven and earth testify for us that you are killing us unjustly." 2.38. So they attacked them on the sabbath, and they died, with their wives and children and cattle, to the number of a thousand persons. 2.39. When Mattathias and his friends learned of it, they mourned for them deeply. 2.40. And each said to his neighbor: "If we all do as our brethren have done and refuse to fight with the Gentiles for our lives and for our ordices, they will quickly destroy us from the earth." 2.41. So they made this decision that day: "Let us fight against every man who comes to attack us on the sabbath day; let us not all die as our brethren died in their hiding places." 10.30. and instead of collecting the third of the grain and the half of the fruit of the trees that I should receive, I release them from this day and henceforth. I will not collect them from the land of Judah or from the three districts added to it from Samaria and Galilee, from this day and for all time. 15.29. You have devastated their territory, you have done great damage in the land, and you have taken possession of many places in my kingdom. 16.5. Early in the morning they arose and marched into the plain, and behold, a large force of infantry and horsemen was coming to meet them; and a stream lay between them.
89. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 1.30, 3.10, 4.43-4.47, 5.17-5.18, 5.21, 7.8, 7.18-7.19, 9.9, 12.43, 14.33, 15.1-15.7, 15.32 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii •herod, agrippa ii Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 333; Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 234, 246; Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 94; Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 177
1.30. Then the priests sang the hymns." 3.10. The high priest explained that there were some deposits belonging to widows and orphans,' 4.43. Charges were brought against Menelaus about this incident." 4.44. When the king came to Tyre, three men sent by the senate presented the case before him.' 4.45. But Menelaus, already as good as beaten, promised a substantial bribe to Ptolemy son of Dorymenes to win over the king.' 4.46. Therefore Ptolemy, taking the king aside into a colonnade as if for refreshment, induced the king to change his mind.' 4.47. Menelaus, the cause of all the evil, he acquitted of the charges against him, while he sentenced to death those unfortunate men, who would have been freed uncondemned if they had pleaded even before Scythians.' 5.17. Antiochus was elated in spirit, and did not perceive that the Lord was angered for a little while because of the sins of those who dwelt in the city, and that therefore he was disregarding the holy place.' 5.18. But if it had not happened that they were involved in many sins, this man would have been scourged and turned back from his rash act as soon as he came forward, just as Heliodorus was, whom Seleucus the king sent to inspect the treasury.' 5.21. So Antiochus carried off eighteen hundred talents from the temple, and hurried away to Antioch, thinking in his arrogance that he could sail on the land and walk on the sea, because his mind was elated.' 7.8. He replied in the language of his fathers, and said to them, 'No.'Therefore he in turn underwent tortures as the first brother had done.' 7.18. After him they brought forward the sixth. And when he was about to die, he said, 'Do not deceive yourself in vain. For we are suffering these things on our own account, because of our sins against our own God. Therefore astounding things have happened.' 7.19. But do not think that you will go unpunished for having tried to fight against God!' 9.9. And so the ungodly man's body swarmed with worms, and while he was still living in anguish and pain, his flesh rotted away, and because of his stench the whole army felt revulsion at his decay.' 12.43. He also took up a collection, man by man, to the amount of two thousand drachmas of silver, and sent it to Jerusalem to provide for a sin offering. In doing this he acted very well and honorably, taking account of the resurrection.' 14.33. he stretched out his right hand toward the sanctuary, and swore this oath: 'If you do not hand Judas over to me as a prisoner, I will level this precinct of God to the ground and tear down the altar, and I will build here a splendid temple to Dionysus.' 15.1. When Nicanor heard that Judas and his men were in the region of Samaria, he made plans to attack them with complete safety on the day of rest.' 15.2. And when the Jews who were compelled to follow him said, 'Do not destroy so savagely and barbarously, but show respect for the day which he who sees all things has honored and hallowed above other days,' 15.3. the thrice-accursed wretch asked if there were a sovereign in heaven who had commanded the keeping of the sabbath day." 15.4. And when they declared, 'It is the living Lord himself, the Sovereign in heaven, who ordered us to observe the seventh day,' 15.5. he replied, 'And I am a sovereign also, on earth, and I command you to take up arms and finish the king's business.'Nevertheless, he did not succeed in carrying out his abominable design.' 15.6. This Nicanor in his utter boastfulness and arrogance had determined to erect a public monument of victory over Judas and his men." 15.7. But Maccabeus did not cease to trust with all confidence that he would get help from the Lord." 15.32. He showed them the vile Nicanor's head and that profane man's arm, which had been boastfully stretched out against the holy house of the Almighty;'
90. Septuagint, Wisdom of Solomon, a b c d\n0 4.19 4.19 4 19\n1 19.8 19.8 19 8 \n2 8.10 8.10 8 10\n3 8.11 8.11 8 11\n4 8.12 8.12 8 12\n5 8. 8. 8 \n6 8.9 8.9 8 9 \n7 8.8 8.8 8 8 \n8 8.13 8.13 8 13\n9 8.14 8.14 8 14\n10 2 2 2 0 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 246
4.19. because he will dash them speechless to the ground,and shake them from the foundations;they will be left utterly dry and barren,and they will suffer anguish,and the memory of them will perish.
91. Septuagint, Judith, 14.6-14.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 0th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 94
14.6. So they summoned Achior from the house of Uzziah. And when he came and saw the head of Holofernes in the hand of one of the men at the gathering of the people, he fell down on his face and his spirit failed him. 14.7. And when they raised him up he fell at Judith's feet, and knelt before her, and said, "Blessed are you in every tent of Judah! In every nation those who hear your name will be alarmed. 14.8. Now tell me what you have done during these days." Then Judith described to him in the presence of the people all that she had done, from the day she left until the moment of her speaking to them.
92. Varro, On The Latin Language, 5.38 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa, portico of •portico of agrippa Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 105
93. Varro, On Agriculture, 1.2.1, 1.59.2, 2.5.1, 3.2.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •map of agrippa (cf. peutinger table) •vipsanius agrippa, m., on public art •agrippa •octavian, bestowal of naval crown on agrippa Found in books: Gee (2020), Mapping the Afterlife: From Homer to Dante, 60; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 154, 177; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 58
94. Polybius, Histories, 3.4, 3.39.8, 6.53, 6.54.2, 34.1.1-34.1.5, 38.10-38.18 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii •agrippa, marcus vipsanius •agrippa •memmius, c., menenius agrippa, fable of Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 218, 233; Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 184; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 49; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 8
3.39.8. καὶ μὴν ἐντεῦθεν ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ Ῥοδανοῦ διάβασιν περὶ χιλίους ἑξακοσίους· [ταῦτα γὰρ νῦν βεβημάτισται καὶ σεσημείωται κατὰ σταδίους ὀκτὼ διὰ Ῥωμαίων ἐπιμελῶς· 6.54.2. ἐξ ὧν καινοποιουμένης ἀεὶ τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν τῆς ἐπʼ ἀρετῇ φήμης ἀθανατίζεται μὲν ἡ τῶν καλόν τι διαπραξαμένων εὔκλεια, γνώριμος δὲ τοῖς πολλοῖς καὶ παραδόσιμος τοῖς ἐπιγινομένοις ἡ τῶν εὐεργετησάντων τὴν πατρίδα γίνεται δόξα. τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, 34.1.1. οἱ δʼ ἐν τῇ κοινῇ τῆς ἱστορίας γραφῇ χωρὶς ἀποδείξαντες τὴν τῶν ἠπείρων τοπογραφίαν, 34.1.2. καθάπερ Ἔφορός τε ἐποίησε καὶ Πολύβιος. — 34.1.3. Πολύβιος φήσας περὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν καλῶς μὲν Εὔδοξον, κάλλιστα δʼ Ἔφορον ἐξηγεῖσθαι περὶ κτίσεων, 34.1.4. συγγενειῶν, μεταναστάσεων, ἀρχηγετῶν, ἡμεῖς δέ, φησί, τὰ νῦν ὄντα δηλώσομεν καὶ περὶ θέσεως τόπων καὶ διαστημάτων· 34.1.5. τοῦτο γάρ ἐστιν οἰκειότατον χωρογραφίᾳ. 3.4. 1.  Now if from their success or failure alone we could form an adequate judgement of how far states and individuals are worthy of praise or blame, I could here lay down my pen, bringing my narrative and this whole work to a close with the last-mentioned events, as was my original intention.,2.  For the period of fifty-three years finished here, and the growth and advance of Roman power was now complete.,3.  Besides which it was now universally accepted as a necessary fact that henceforth all must submit to the Romans and obey their orders.,4.  But since judgements regarding either the conquerors or the conquered based purely on performance are by no means final —,5.  what is thought to be the greatest success having brought the greatest calamities on many, if they do not make proper use of it, and the most dreadful catastrophes often turning out to the advantage of those who support them bravely —,6.  I must append to the history of the above period an account of the subsequent policy of the conquerors and their method of universal rule, as well as of the various opinions and appreciations of their rulers entertained by the subjects, and finally I must describe what were the prevailing and domit tendencies and ambitions of the various peoples in their private and public life.,7.  For it is evident that contemporaries will thus be able to see clearly whether the Roman rule is acceptable or the reverse, and future generations whether their government should be considered to have been worthy of praise and admiration or rather of blame.,8.  And indeed it is just in this that the chief usefulness of this work for the present and the future will lie.,9.  For neither rulers themselves nor their critics should regard the end of action as being merely conquest and the subjection of all to their rule;,10.  since no man of sound sense goes to war with his neighbours simply for the sake of crushing an adversary, just as no one sails on the open sea just for the sake of crossing it. Indeed no one even takes up the study of arts and crafts merely for the sake of knowledge,,11.  but all men do all they do for the resulting pleasure, good, or utility.,12.  So the final end achieved by this work will be, to gain knowledge of what was the condition of each people after all had been crushed and had come under the dominion of Rome, until the disturbed and troubled time that afterwards ensued.,13.  About this latter, owing to the importance of the actions and the unexpected character of the events, and chiefly because I not only witnessed most but took part and even directed some, I was induced to write as if starting on a fresh work. 3.39.8.  From Emporium to Narbo it is about six hundred stades, and from Narbo to the passage of the Rhone about sixteen hundred, this part of the road having now been carefully measured by the Romans and marked with milestones at every eighth stade. 6.53. 1.  Whenever any illustrious man dies, he is carried at his funeral into the forum to the so‑called rostra, sometimes conspicuous in an upright posture and more rarely reclined.,2.  Here with all the people standing round, a grown-up son, if he has left one who happens to be present, or if not some other relative mounts the rostra and discourses on the virtues and success­ful achievements of the dead.,3.  As a consequence the multitude and not only those who had a part in these achievements, but those also who had none, when the facts are recalled to their minds and brought before their eyes, are moved to such sympathy that the loss seems to be not confined to the mourners, but a public one affecting the whole people.,4.  Next after the interment and the performance of the usual ceremonies, they place the image of the departed in the most conspicuous position in the house, enclosed in a wooden shrine.,5.  This image is a mask reproducing with remarkable fidelity both the features and complexion of the deceased.,6.  On the occasion of public sacrifices they display these images, and decorate them with much care, and when any distinguished member of the family dies they take them to the funeral, putting them on men who seem to them to bear the closest resemblance to the original in stature and carriage.,7.  These representatives wear togas, with a purple border if the deceased was a consul or praetor, whole purple if he was a censor, and embroidered with gold if he had celebrated a triumph or achieved anything similar.,8.  They all ride in chariots preceded by the fasces, axes, and other insignia by which the different magistrates are wont to be accompanied according to the respective dignity of the offices of state held by each during his life;,9.  and when they arrive at the rostra they all seat themselves in a row on ivory chairs. There could not easily be a more ennobling spectacle for a young man who aspires to fame and virtue.,10.  For who would not be inspired by the sight of the images of men renowned for their excellence, all together and as if alive and breathing? What spectacle could be more glorious than this? 6.54.2.  By this means, by this constant renewal of the good report of brave men, the celebrity of those who performed noble deeds is rendered immortal, while at the same time the fame of those who did good service to their country becomes known to the people and a heritage for future generations. 34.1.1.  Those who in a general history have dealt separately with the geography of the continents 34.1.2.  like Ephorus and Polybius. (Id., X.3.5, C 465) 34.1.3.  Polybius says that in regard to Greece Eudoxus has given a good and Ephorus a very good account of the foundation of cities, genealogies, migrations, 34.1.4.  and the planters of colonies; "but I," he adds, "will describe the actual situation of places and give the actual distances, that being the most essential thing in geography." 38.10. 1.  Sextus Julius and his colleagues on their way from Rome to the Peloponnesus met the envoys headed by Thearidas who had been sent by the Achaeans to excuse themselves and to inform the senate of the truth concerning the foolish insults inflicted on Aurelius and his fellow-legates.,3.  Sextus and his colleagues upon meeting the Achaean envoys begged them to return to Achaea, as they themselves were charged to discuss the whole matter with the Achaeans.,4.  When upon reaching the Peloponnesus they conversed with the Achaeans in Aegium their language was most courteous; they scarcely alluded to the charge of ill-treating the legates or demanded any justification of the conduct of the Achaeans, but taking a most favourable view of what had occurred than the Achaeans themselves, begged them not to give any further offence either to the Romans or to the Lacedaemonians.,6.  Upon this all the wiser people gladly accepted the advice, conscious as they were of their error and having before their eyes the fate that awaited those who opposed Rome; but the majority, while having nothing to say against the just strictness of Sextus and being obliged to keep silence, yet remained ill-conditioned and demoralized.,8.  And Diaeus and Critolaus and all who shared their views — and these were, so to speak, a deliberate selection from each city of the worst men, the most god-forsaken and the greatest corruptors of the nation — not only as the proverb has it, took with the left hand what the Romans gave with the right, but were under an entire and absolute misconception.,9.  For they imagined that the Romans, owing to their campaigns in Africa and in Spain, were afraid of a war with the Achaeans, and consequently tolerated everything and were ready to say anything.,11.  Consequently, thinking that they were masters of the situation, they answered the legates in courteous terms, insisting, however, upon sending Thearidas and his colleagues to the senate: they themselves would accompany the legates as far as Tegea, where they would discuss matters with the Lacedaemonians and try to find a means of coming to an agreement with them which would put an end to the war.,12.  After giving this answer, they by their future conduct, led on the unhappy nation to adopt the mistaken policy they had set their hearts on.,13.  What else could be expected when those in power were so ignorant and ill-disposed? 38.11. 1.  The end of the catastrophe was brought about in the following way.,2.  When Sextus and the other legates reached Tegea they invited the Lacedaemonians to attend there so that they might act in unison towards the Achaeans, both as regards exacting justice for their offences in the past and as regards the suspension of hostilities, until the Romans should send commissioners to deal with the whole situation.,3.  Critolaus and his party now held a meeting at which it was decided that the others should decline to meet the Romans, but that Critolaus alone should proceed to Tegea.,4.  Critolaus arrived at Tegea when Sextus and his colleagues had almost given up all hope of his coming, and when they called in the Lacedaemonians to negotiate he refused to make any concessions, saying that he was not empowered to arrange anything without taking the opinion of the people, but that he would refer the matter to the next Assembly which was to meet in six months.,6.  So that Sextus and his colleagues, now recognizing that Critolaus was guilty of wilful obstruction, and indigt at his answer, allowed the Lacedaemonians to return home and themselves left for Italy, pronouncing Critolaus to have acted in a wrong-headed way and like a madman.,7.  After their departure Critolaus visited the different cities during the winter and called meetings, on the pretext that he wished to inform the people of the language he had used to the Lacedaemonians and the Roman legates at Tegea,,8.  but in reality for the purpose of accusing the Romans and giving the worst sense to all that they had said,,9.  by which means he inspired the populace with hostility and hatred.,10.  At the same time he advised the magistrates not to exact payment from debtors or to admit into the prisons those arrested for debt, and also to make the enforced contributions permanent; until the war was decided.,11.  As a result of such appeals to the rabble everything he said was accepted as true, and the people were ready to do anything he ordered, incapable as they were of taking thought for the future, and enticed by the bait of present favour and ease. 38.12. 1.  When Quintus Caecilius in Macedonia heard of all this, and of the foolish excitement and commotion in the Peloponnesus, he dispatched there as legates Gnaeus Papirius, the younger Popilius Laenas, Aulus Gabinius, and Gaius Fannius.,2.  They happened to arrive when the General Assembly of the Achaeans was being held at Corinth, and when brought before the people addressed them at length in the same conciliatory terms as Sextus and his colleagues had done, employing every effort to prevent the Achaeans from proceeding to acts of declared hostility towards Rome, either on account of their difference with Sparta or owing to their dislike of the Romans themselves.,4.  The people, on listening to them, showed no disposition to comply, but jeered at the legates, hooted and hustled them out of the meeting.,5.  For never had there been collected such a pack of artizans and common men. All the towns, indeed, were in a drivelling state, but the malady was universal and most fierce at Corinth.,6.  There were a few, however, who were exceedingly gratified by the language of the legates.,7.  But Critolaus, thinking he had got hold of the very handle he had been praying for and of an audience ready to share his fervour and run mad, attacked the authorities and inveighed against his political opponents, and used the utmost freedom of language regarding the Roman legates,,8.  saying that he wished to be friends with Rome, but he was not at all minded to make himself subject to despots.,9.  The general tenour of his advice was that if they behaved like men they would be in no want of allies, but if they behaved no better than women they would have plenty of lords and masters.,10.  By dealing freely and systematically in such phrases he continued to excite and irritate the mob.,11.  He much insisted that his policy was by no means a haphazard one, but that some of the kings and states shared his design. 38.13. 1.  When the assembly of elders wished to check him and keep him from using such language, he defied them, soliciting the aid of the soldiery and calling on anyone who chose to come on, to approach him, or to dare even lay hands on his cloak.,2.  He said in fine that he had long held his hand, but would say what he felt.,3.  "For," he said, "we should not so much fear the Lacedaemonians or the Romans, as those among ourselves who are co-operating with the enemy. Yes, there are some who favour the Romans and Lacedaemonians more than our own interests.",4.  He even produced proofs of this, saying Euagoras of Aegium and Stratius of Tritaea communicated all the secret decisions of the magistrates to Gnaeus.,5.  And when Stratius confessed he had associated with the legates and said he would continue to do so, as they were friends and allies, but swore that he had never reported to them anything that had been said at the meetings of magistrates, a few people believed him, but most gave ear to the accusation.,6.  Critolaus having excited the mob by the charges he brought against these men, persuaded the Achaeans again to vote for war, nominally against Sparta, but really against Rome.,7.  He added another unconstitutional decree, enacting that the men they chose as strategi should have absolute power, by which means he acquired a kind of despotic authority.,8.  Critolaus then, having carried through these measures, set himself to intrigue against and attack the Romans, not listening to reason, but forming projects which outraged the laws of god and man.,9.  As for the legates, Gnaeus proceeded to Athens and thence to Sparta to await the progress of events, while Aulus went to Naupactus and the other two remained in Athens until the arrival of Caecilius. Such was the state of affairs in the Peloponnesus. 38.14. 1.  Pytheas was the brother of Acastides the stadium-runner and the son of Cleomnastus. He had led an evil life and was thought to have been debauched in his early years.,2.  He was also reckless and grasping in public life, and for the reasons I have stated above had been indebted for his advancement to Eumenes and Philetaerus. (From Orosius V.3),3.  Polybius the Achaean, though he was then with Scipio in Africa, nevertheless, as he could not remain in ignorance of the disaster of his own country, tells us there was only one battle in Achaea, Critolaus being in command. But he adds that Diaeus, who was bringing up reinforcements from Arcadia, was defeated by the same praetor Metellus. 38.15. 1.  Upon the death of Critolaus, the strategus of the Achaeans, since the law enjoined that if anything happened to the actual strategus he should be succeeded by his predecessor until the regular Assembly of the Achaeans met, the management and direction devolved on Diaeus. Consequently, sending a message to Megara and proceeding himself to Argos, he wrote to all the cities to set free twelve thousand of such of their home-born and home-bred slaves as were in the prime of life, and after arming them, to send them to Corinth. But he apportioned the number of slaves ordered to be sent by each city as he chose and unfairly, as he always did about other matters. If they had not enough home-bred slaves, they had to supply the deficiency from their other slaves. As he saw that their public exchequers were very badly off in consequence of the war with Sparta, he compelled them to make also special calls and to exact contributions from the wealthier inhabitants, not only from men but from women also.,7.  At the same time he ordered all citizens capable of bearing arms to muster at Corinth.,8.  In consequence all the cities were full of confusion, disturbance, and despondency.,9.  They praised those who had fallen and pitied those who were marching off, and everyone apart from this was perpetually in tears as if they foresaw the future.,10.  They suffered much from the insolence and impudence of the slaves, some of whom had been just set free while the rest were excited by the hope of freedom.,11.  At the same time the men were forced to contribute willy-nilly whatever they were supposed to possess, and the women, stripping themselves and their children of their jewellery, had to contribute this, almost as of set purpose, to a fund that could only bring destruction on them. 38.16. 1.  As all this was happening at one and the same time, the dismay created by the particular events of every day rendered people incapable of that general and careful reflection, which would have made them foresee that they all with their wives and children were clearly on the road to ruin.,2.  So, as if carried away and swept down by the force of a fierce torrent, they resigned themselves to the demented and perverse guidance of their leader.,3.  The people of Elis and Messene indeed remained at home in expectation of an attack by the fleet, but they would have profited nothing by the circumstances if that cloud had appeared on their horizon as was originally contemplated.,4.  The people of Patrae and those who contributed assistance together with them had a short time previously met with disaster in Phocis, and their case was much more lamentable than that of their allies in the Peloponnese;,5.  for some of them in strange desperation had put an end to their lives, and others were flying from the cities across country, directing their flight to no particular place, but terror-stricken by what was taking place in the towns.,6.  Some arrested others to surrender them to the enemy as having been guilty of opposition to Rome, and others informed against their friends and accused them, although no such service was demanded of them at present. Others again presented themselves as suppliants, confessing their treachery and asking what their punishment should be, in spite of the fact that no one as yet demanded any explanation of their conduct in this respect.,7.  The whole country in fact was visited by an unparalleled attack of mental disturbance, people throwing themselves into wells and down precipices, so that, as the proverb says, the calamity of Greece would even arouse the pity of an enemy, had he witnessed it.,8.  In former times indeed they had erred gravely and sometimes entirely come to grief, quarrelling now about questions of state and now betrayed by despots, but at the time I speak of they met with what all acknowledge to be a real calamity owing to the folly of their leaders and their own errors.,10.  The Thebans even abandoned their city in a body and left it entirely desert: among them was Pytheas, who fled to the Peloponnese with his wife and children and was wandering about the country.,11.  The enemies' answer seemed surprising to Diaeus; but I think that as the proverb says, "Empty heads have empty notions." So that naturally such people think that what is obvious is surprising. ,12. And he (Diaeus) began to think about the best way of getting home, acting just like a man who cannot swim but is about to throw himself into the sea, and never hesitates in making the plunge, but having made it begins to think how he can swim to shore. 38.17. 1.  A short time after the arrival of Diaeus at Corinth, on his having been appointed strategus by the people,,2.  Andronidas and his colleagues returned from their embassy to Caecilius. He had previously circulated a report that they were in league with the enemy and he now gave them up to the mob, so that they were arrested with every circumstance of ignominy and led off to prison in chains.,3.  Philo of Thessaly also came the bearer of many kind offers to the Achaeans, and certain Achaeans, on learning of this, gave him their support, among others Stratius, who was now advanced in years, and embracing and imploring Diaeus, begged him to accept the proposals of Caecilius.,5.  But the members of the assembly paid no attention to what Philo said, for they did not think that the whole nation would be spared, but that Philo spoke so in his own interest and concerned chiefly for his own safety and that of his friends. They therefore discussed the situation under this impression, although they were entirely wrong in entertaining it.,7.  For as they were perfectly conscious of their guilt, they could not conceive that the Romans could possibly have any compassion on them.,8.  They did not in the least think of making any brave sacrifice for the sake of the state, and the safety of the people in general, as was their duty if they were men who valued their reputations and pretended to be the leaders of Greece.,9.  But how could they possibly show any such spirit, for the members of the Council were Diaeus and Damocritus — who had recently been allowed to return owing to the prevailing unwisdom — and in addition Alcamenes, Theodectes, and Archicrates,,10.  all men of whom I have already spoken at length, describing who they were and what were their characters, principles, and lives. 38.18. 1.  Such being the members of the council, the result of their deliberations was in accord with their characters.,2.  Not only did they at once imprison Andronidas and Lagius, but the under-strategus Sosicrates as well, alleging that he had presided over the previous council, and had taken part in the decision to send to Caecilius, and was in fact the main cause of all the evil.,3.  On the following day they appointed a tribunal and condemned Sosicrates to death, and binding him on the rack continued the torture until he died under it without making any such avowal as they expected.,4.  As for Lagius and Andronidas and Archippus, they released them, partly because the attention of the people had been aroused by the flagrant injustice of their treatment of Sosicrates, and partly because Diaeus received a talent from Andronidas and forty minae from Archippus;,5.  for Diaeus could not even when he was at bay, as the saying is, abstain from such shameless and illegal exactions.,6.  He had a short time previously behaved in a very similar manner to Philinus of Corinth. For accusing him of communicating with Menalcidas and of being a partisan of the Romans, he continued to flog and rack Philinus himself and his sons before each others' eyes until both the father and the boys gave up the ghost.,7.  One is inclined to ask oneself, in view of the fact that all were guilty of such folly and demoralization as it would not be easy to find among barbarians, how it came to pass that the whole nation was not utterly destroyed.,8.  For my part I should say that some sort of resourceful and ingenious fortune counteracted the folly and insanity of the leading statesmen — a power which, though the leaders in their folly took every means and every opportunity to expel her, yet had resolved to leave nothing undone to save Achaea, and like a skilful wrestler adopted the sole device left to her,,9.  and that was to bring about the speedy discomfiture and easy defeat of the Greeks, as she in fact did.,10.  For owing to this the indignation and wrath of the Romans were not still further aroused, nor did the forces come from Africa, nor were the leading statesmen, whose characters were such as I said and who only wanted a pretext, able to reveal fully their guilty intentions to their countrymen.,11.  For it is evident from the analogy of their previous conduct, such as I have described it, how they would probably have acted against their own people if they had had any opportunity or achieved any success.,12.  Everybody in fact kept repeating the proverb, "Had we not perished so soon we would never have been saved."V. The Fall of Carthage (From Plutarch, Apophthegmata, p200)
95. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 9.771, 15.745-15.851 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa, m. vipsanius •agrippa Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 166; Pandey (2018), The Poetics of Power in Augustan Rome, 78
9.771. crinalem capiti vittam nataeque sibique 15.745. Hic tamen accessit delubris advena nostris: 15.746. Caesar in urbe sua deus est; quem Marte togaque 15.747. praecipuum non bella magis finita triumphis 15.748. resque domi gestae properataque gloria rerum 15.749. in sidus vertere novum stellamque comantem, 15.750. quam sua progenies; neque enim de Caesaris actis 15.751. ullum maius opus, quam quod pater exstitit huius: 15.752. scilicet aequoreos plus est domuisse Britannos 15.753. perque papyriferi septemflua flumina Nili 15.754. victrices egisse rates Numidasque rebelles 15.755. Cinyphiumque Iubam Mithridateisque tumentem 15.756. nominibus Pontum populo adiecisse Quirini 15.757. et multos meruisse, aliquos egisse triumphos, 15.758. quam tantum genuisse virum? Quo praeside rerum 15.759. humano generi, superi, favistis abunde! 15.760. Ne foret hic igitur mortali semine cretus, 15.761. ille deus faciendus erat. Quod ut aurea vidit 15.762. Aeneae genetrix, vidit quoque triste parari 15.763. pontifici letum et coniurata arma moveri, 15.764. palluit et cunctis, ut cuique erat obvia, divis 15.765. “adspice” dicebat, “quanta mihi mole parentur 15.766. insidiae quantaque caput cum fraude petatur, 15.767. quod de Dardanio solum mihi restat Iulo. 15.768. Solane semper ero iustis exercita curis, 15.769. quam modo Tydidae Calydonia vulneret hasta, 15.770. nunc male defensae confundant moenia Troiae, 15.771. quae videam natum longis erroribus actum 15.772. iactarique freto sedesque intrare silentum 15.773. bellaque cum Turno gerere, aut, si vera fatemur, 15.774. cum Iunone magis? Quid nunc antiqua recordor 15.775. damna mei generis? Timor hic meminisse priorum 15.776. non sinit: en acui sceleratos cernitis enses? 15.777. Quos prohibete, precor, facinusque repellite, neve 15.778. caede sacerdotis flammas exstinguite Vestae!” 15.779. Talia nequiquam toto Venus anxia caelo 15.780. verba iacit superosque movet, qui rumpere quamquam 15.781. ferrea non possunt veterum decreta sororum, 15.782. signa tamen luctus dant haud incerta futuri. 15.783. Arma ferunt inter nigras crepitantia nubes 15.784. terribilesque tubas auditaque cornua caelo 15.785. praemonuisse nefas; solis quoque tristis imago 15.786. lurida sollicitis praebebat lumina terris. 15.787. Saepe faces visae mediis ardere sub astris, 15.788. saepe inter nimbos guttae cecidere cruentae. 15.789. Caerulus et vultum ferrugine Lucifer atra 15.790. sparsus erat, sparsi Lunares sanguine currus. 15.791. Tristia mille locis Stygius dedit omina bubo, 15.792. mille locis lacrimavit ebur, cantusque feruntur 15.793. auditi sanctis et verba mitia lucis. 15.794. Victima nulla litat magnosque instare tumultus 15.795. fibra monet, caesumque caput reperitur in extis. 15.796. Inque foro circumque domos et templa deorum 15.797. nocturnos ululasse canes umbrasque silentum 15.798. erravisse ferunt motamque tremoribus urbem. 15.799. Non tamen insidias venturaque vincere fata 15.800. praemonitus potuere deum, strictique feruntur 15.801. in templum gladii; neque enim locus ullus in urbe 15.802. ad facinus diramque placet nisi curia, caedem. 15.803. Tum vero Cytherea manu percussit utraque 15.804. pectus et Aeneaden molitur condere nube, 15.805. qua prius infesto Paris est ereptus Atridae 15.806. et Diomedeos Aeneas fugerat enses. 15.807. Talibus hanc genitor: “Sola insuperabile fatum, 15.808. nata, movere paras? Intres licet ipsa sororum 15.809. tecta trium: cernes illic molimine vasto 15.810. ex aere et solido rerum tabularia ferro, 15.811. quae neque concussum caeli neque fulminis iram 15.812. nec metuunt ullas tuta atque aeterna ruinas. 15.813. Invenies illic incisa adamante perenni 15.814. fata tui generis: legi ipse animoque notavi 15.815. et referam, ne sis etiamnum ignara futuri. 15.816. Hic sua complevit, pro quo, Cytherea, laboras, 15.817. tempora, perfectis, quos terrae debuit, annis. 15.818. Ut deus accedat caelo templisque colatur, 15.819. tu facies natusque suus, qui nominis heres 15.820. impositum feret unus onus caesique parentis 15.821. nos in bella suos fortissimus ultor habebit. 15.822. Illius auspiciis obsessae moenia pacem 15.823. victa petent Mutinae, Pharsalia sentiet illum. 15.824. Emathiique iterum madefient caede Philippi, 15.825. et magnum Siculis nomen superabitur undis, 15.826. Romanique ducis coniunx Aegyptia taedae 15.827. non bene fisa cadet, frustraque erit illa minata, 15.828. servitura suo Capitolia nostra Canopo. 15.829. Quid tibi barbariem, gentesque ab utroque iacentes 15.830. oceano numerem? Quodcumque habitabile tellus 15.831. sustinet, huius erit: pontus quoque serviet illi! 15.832. Pace data terris animum ad civilia vertet 15.833. iura suum legesque feret iustissimus auctor 15.834. exemploque suo mores reget inque futuri 15.835. temporis aetatem venturorumque nepotum 15.836. prospiciens prolem sancta de coniuge natam 15.837. ferre simul nomenque suum curasque iubebit, 15.838. nec nisi cum senior Pylios aequaverit annos, 15.839. aetherias sedes cognataque sidera tanget. 15.840. Hanc animam interea caeso de corpore raptam 15.841. fac iubar, ut semper Capitolia nostra forumque 15.842. divus ab excelsa prospectet Iulius aede.” 15.843. Vix ea fatus erat, media cum sede senatus 15.844. constitit alma Venus, nulli cernenda, suique 15.845. Caesaris eripuit membris neque in aera solvi 15.846. passa recentem animam caelestibus intulit astris. 15.847. Dumque tulit, lumen capere atque ignescere sensit 15.848. emisitque sinu: luna volat altius illa, 15.849. flammiferumque trahens spatioso limite crinem 15.850. stella micat natique videns bene facta fatetur 15.851. esse suis maiora et vinci gaudet ab illo.
96. Philo of Alexandria, On The Contemplative Life, 1 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa i (julius herod) Found in books: Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 33
1. Having mentioned the Essenes, who in all respects selected for their admiration and for their especial adoption the practical course of life, and who excel in all, or what perhaps may be a less unpopular and invidious thing to say, in most of its parts, I will now proceed, in the regular order of my subject, to speak of those who have embraced the speculative life, and I will say what appears to me to be desirable to be said on the subject, not drawing any fictitious statements from my own head for the sake of improving the appearance of that side of the question which nearly all poets and essayists are much accustomed to do in the scarcity of good actions to extol, but with the greatest simplicity adhering strictly to the truth itself, to which I know well that even the most eloquent men do not keep close in their speeches. Nevertheless we must make the endeavour and labour to attain to this virtue; for it is not right that the greatness of the virtue of the men should be a cause of silence to those who do not think it right that anything which is creditable should be suppressed in silence;
97. Propertius, Elegies, 2.23.5-2.23.6, 2.31.8, 3.2.18-3.2.22, 3.4, 3.11.57 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa, portico of •portico of agrippa •vipsanius agrippa, m., purchases paintings from the cyzicans •agrippa Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 73; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 105; Pandey (2018), The Poetics of Power in Augustan Rome, 181, 196; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 115
98. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 1.7, 1.34, 2.31-2.32, 2.193 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa i Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 159
1.7. And his father and mother were among the most excellent persons of their time, and though they were of the same time, still they were induced to unite themselves together more from an uimity of feeling than because they were related in blood; and Moses is the seventh generation in succession from the original settler in the country who was the founder of the whole race of the Jews. 1.34. for, as I have said before, the Jews were strangers in Egypt, the founders of their race having migrated from Babylon and the upper satrapies in the time of the famine, by reason of their want of food, and come and settled in Egypt, and having in a manner taken refuge like suppliants in the country as in a sacred asylum, fleeing for protection to the good faith of the king and the compassion of the inhabitants; 2.31. He, then, being a sovereign of this character, and having conceived a great admiration for and love of the legislation of Moses, conceived the idea of having our laws translated into the Greek language; and immediately he sent out ambassadors to the high-priest and king of Judea, for they were the same person. 2.32. And having explained his wishes, and having requested him to pick him out a number of men, of perfect fitness for the task, who should translate the law, the high-priest, as was natural, being greatly pleased, and thinking that the king had only felt the inclination to undertake a work of such a character from having been influenced by the providence of God, considered, and with great care selected the most respectable of the Hebrews whom he had about him, who in addition to their knowledge of their national scriptures, had also been well instructed in Grecian literature, and cheerfully sent them. 2.193. A certain man, illegitimately born of two unequal parents, namely, an Egyptian father and a Jewish mother, and who disregarded the national and hereditary customs which he had learnt from her, as it is reported, inclined to the Egyptian impiety, being seized with admiration for the ungodly practices of the men of that nation;
99. Livy, History, 1.19.2-1.19.3, 2.8.6-2.8.8, 2.15.1-2.15.5, 2.27.5, 2.32.9-2.32.12, 2.33.9, 3.63.5-3.63.7, 3.64.3, 3.70.15, 4.11.7, 4.17.1-4.17.6, 4.20.5-4.20.11, 4.29.7, 9.46.6-9.46.7, 22.49.7-22.49.9, 25.1.8, 25.39.8, 28.28.11-28.28.12, 39.8-39.14, 39.41.6-39.41.7, 40.43.2-40.43.3 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa, marcus visanius •agrippa •furius (fusus), agrippa •menenius agrippa (politician) •rome, baths of agrippa •menenius, agrippa •vipsanius agrippa, m. •agrippa postumus •agrippa, marcus vipsanius, Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 101; Edmonds (2019), Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World, 388; Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 162; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 48, 49; Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 14, 15, 138; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 76; McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 101; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 71, 75; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 127
100. Anon., Sibylline Oracles, 3.705 (1st cent. BCE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 166
101. Philo of Alexandria, Hypothetica, 7.13 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •marcus agrippa Found in books: Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 156
7.13. and, in fact, they do constantly assemble together, and they do sit down one with another, the multitude in general in silence, except when it is customary to say any words of good omen, by way of assent to what is being read. And then some priest who is present, or some one of the elders, reads the sacred laws to them, and interprets each of them separately till eventide; and then when separate they depart, having gained some skill in the sacred laws, and having made great advancers towards piety.
102. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 10, 100-109, 11, 110-118, 12, 120, 13, 132-137, 14-15, 156, 159, 16, 160-161, 166-168, 17, 170, 178, 18, 181-186, 19, 194, 198-199, 2, 20, 200-209, 21, 210-219, 22, 220-229, 23, 230-239, 24, 241-249, 25, 250-259, 26, 260-269, 27, 270-279, 28, 280-289, 29, 290-299, 30, 300-309, 31, 310-319, 32, 320-329, 33, 330-339, 34, 340-349, 35, 350-359, 36, 360-368, 37, 370, 373, 38-39, 4, 40-79, 8, 80-89, 9, 90-99, 240 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edwards (2023), In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus, 148; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 96
240. Perhaps in our embassy we may find some argument or other to persuade him, either by bringing before him all the considerations respecting the honour of God, or the preservation of our indestructible and unalterable laws, or by urging upon him that we ought not to be subjected to a worse fate than all the nations even in the very most remote extremities of the earth, who have been allowed to preserve their national customs; with reference to which his grandfather and great-grandfather came to a righteous decision when they confirmed and set the seal to our customs with all care.
103. Philo of Alexandria, On The Virtues, 17 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •herod agrippa i Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 46
17. those, however, who are not indifferent to the subject, but who have applied themselves with diligence to the study of the preceding treatises, ought to be aware that nearly all the things which I have said about simplicity and humility apply likewise to courage, since that also is the attribute of a vigorous, and noble, and very well regulated soul, to despise all the things which pride is in the habit of dignifying and extolling, to the utter destruction of life in accordance with truth. IV.
104. Philo of Alexandria, Allegorical Interpretation, 181, 187, 203-204, 356-357, 359-360, 76, 93, 205 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 124
105. Philo of Alexandria, That The Worse Attacks The Better, 147-148, 279 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 159
106. Ovid, Tristia, 1.5.69-1.5.70, 2.161-2.164, 2.169, 2.285-2.286, 2.528, 3.1, 3.1.31-3.1.34, 3.7.51-3.7.52 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa •agrippa postumus •agrippa, portico of •portico of agrippa •vipsanius agrippa, m., his commentarii •vipsanius agrippa, m., his map •vipsanius agrippa, m., on public art Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 41, 44, 73; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 105; Pandey (2018), The Poetics of Power in Augustan Rome, 128; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 31, 58
2.161. Livia sic tecum sociales compleat annos, 2.162. quae, nisi te, nullo coniuge digna fuit, 2.163. quae si non esset, caelebs te vita deceret, 2.164. nullaque, cui posses esse maritus, erat; 2.169. sic adsueta tuis semper Victoria castris 2.285. cum quaedam spatientur in hoc, 2.286. conveniat, quare porticus ulla patet . 2.528. et modo maternis tecta videtur aquis, 3.1. ‘Missus in hanc venio timide liber exulis urbem: 3.1. Ergo erat in fatis Scythiam quoque visere nostris, 3.1. Haec mea si casu miraris epistula quare 3.1. O mihi care quidem semper, sed tempore duro 3.1. Usus amicitiae tecum mihi parvus, ut illam 3.1. Foedus amicitiae nec vis, carissime, nostrae, 3.1. VADE salutatum, subito perarata, Perillam, 3.1. Nunc ego Triptolemi cuperem consistere curru, 3.1. Hic quoque sunt igitur Graiae—quis crederet?—urbes 3.1. Siquis adhuc istic meminit Nasonis adempti, 3.1. Si quis es, insultes qui casibus, improbe, nostris, 3.1. Frigora iam Zephyri minuunt, annoque peracto 3.1. Ecce supervacuus—quid enim fuit utile gigni?— 3.1. Cultor et antistes doctorum sancte virorum,
107. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 2.70-2.71, 5.1, 5.19.3, 5.67.3-5.67.5, 6.83.2, 6.85.1, 6.85.6, 6.86.1-6.86.4, 6.87.5, 6.95, 9.26.5, 9.60.8, 10.56.1 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •vipsanius agrippa, m., his commentarii •vipsanius agrippa, m., his map •vipsanius agrippa, m. •memmius, c., menenius agrippa, fable of •rome, baths of agrippa •agrippa ii •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of •agrippa Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 164, 222; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 48; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 75; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 31, 71; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15
2.70. 1.  The sixth division of his religious institutions was devoted to those the Romans call Salii, whom Numa himself appointed out of the patricians, choosing twelve young men of the most graceful appearance. These are the Salii whose holy things are deposited on the Palatine hill and who are themselves called the (Salii) Palatini; for the (Salii) Agonales, by some called the Salii Collini, the repository of whose holy things is on the Quirinal hill, were appointed after Numa's time by King Hostilius, in pursuance of a vow he had made in the war against the Sabines. All these Salii are a kind of dancers and singers of hymns in praise of the gods of war.,2.  Their festival falls about the time of the Panathenaea, in the month which they call March, and is celebrated at the public expense for many days, during which they proceed through the city with their dances to the Forum and to the Capitol and to many other places both private and public. They wear embroidered tunics girt about with wide girdles of bronze, and over these are fastened, with brooches, robes striped with scarlet and bordered with purple, which they call trabeae; this garment is peculiar to the Romans and a mark of the greatest honour. On their heads they wear apices, as they are called, that is, high caps contracted into the shape of a cone, which the Greeks call kyrbasiai.,3.  They have each of them a sword hanging at their girdle and in their right hand they hold a spear or a staff or something else of the sort, and on their left arm a Thracian buckler, which resembles a lozenge-shaped shield with its sides drawn in, such as those are said to carry who among the Greeks perform the sacred rites of the Curetes.,4.  And, in my opinion at least, the Salii, if the word be translated into Greek, are Curetes, whom, because they are kouroi or "young men," we call by that name from their age, whereas the Romans call them Salii from their lively motions. For to leap and skip is by them called salire; and for the same reason they call all other dancers saltatores, deriving their name from the Salii, because their dancing also is attended by much leaping and capering.,5.  Whether I have been well advised or not in giving them this appellation, anyone who pleases may gather from their actions. For they execute their movements in arms, keeping time to a flute, sometimes all together, sometimes by turns, and while dancing sing certain traditional hymns. But this dance and exercise performed by armed men and the noise they make by striking their bucklers with their daggers, if we may base any conjectures on the ancient accounts, was originated by the Curetes. I need not mention the legend which is related concerning them, since almost everybody is acquainted with it. 2.71. 1.  Among the vast number of bucklers which both the Salii themselves bear and some of their servants carry suspended from rods, they say there is one that fell from heaven and was found in the palace of Numa, though no one had brought it thither and no buckler of that shape had ever before been known among the Italians; and that for both these reasons the Romans concluded that this buckler had been sent by the gods.,2.  They add that Numa, desiring that it should be honoured by being carried through the city on holy days by the most distinguished young men and that annual sacrifices should be offered to it, but at the same time being fearful both of the plot of his enemies and of its disappearance by theft, caused many other bucklers to be made resembling the one which fell from heaven, Mamurius, an artificer, having undertaken the work; so that, as a result of the perfect resemblance of the man-made imitations, the shape of the buckler sent by the gods was rendered inconspicuous and difficult to be distinguished by those who might plot to possess themselves of it.,3.  This dancing after the manner of the Curetes was a native institution among the Romans and was held in great honour by them, as I gather from many other indications and especially from what takes place in their processions both in the Circus and in the theatres.,4.  For in all of them young men clad in handsome tunics, with helmets, swords and bucklers, march in file. These are the leaders of the procession and are called by the Romans, from a game of which the Lydians seem to have been the inventors, ludiones; they show merely a certain resemblance, in my opinion, to the Salii, since they do not, like the Salii, do any of the things characteristic of the Curetes, either in their hymns or dancing. And it was necessary that the Salii should be free men and native Romans and that both their fathers and mothers should be living; whereas the others are of any condition whatsoever. But why should I say more about them? 5.1. 5.1. 1.  The Roman monarchy, therefore, after having continued for the space of two hundred and forty-four years from the founding of Rome and having under the last king become a tyranny, was overthrown for the reasons stated and by the men named, at the beginning of the sixty-eighth Olympiad (the one in which Ischomachus of Croton won the foot-race), Isagoras being the annual archon at Athens.,2.  An aristocracy being now established, while there still remained about four months to complete that year, Lucius Junius Brutus and Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus were the first consuls invested with the royal power; the Romans, as I have said, call them in their own language consules or "counsellors." These men, associating with themselves many others, now that the soldiers from the camp had come to the city after the truce they had made with the Ardeates, called an assembly of the people a few days after the expulsion of the tyrant, and having spoken at length upon the advantages of harmony, again caused them to pass another vote confirming everything which those in the city had previously voted when condemning the Tarquinii to perpetual banishment.,3.  After this they performed rites of purification for the city and entered into a solemn covet; and they themselves, standing over the parts of the victims, first swore, and then prevailed upon the rest of the citizens likewise to swear, that they would never restore from exile King Tarquinius or his sons or their posterity, and that they would never again make anyone king of Rome or permit others who wished to do so; and this oath they took not only for themselves, but also for their children and their posterity.,4.  However, since it appeared that the kings had been the authors of many great advantages to the commonwealth, they desired to preserve the name of that office for as long a time as the city should endure, and accordingly they ordered the pontiffs and augurs to choose from among them the older men the most suitable one for the office, who should have the superintendence of religious observances and of naught else, being exempt from all military and civil duties, and should be called the king of sacred rites. The first person appointed to this office was Manius Papirius, one of the patricians, who was a lover of peace and quiet. 5.19.3.  And desiring to give the plebeians a definite pledge of their liberty, he took the axes from the rods and established it as a precedent for his successors in the consulship — a precedent which continued to be followed down to my day — that, when they were outside the city, they should use the axes, but inside the city they should be distinguished by the rods only. 5.67.3.  He cited many examples to prove this, relating the experiences of various Greek cities which, having become weakened because of certain critical situations and having given admittance to the beginnings of evil practices, had no longer had the power to put an end to them and abolish them, in consequence of which they had been compelled to go on into shameful and irreparable calamities. He said the commonwealth resembled each particular man, the senate bearing some resemblance to the soul of a man and the people to his body. 5.67.4.  If, therefore, they permitted the unintelligent populace to govern the senate, they would fare the same as those who subject the soul to the body and live under the influence, not of their reason, but of their passions; whereas, if they accustomed the populace to be governed and led by the senate, they would be doing the same as those who subject the body to the soul and lead lives directed toward what is best, not most pleasant. 5.67.5.  He showed them that no great mischief would befall the state if the poor, dissatisfied with them for not granting an abolition of debts, should refuse to take up arms in its defence, declaring that there were few indeed who had nothing left but their persons, and these would neither offer any remarkable advantage to the state when present on its expeditions, nor, by their absence do any great harm. For those who had the lowest rating in the census, he reminded them, were posted in the rear in battle and counted as a mere appendage to the forces that were arrayed in the battle-line, being present merely to strike the enemy with terror, since they had no other arms but slings, which are of the least use in action. 6.83.2.  And first they all roared their approval, calling to him with a great shout to speak; then they became quiet, and so great silence prevailed in the assembly that the place was as hushed as a desert. He seemed to employ in general the most persuasive arguments possible and those which gauged well the inclinations of his audience; and at the end of his speech he is said to have related a kind of fable that he composed after the manner of Aesop and that bore a close resemblance to the situation of the moment, and by this means chiefly to have won them over. For this reason his speech is thought worthy of record and it is quoted in all the ancient histories. His discourse was as follows: 6.85.1.  "I shall mention one other assurance which no man fails to know or questions, and then have done. And what is that? It is the assurance that introduces the common advantage and preserves both parts of the state through their mutual assistance. This, after all, is the first and only assurance that draws us together, and it will never permit us to be sundered from each other. For the ignorant multitude will always need and never cease to need prudent leadership, while the senate, which is capable of leadership, will always need multitudes willing to be ruled. This we know, not merely as a matter of opinion and conjecture, but also by actual experience. 6.86.1.  "A commonwealth resembles in some measure a human body. For each of them is composite and consists of many parts; and no one of their parts either has the same function or performs the same service as the others. 6.86.2.  If, now, these parts of the human body should be endowed, each for itself, with perception and a voice of its own and a sedition should then arise among them, all of them uniting against the belly alone, and the feet should say that the whole body rests on them; the hands, that they ply the crafts, secure provisions, fight with enemies, and contribute many other advantages toward the common good; the shoulders, that they bear all the burdens; the mouth, that it speaks; the head, that it sees and hears and, comprehending the other senses, possesses all those by which the thing is preserved; and then all these should say to the belly, 'And you, good creature, which of these things do you do? What return do you make and of what use are you to us? Indeed, you are so far from doing anything for us or assisting us in accomplishing anything useful for the common good that you are actually a hindrance and a trouble to us and — a thing intolerable — compel us to serve you and to bring things to you from everywhere for the gratification of your desires. 6.86.3.  Come now, why do we not assert our liberty and free ourselves from the many troubles we undergo for the sake of this creature?' If, I say, they should decide upon this course and none of the parts should any longer perform its office, could the body possibly exist for any considerable time, and not rather be destroyed within a few days by the worst of all deaths, starvation No one can deny it. Now consider the same condition existing in a commonwealth. 6.86.4.  For this also is composed of many classes of people not at all resembling one another, every one of which contributes some particular service to the common good, just as its members do to the body. For some cultivate the fields, some fight against the enemy in defence of those fields, others carry on much useful trade by sea, and still others ply the necessary crafts. If, then, all these different classes of people should rise against the senate, which is composed of the best men, and say, 'As for you, senate, what good do you do us, and for what reason do you presume to rule over others? Not a thing can you name. Well then, shall we not now at last free ourselves from this tyranny of yours and live without a leader?' 6.95. 1.  At the same time, a new treaty of peace and friendship was made with all the Latin cities, and confirmed by oaths, inasmuch as they had not attempted to create any disturbance during the sedition, had openly rejoiced at the return of the populace, and seemed to have been prompt in assisting the Romans against those who had revolted from them. ,2.  The provisions of the treaty were as follows: "Let there be peace between the Romans and all the Latin cities as long as the heavens and the earth shall remain where they are. Let them neither make war upon another themselves nor bring in foreign enemies nor grant a safe passage to those who shall make war upon either. Let them assist one another, when warred upon, with all their forces, and let each have an equal share of the spoils and booty taken in their common wars. Let suits relating to private contracts be determined within ten days, and in the nation where the contract was made. And let it not be permitted to add anything to, or take anything away from these treaties except by the consent both of the Romans and of all the Latins.",3.  This was the treaty entered into by the Romans and the Latins and confirmed by their oaths sworn over the sacrificial victims. The senate also voted to offer sacrifices to the gods in thanksgiving for their reconciliation with the populace, and added one day to the Latin festival, as it was called, which previously had been celebrated for two days. The first day had been set apart as holy by Tarquinius when he conquered the Tyrrhenians; the second the people added after they had freed the commonwealth by the expulsion of the kings; and to these the third was now added because of the return of the seceders.,4.  The superintendence and oversight of the sacrifices and games performed during this festival was committed to the tribunes' assistants, who held, as I said, the magistracy now called the aedileship; and they were honoured by the senate with a purple robe, an ivory chair, and the other insignia that the kings had had. 9.26.5.  When Verginius was informed of the plight of the left wing of the army, he led his entire force in battle array by a transverse road that passed over the hill. Then, finding himself in the rear of those who were pursuing his troops, he left a part of his army there to block any who should be sent from the camp to the relief of their comrades, and he himself with the rest attacked the enemy. In the meantime the troops also under Servilius, encouraged by the arrival of their comrades, faced about and, standing their ground, engaged. The Tyrrhenians, being thus surrounded by both forces and being unable either to break through in front, by reason of those who engaged them, or to flee back to their camp, by reason of those who attacked them in the rear, fought bravely but unsuccessfully, and were almost all destroyed. 9.60.8.  At Rome his colleague, Spurius Postumius, consecrated the temple of Dius Fidius upon the Quirinal hill on the day called the nones of June. This temple had been built by Tarquinius, the last king, but had not received at his hands the dedication custom among the Romans. At this time by order of the senate the name of Postumius was inscribed on the temple. Nothing else worth relating happened during that consulship. 10.56.1.  The tribunes, having received this decree, went to the assembly and after reading it before the populace, bestowed much praise upon the senate and upon Appius, who had proposed it. And when the time came for the election of magistrates, the tribunes called an assembly and asked the consuls-elect to come and fulfil their promises to the populace; and they, appearing, resigned their magistracy.
108. Sallust, Catiline, 1.2, 2.8, 20.6-20.7, 58.11 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •memmius, c., menenius agrippa, fable of Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 14, 16
109. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 40.4.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •vipsanius agrippa, m., his map Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 205
110. Sallust, Historiae, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 8
111. Sallust, Iugurtha, 31.17, 41-42.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 8
112. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, 1.2.7 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa (m. iulius agrippa i, king of judaea) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 86
1.2.7. narratio: Ita domi custodita est, ut rapi posset; ita cara fuit suis, ut rapta non redimeretur; ita raptae pepercere piratae, ut lenoni uenderent; sic emit leno, ut prostitueret; sic uenientes deprecata est, ut ferro opus esset. Coniectum in urnam nomen eius non exiit, sed eiectum est. tempus erat nunc sortiri: urna purgata est. Stetisti puella in lupanari: iam te ut nemo uiolauerit locus ipse uiolauit. stetisti cum meretricibus, stetisti sic ornata, ut populo placere posses, ea ueste quam leno dederat; nomen tuum pependit in fronte; pretia stupri accepisti et manus quae dis datura erat sacra lenoni capturas tulit; cum deprecareris intrantis amplexus, ut alia omnia impetraris, osculo rogasti. Ancillae ex lupanaribus sacerdoti non emuntur; coram sacerdote obscenis homines abstinent. Non sine causa sacerdoti lictor apparet: occurrentem te illi meretricem summouisset.
113. Seneca The Elder, Suasoriae, 4.1-4.3 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa (roman statesman), Found in books: Luck (2006), Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds: a collection of ancient texts, 391
114. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 1, 139, 141, 149, 17, 2, 20-21, 23-52, 54-79, 8, 80-96, 53 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 54; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 67; Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 253; Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 3
53. Since, therefore, the attempt which was being made to violate the law appeared to him to be prospering, while he was destroying the synagogues, and not leaving even their name, he proceeded onwards to another exploit, namely, the utter destruction of our constitution, that when all those things to which alone our life was anchored were cut away, namely, our national customs and our lawful political rights and social privileges, we might be exposed to the very extremity of calamity, without having any stay left to which we could cling for safety,
115. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 1.20, 1.56, 1.74, 1.156, 1.337, 2.41, 2.62-2.64, 2.86, 2.145, 2.164, 2.215-2.216, 3.35 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 173; Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 49; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 156; Sly (1990), Philo's Perception of Women, 40; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 46; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 159
1.20. So that, transcending all visible essence by means of our reason, let us press forward to the honour of that everlasting and invisible Being who can be comprehended and appreciated by the mind alone; who is not only the God of all gods, whether appreciable only by the intellect or visible to the outward senses, but is also the creator of them all. And if any one gives up the service due to the everlasting and uncreated God, transferring it to any more modern and created being, let him be set down as mad and as liable to the charge of the greatest impiety.IV. 1.56. There is, in the history of the law, a record of one man who ventured on this exploit of noble daring, for when he saw some men connecting themselves with foreign women, and by reason of their allurements neglecting all their national customs and laws, and practising fabulous ceremonies, he was seized with a sudden enthusiasm in the presence of the whole multitude; and driving away all those on each side who were collected to see the sight, he slew one man who was so daring as to put himself forward as the leader and chief of this transgression of the law (for the impious deed had been already displayed and made a public exhibition of 1.74. But there is no grove of plantation in the space which surrounds it, in accordance with the prohibitions of the law, which for many reasons forbid this. In the first place, because a building which is truly a temple does not aim at pleasure and seductive allurements, but at a rigid and austere sanctity. Secondly, because it is not proper that those things which conduce to the verdure of trees should be introduced, such as the dung of irrational animals and of men. Thirdly, because those trees which do not admit of cultivation are of no use, but are as the poets say, the burden of the earth; while those which do admit of cultivation, and which are productive of wholesome fruit, draw off the attention of the fickle-minded from the thoughts of the respect due to the holy place itself, and to the ceremonies in which they are engaged. 1.156. Having given all these supplies and revenues to the priests, he did not neglect those either who were in the second rank of the priesthood; and these are the keepers of the temple, of whom some are placed at the doors, at the very entrance of the temple, as door-keepers; and others are within, in the vestibule of the temple, in order that no one who ought not to do so might enter it, either deliberately or by accident. Others, again, stand all around, having had the times of their watches assigned to them by lot, so as to watch by turns night and day, some being day watchmen and others night watchmen. Others, again, had charge of the porticoes and of the courts in the open air, and carried out all the rubbish, taking care of the cleanliness of the temple, and the tenths were assigned as the wages of all these men; for these tenths are the share of the keepers of the temple. 1.337. But the champions of the outward senses extol their praises, also, with great energy and magnificence; enumerating in their discourse all the wants which are supplied by their means, and they say that two of them are the causes of living; smell and taste; and two of living well, seeing and hearing; 2.41. Now there are ten festivals in number, as the law sets them down.The first is that which any one will perhaps be astonished to hear called a festival. This festival is every day.The second festival is the seventh day, which the Hebrews in their native language call the sabbath.The third is that which comes after the conjunction, which happens on the day of the new moon in each month.The fourth is that of the passover which is called the passover.The fifth is the first fruits of the corn--the sacred sheaf.The sixth is the feast of unleavened bread, after which that festival is celebrated, which is reallyThe seventh day of seventh days.The eighth is the festival of the sacred moon, or the feast of trumpets.The ninth is the fast.The tenth is the feast of tabernacles, which is the last of all the annual festivals, ending so as to make the perfect number of ten. We must now begin with the first festival.THE FIRST FESTIVALXII. 2.62. Accordingly, on the seventh day there are spread before the people in every city innumerable lessons of prudence, and temperance, and courage, and justice, and all other virtues; during the giving of which the common people sit down, keeping silence and pricking up their ears, with all possible attention, from their thirst for wholesome instruction; but some of those who are very learned explain to them what is of great importance and use, lessons by which the whole of their lives may be improved. 2.63. And there are, as we may say, two most especially important heads of all the innumerable particular lessons and doctrines; the regulating of one's conduct towards God by the rules of piety and holiness, and of one's conduct towards men by the rules of humanity and justice; each of which is subdivided into a great number of subordinate ideas, all praiseworthy. 2.64. From which considerations it is plain that Moses does not leave those persons at any time idle who submit to be guided by his sacred admonitions; but since we are composed of both soul and body, he has allotted to the body such work as is suited to it, and to the soul also such tasks as are good for that. And he has taken care that the one shall succeed the other, so that while the body is labouring the soul may be at rest, and when the body is enjoying relaxation the soul may be labouring; and so the best lives with the contemplative and the active life, succeed to one another in regular alternations. The active life having received the number six, according to the service appointed for the body; and the contemplative life the number seven, as tending to knowledge and to the perfecting of the intellect.XVI. 2.86. In the next place Moses commands the people to leave the land fallow and untilled every seventh year, for many reasons; {12}{#le 25:4.} first of all, that they may honour the number seven, or each period of days, and months, and years; for every seventh day is sacred, which is called by the Hebrews the sabbath; and the seventh month in every year has the greatest of the festivals allotted to it, so that very naturally the seventh year also has a share of the veneration paid to this number, and receives especial honour. 2.145. And after the feast of the new moon comes the fourth festival, that of the passover, which the Hebrews call pascha, on which the whole people offer sacrifice, beginning at noonday and continuing till evening. 2.164. Apart from the fact that the legislation is in a certain way teaching about the priesthood and that the one who lives by the laws is at once considered a priest, or rather a high priest, in the judgment of truth, the following point is also remarkable. The multitude of gods, both male and female, honored in individual cities happens to be undetermined and indefinite. The poetic clan and the great company of humans have spoken fabulously about them, people for whom the search for truth is impractical and beyond their capability of investigation. Yet all do not reverence and honor the same gods, but different people different gods. The reason is that they do not consider as gods those belonging to another land but make the acceptance of them the occasion for laughter and a joke. They charge those who honor them with great foolishness since they completely violate sound sense. 2.215. There is, besides all these, another Festival{38}{#de 26:1.} sacred to God, and a solemn assembly on the day of the festival which they call castallus, {39}{castallus is interpreted "a basket with a pointed bottom."} from the event that takes place in it, as we shall show presently. Now that this festival is not in the same rank, nor of the same importance with the other festivals, is plain from many considerations. For, first of all, it is not one to be observed by the whole population of the nation as each of the others is. Secondly, none of the things that are brought or offered are laid upon the altar as holy, or committed to the unextinguishable and holy fire. Thirdly, the very number of days which are to be observed in the festival are not expressly stated.XXXV. 2.216. Nevertheless, any one may easily see that it has about it some of the characteristics of a sacred festival, and that it comes very near to having the privileges of a solemn assembly. For every one of those men who had lands and possessions, having filled vessels with every different species of fruit borne by fruit-bearing trees; which vessels, as I have said before, are called castalli, brings with great joy the first fruits of his abundant crop into the temple, and standing in front of the altar gives the basket to the priest, uttering at the same time the very beautiful and admirable hymn prescribed for the occasion; and if he does not happen to remember it, he listens to it with all attention while the priest recites it. 3.35. As many men, therefore, as marry virgins in ignorance of how will they will turn out as regards their prolificness, or the contrary, when after a long time they perceive, by their never having any children, that they are barren, and do not then put them away, are still worthy of pardon, being influenced by habit and familiarity, which are motives of great weight, and being also unable to break through the power of those ancient charms which by long habituation are stamped upon their souls.
116. Julius Caesar, De Bello Gallico, 1.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •vipsanius agrippa, m., his commentarii •vipsanius agrippa, m., his map Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 31, 203, 204
117. Julius Caesar, De Bello Civli, 3.1, 3.32 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii, son of agrippa i •josephus, on agrippa i, and house tax Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 49, 179
118. Horace, Carmen Saeculare, 57-60 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 66
119. Horace, Odes, 1.1.29-1.1.36, 1.6, 1.6.3, 1.6.9-1.6.12, 1.9, 2.12, 2.15, 3.2.26, 3.14.2, 3.24, 3.30, 3.30.1-3.30.2, 4.14.41-4.14.43 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa, m. vipsanius •agrippa •agrippa, portico of •portico of agrippa •agrippa, marcus visanius •agrippa postumus Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 24, 161; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 97, 105; Johnson and Parker (2009), ?Ancient Literacies: The Culture of Reading in Greece and Rome, 183; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 108; Verhelst and Scheijnens (2022), Greek and Latin Poetry of Late Antiquity: Form, Tradition, and Context, 96; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 115
120. Horace, Letters, 1.1.70-1.1.71, 1.6.25-1.6.27, 5.52 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa, portico of •portico of agrippa •agrippa postumus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 97; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 108
121. Horace, Sermones, 1.8, 1.8.44-1.8.50, 2.3.16 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 109; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 58
122. Ovid, Fasti, 1.85-1.86, 1.261-1.262, 1.515-1.518, 1.599-1.600, 1.637-1.652, 1.709-1.712, 2.62, 2.127-2.128, 2.131-2.132, 2.135-2.138, 2.571-2.616, 2.623-2.638, 2.683-2.684, 3.881-3.882, 5.681-5.693, 6.478, 6.574.579, 6.613-6.620 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa •vipsanius agrippa, m., purchases paintings from the cyzicans •agrippa postumus •vipsanius agrippa, m., his pantheon •agrippa, portico of •portico of agrippa Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 37, 41, 44, 51, 52, 66, 71, 73, 168, 171, 189, 194, 225, 227; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 105; Pandey (2018), The Poetics of Power in Augustan Rome, 172; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67, 102
1.85. Iuppiter arce sua totum cum spectat in orbem, 1.86. nil nisi Romanum, quod tueatur, habet, 1.261. utque levis custos armillis capta Sabinos 1.262. ad summae tacitos duxerit arcis iter. 1.515. fallor, an hi fient ingentia moenia colles, 1.516. iuraque ab hac terra cetera terra petet? 1.517. montibus his olim totus promittitur orbis: 1.518. quis tantum fati credat habere locum? 1.599. si petat a victis, tot sumat nomina Caesar, 1.600. quot numero gentes maximus orbis habet, 1.637. Candida, te niveo posuit lux proxima templo, 1.638. qua fert sublimes alta Moneta gradus: 1.639. nunc bene prospicies Latiam, Concordia, turbam, 1.640. nunc te sacratae constituere manus. 1.641. Furius antiquam populi superator Etrusci 1.642. voverat et voti solverat ille fidem, 1.643. causa, quod a patribus sumptis secesserat armis 1.644. volgus, et ipsa suas Roma timebat opes. 1.645. causa recens melior: passos Germania crines 1.646. porrigit auspiciis, dux venerande, tuis; 1.647. inde triumphatae libasti munera gentis 1.648. templaque fecisti, quam colis ipse, deae. 1.649. hanc tua constituit genetrix et rebus et ara, 1.650. sola toro magni digna reperta Iovis. 17. AC 18. BC 19. CC 20 DC I 21. EC 22. FC 23. GC 1.651. Haec ubi transierint, Capricorno, Phoebe, relicto 1.652. per iuvenis curres signa gerentis aquam. 1.709. Ipsum nos carmen deduxit Pacis ad aram. 1.710. haec erit a mensis fine secunda dies. 1.711. frondibus Actiacis comptos redimita capillos, 1.712. Pax, ades et toto mitis in orbe mane. 2.62. nec satis est homines, obligat ille deos. 2.127. sancte pater patriae, tibi plebs, tibi curia nomen 2.128. hoc dedit, hoc dedimus nos tibi nomen, eques, 2.131. hoc tu per terras, quod in aethere Iuppiter alto, 2.132. nomen habes: hominum tu pater, ille deum. 2.135. te Tatius parvique Cures Caeninaque sensit: 2.136. hoc duce Romanum est solis utrumque latus, 2.137. tu breve nescio quid victae telluris habebas: 2.138. quodcumque est alto sub Iove, Caesar habet, 2.571. ecce anus in mediis residens annosa puellis 2.572. sacra facit Tacitae (nec tamen ipsa tacet), 2.573. et digitis tria tura tribus sub limine ponit, 2.574. qua brevis occultum mus sibi fecit iter; 2.575. tunc cantata ligat cum fusco licia plumbo 2.576. et septem nigras versat in ore fabas, 2.577. quodque pice adstrinxit, quod acu traiecit aena, 2.578. obsutum maenae torret in igne caput; 2.579. vina quoque instillat: vini quodcumque relictum est, 2.580. aut ipsa aut comites, plus tamen ipsa, bibit. 2.581. hostiles linguas inimicaque vinximus ora 2.582. dicit discedens ebriaque exit anus. 2.583. protinus a nobis, quae sit dea Muta, requires: 2.584. disce, per antiquos quae mihi nota senes. 2.585. Iuppiter immodico Iuturnae victus amore 2.586. multa tulit tanto non patienda deo: 2.587. illa modo in silvis inter coryleta latebat, 2.588. nunc in cognatas desiliebat aquas, 2.589. convocat hic nymphas, Latium quaecumque tenebant, 2.590. et iacit in medio talia verba choro: 2.591. ‘invidet ipsa sibi vitatque, quod expedit illi, 2.592. vestra soror summo concubuisse deo. 2.593. consulite ambobus; nam quae mea magna voluptas, 2.594. utilitas vestrae magna sororis erit. 2.595. vos illi in prima fugienti obsistite ripa, 2.596. ne sua fluminea corpora mergat aqua.’ 2.597. dixerat: adnuerant nymphae Tiberinides omnes, 2.598. quaeque colunt thalamos, Ilia diva, tuos. 2.599. forte fuit nais, Lara nomine, prima sed illi 2.600. dicta bis antiquum syllaba nomen erat, 2.601. ex vitio positum, saepe illi dixerat Almo 2.602. nata, tene linguam, nec tamen illa tenet, 2.603. quae simul ac tetigit Iuturnae stagna sororis, 2.604. effuge ait ripas; dicta refertque Iovis. 2.605. illa etiam Iunonem adiit, miserataque nuptas 2.606. naida Iuturnam vir tuus inquit amat. 2.607. Iuppiter intumuit, quaque est non usa modeste, 2.608. eripit huic linguam Mercuriumque vocat: 2.609. ‘duc hanc ad manes; locus ille silentibus aptus. 2.610. nympha, sed infernae nympha paludis erit.’ 2.611. iussa Iovis fiunt, accepit lucus euntes: 2.612. dicitur illa duci tunc placuisse deo. 2.613. vim parat hic, voltu pro verbis illa precatur, 2.614. et frustra muto nititur ore loqui. 2.615. fitque gravis geminosque parit, qui compita servant 2.616. et vigilant nostra semper in urbe, Lares. 22. EC 2.623. innocui veniant: procul hinc, procul impius esto 2.624. frater et in partus mater acerba suos, 2.625. cui pater est vivax, qui matris digerit annos, 2.626. quae premit invisam socrus iniqua nurum. 2.627. Tantalidae fratres absint et Iasonis uxor 2.628. et quae ruricolis semina tosta dedit, 2.629. et soror et Procne Tereusque duabus iniquus 2.630. et quicumque suas per scelus auget opes. 2.631. dis generis date tura boni (Concordia fertur 2.632. illa praecipue mitis adesse die) 2.633. et libate dapes, ut, grati pignus honoris, 2.634. nutriat incinctos missa patella Lares. 2.635. iamque ubi suadebit placidos nox humida somnos, 2.636. larga precaturi sumite vina manu, 2.637. et bene vos, bene te, patriae pater, optime Caesar! 2.638. dicite suffuso per sacra verba mero. 23. F TER — NP 2.683. gentibus est aliis tellus data limite certo: 2.684. Romanae spatium est urbis et orbis idem. 24. G REGIF — N 3.881. Ianus adorandus cumque hoc Concordia mitis 3.882. et Romana Salus araque Pacis erit. 33 CC 5.681. ablue praeteriti periuria temporis, inquit 5.682. ‘ablue praeteritae perfida verba die. 5.683. sive ego te feci testem falsove citavi 5.684. non audituri numina magna Iovis, 5.685. sive deum prudens alium divamve fefelli, 5.686. abstulerint celeres improba verba Noti, 5.687. et pateant veniente die periuria nobis, 5.688. nec curent superi si qua locutus ero. 5.689. da modo lucra mihi, da facto gaudia lucro, 5.690. et fac, ut emptori verba dedisse iuvet.’ 5.691. talia Mercurius poscentem ridet ab alto, 5.692. se memor Ortygias surripuisse boves. 20. DC 5.693. At mihi pande, precor, tanto meliora petenti, 6.478. area, quae posito de bove nomen habet: 6.613. signum erat in solio residens sub imagine Tulli; 6.614. dicitur hoc oculis opposuisse manum, 6.615. et vox audita est ‘voltus abscondite nostros, 6.616. ne natae videant ora nefanda meae.’ 6.617. veste data tegitur, vetat hanc Fortuna moveri 6.618. et sic e templo est ipsa locuta suo: 6.619. ‘ore revelato qua primum luce patebit 6.620. Servius, haec positi prima pudoris erit.’ 1.85. When Jupiter watches the whole world from his hill, 1.86. Everything that he sees belongs to Rome. 1.261. And how the treacherous keeper, Tarpeia, bribed with bracelets, 1.262. Led the silent Sabines to the heights of the citadel. 1.515. And from this earth all the earth receive its laws? 1.516. The whole world is one day promised to these hills: 1.517. Who could believe the place held such fate in store? 1.518. Soon Trojan ships will touch these shores, 1.599. He would need as many names as tribes on earth. 1.600. Some have earned fame from lone enemies, 1.637. Near where lofty Moneta lifts her noble stairway: 1.638. Concord, you will gaze on the Latin crowd’s prosperity, 1.639. Now sacred hands have established you. 1.640. Camillus, conqueror of the Etruscan people, 1.641. Vowed your ancient temple and kept his vow. 1.642. His reason was that the commoners had armed themselves, 1.643. Seceding from the nobles, and Rome feared their power. 1.644. This latest reason was a better one: revered Leader, Germany 1.645. offered up her dishevelled tresses, at your command: 1.646. From that, you dedicated the spoils of a defeated race, 1.647. And built a shrine to the goddess that you yourself worship. 1.648. A goddess your mother honoured by her life, and by an altar, 1.649. She alone worthy to share great Jupiter’s couch. 1.650. When this day is over, Phoebus, you will leave Capricorn, 1.651. And take your course through the sign of the Water-Bearer. 1.652. Seven days from now when the sun sinks in the waves, 1.709. This day is the second from the month’s end. 1.710. Come, Peace, your graceful tresses wreathed 1.711. With laurel of Actium: stay gently in this world. 1.712. While we lack enemies, or cause for triumphs: 2.62. Not satisfied with mere men, he also serves the gods. 2.127. Sacred Father of the Country, this title has been conferred 2.128. On you, by the senate, the people, and by us, the knights. 2.131. You have on earth the name that Jupiter owns to 2.132. In high heaven: you are father of men, he of gods. 2.135. Tatius, and the little towns of Cures and Caenina, 2.136. Knew you: under this Leader all the sun sees is Roman. 2.137. You owned a little patch of conquered land: 2.138. Caesar possesses all beneath Jupiter’s heavens. 2.571. See, an old woman sitting amongst the girls performs the rite 2.572. of Tacita, the Silent (though she herself is not silent), 2.573. With three fingers, she sets three lumps of incense 2.574. Under the sill, where the little mouse makes its secret path: 2.575. Then she fastens enchanted threads together with dark lead, 2.576. And turns seven black beans over and over in her mouth, 2.577. And bakes the head of a sprat in the fire, mouth sewn up 2.578. With pitch, pierced right through with a bronze needle. 2.579. She drops wine on it too, and she or her friend 2.580. Drink the wine that’s left, though she gets most. 2.581. On leaving she says: ‘We have sealed up hostile mouth 2.582. And unfriendly tongues’: and the old woman exits drunk. 2.583. You’ll ask at once, who is the goddess Muta?: 2.584. Hear of what I’ve learned from the old men. 2.585. Jupiter, overcome with intense love for Juturna, 2.586. Suffered many things a god ought not to bear. 2.587. Now she would hide in the woods among the hazels, 2.588. Now she would dive into her sister waters. 2.589. The god called the nymphs who lived in Latium, 2.590. And spoke these words in the midst of their throng: 2.591. ‘Your sister is an enemy to herself, and shuns a union 2.592. With the supreme god that would benefit her. 2.593. Take counsel for both: for what would delight me greatly 2.594. Would be a great advantage to your sister. 2.595. When she flees, stop her by the riverbank, 2.596. Lest she plunges her body into the waters.’ 2.597. He spoke: all the nymphs of the Tiber agreed, 2.598. Those too who haunt your spaces, divine Ilia. 2.599. There was a naiad, named Lara: but her old name 2.600. Was the first syllable twice-repeated, given her 2.601. To mark her failing. Almo, the river-god often said: 2.602. ‘Daughter, hold your tongue,’ but she still did not. 2.603. As soon as she reached the pools of her sister Juturna, 2.604. She said: ‘Flee these banks’, and spoke Jupiter’s words. 2.605. She even went to Juno, and showing pity for married women 2.606. Said: ‘Your husband loves the naiad Juturna.’ 2.607. Jupiter was angered, and tearing that tongue from her mouth 2.608. That she had used so immoderately, called Mercury to him: 2.609. ‘Lead her to the shadows: that place is fitting for the silent. 2.610. She shall be a nymph, but of the infernal marshes.’ 2.611. Jove’s order was obeyed. On the way they reached a grove: 2.612. Then it was they say that she pleased the god who led her. 2.613. He prepared to force her, with a glance instead of word 2.614. She pleaded, trying to speak from her mute lips. 2.615. Heavy with child, she bore twins who guard the crossroads, 2.616. The Lares, who keep watch forever over the City. 2.623. Let the innocent come: let the impious brother be far, 2.624. Far from here, and the mother harsh to her children, 2.625. He whose father’s too long-lived, who weighs his mother’s years, 2.626. The cruel mother-in-law who crushes the daughter-in-law she hates. 2.627. Be absent Tantalides, Atreus, Thyestes: and Medea, Jason’s wife: 2.628. Ino who gave parched seeds to the farmers: 2.629. And Procne, her sister, Philomela, and Tereus cruel to both, 2.630. And whoever has gathered wealth by wickedness. 2.631. Virtuous ones, burn incense to the gods of the family, 2.632. (Gentle Concord is said to be there on this day above all) 2.633. And offer food, so the robed Lares may feed from the dish 2.634. Granted to them as a mark of esteem, that pleases them. 2.635. Then when moist night invites us to calm slumber, 2.636. Fill the wine-cup full, for the prayer, and say: 2.637. ‘Health, health to you, worthy Caesar, Father of the Country!’ 2.638. And let there be pleasant speech at the pouring of wine. 2.683. The lands of other races have fixed boundaries: 2.684. The extent of the City of Rome and the world is one. 3.881. And the Safety of Rome, and the altar of Peace. 3.882. The Moon rules the months: this month’s span end 5.681. And he sprinkles his hair with dripping laurel too, 5.682. And with that voice, that often deceives, utters prayers: 5.683. ‘Wash away all the lies of the past,’ he says, 5.684. ‘Wash away all the perjured words of a day that’s gone. 5.685. If I’ve called on you as witness, and falsely invoked 5.686. Jove’s great power, hoping he wouldn’t hear: 5.687. If I’ve knowingly taken the names of gods and goddesses, 5.688. In vain: let the swift southerlies steal my sinful words, 5.689. And leave the day clear for me, for further perjuries, 5.690. And let the gods above fail to notice I’ve uttered any. 5.691. Just grant me my profit, give me joy of the profit I’ve made: 5.692. And make sure I’ll have the pleasure of cheating a buyer.’ 5.693. Mercury, on high, laughs aloud at such prayers, 6.478. One that takes its name from the statue of an ox: 6.613. Yet she still dared to visit her father’s temple, 6.614. His monument: what I tell is strange but true. 6.615. There was a statue enthroned, an image of Servius: 6.616. They say it put a hand to its eyes, 6.617. And a voice was heard: ‘Hide my face, 6.618. Lest it view my own wicked daughter.’ 6.619. It was veiled by cloth, Fortune refused to let the robe 6.620. Be removed, and she herself spoke from her temple:
123. Ovid, Epistulae Ex Ponto, 2.2.74 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa, m. Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 186
124. Hirtius, De Bello Gallico Liber Viii, 65.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii, son of agrippa i Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 49
125. Ovid, Amores, 1.1.1-1.1.4, 3.2 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa •agrippa, portico of •portico of agrippa Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 105; Verhelst and Scheijnens (2022), Greek and Latin Poetry of Late Antiquity: Form, Tradition, and Context, 96
1.1.1. Arma gravi numero violentaque bella parabam 1.1.2. Edere, materia conveniente modis. 1.1.3. Par erat inferior versus: risisse Cupido 1.1.4. Dicitur atque unum surripuisse pedem.
126. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 1.67-1.263, 1.497-1.504, 3.385-3.398 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa •agrippa, portico of •portico of agrippa •agrippa, map of Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 105; Pandey (2018), The Poetics of Power in Augustan Rome, 172, 173, 176, 181
1.67. Tu modo Pompeia lentus spatiare sub umbra, 1.68. rend= 1.69. Aut ubi muneribus nati sua munera mater 1.70. rend= 1.71. Nec tibi vitetur quae, priscis sparsa tabellis, 1.72. rend= 1.73. Quaque parare necem miseris patruelibus ausae 1.74. rend= 1.75. Nec te praetereat Veneri ploratus Adonis, 1.76. rend= 1.77. Nec fuge linigerae Memphitica templa iuvencae: 1.78. rend= 1.79. Et fora conveniunt (quis credere possit?) amori: 1.80. rend= 1.81. Subdita qua Veneris facto de marmore templo 1.82. rend= 1.83. Illo saepe loco capitur consultus Amori, 1.84. rend= 1.85. Illo saepe loco desunt sua verba diserto, 1.86. rend= 1.87. Hunc Venus e templis, quae sunt confinia, ridet: 1.88. rend= 1.89. Sed tu praecipue curvis venare theatris: 1.90. rend= 1.91. Illic invenies quod ames, quod ludere possis, 1.92. rend= 1.93. Ut redit itque frequens longum formica per agmen, 1.94. rend= 1.95. Aut ut apes saltusque suos et olentia nactae 1.96. rend= 1.97. Sic ruit ad celebres cultissima femina ludos: 1.98. rend= 1.99. Spectatum veniunt, veniunt spectentur ut ipsae: 1.100. rend= 1.101. Primus sollicitos fecisti, Romule, ludos, 1.102. rend= 1.103. Tunc neque marmoreo pendebant vela theatro, 1.104. rend= 1.105. Illic quas tulerant nemorosa Palatia, frondes 1.106. rend= 1.107. In gradibus sedit populus de caespite factis, 1.108. rend= 1.109. Respiciunt, oculisque notant sibi quisque puellam 1.110. rend= 1.111. Dumque, rudem praebente modum tibicine Tusco, 1.112. rend= 1.113. In medio plausu (plausus tunc arte carebant) 1.114. rend= 1.115. Protinus exiliunt, animum clamore fatentes, 1.116. rend= 1.117. Ut fugiunt aquilas, timidissima turba, columbae, 1.118. rend= 1.119. Sic illae timuere viros sine more ruentes; 1.120. rend= 1.121. Nam timor unus erat, facies non una timoris: 1.122. rend= 1.123. Altera maesta silet, frustra vocat altera matrem: 1.124. rend= fugit; 1.125. Ducuntur raptae, genialis praeda, puellae, 1.126. rend= 1.127. Siqua repugnarat nimium comitemque negabat, 1.128. rend= 1.129. Atque ita 'quid teneros lacrimis corrumpis ocellos? 1.130. rend= 1.131. Romule, militibus scisti dare commoda solus: 1.132. rend= 1.133. Scilicet ex illo sollemnia more theatra 1.134. rend= 1.135. Nec te nobilium fugiat certamen equorum; 1.136. rend= 1.137. Nil opus est digitis, per quos arcana loquaris, 1.138. rend= 1.139. Proximus a domina, nullo prohibente, sedeto, 1.140. rend= 1.141. Et bene, quod cogit, si nolis, linea iungi, 1.142. rend= 1.143. Hic tibi quaeratur socii sermonis origo, 1.144. rend= 1.145. Cuius equi veniant, facito, studiose, requiras: 1.146. rend= 1.147. At cum pompa frequens caelestibus ibit eburnis, 1.148. rend= 1.149. Utque fit, in gremium pulvis si forte puellae 1.150. rend= 1.151. Etsi nullus erit pulvis, tamen excute nullum: 1.152. rend= 1.153. Pallia si terra nimium demissa iacebunt, 1.154. rend= 1.155. Protinus, officii pretium, patiente puella 1.156. rend= 1.157. Respice praeterea, post vos quicumque sedebit, 1.158. rend= 1.159. Parva leves capiunt animos: fuit utile multis 1.160. rend= 1.161. Profuit et tenui ventos movisse tabella, 1.162. rend= 1.163. Hos aditus Circusque novo praebebit amori, 1.164. rend= 1.165. Illa saepe puer Veneris pugnavit harena, 1.166. rend= 1.167. Dum loquitur tangitque manum poscitque libellum 1.168. rend= 1.169. Saucius ingemuit telumque volatile sensit, 1.170. rend= 1.171. Quid, modo cum belli navalis imagine Caesar 1.172. rend= 1.173. Nempe ab utroque mari iuvenes, ab utroque puellae 1.174. rend= 1.175. Quis non invenit turba, quod amaret, in illa? 1.176. rend= 1.177. Ecce, parat Caesar domito quod defuit orbi 1.178. rend= 1.179. Parthe, dabis poenas: Crassi gaudete sepulti, 1.180. rend= 1.181. Ultor adest, primisque ducem profitetur in annis, 1.182. rend= 1.183. Parcite natales timidi numerare deorum: 1.184. rend= 1.185. Ingenium caeleste suis velocius annis 1.186. rend= 1.187. Parvus erat, manibusque duos Tirynthius angues 1.188. rend= 1.189. Nunc quoque qui puer es, quantus tum, Bacche, fuisti, 1.190. rend= 1.191. Auspiciis annisque patris, puer, arma movebis, 1.192. rend= 1.193. Tale rudimentum tanto sub nomine debes, 1.194. rend= 1.195. Cum tibi sint fratres, fratres ulciscere laesos: 1.196. rend= 1.197. Induit arma tibi genitor patriaeque tuusque: 1.198. rend= 1.199. Tu pia tela feres, sceleratas ille sagittas: 1.200. rend= 1.201. Vincuntur causa Parthi: vincantur et armis; 1.202. rend= 1.203. Marsque pater Caesarque pater, date numen eunti: 1.204. rend= 1.205. Auguror, en, vinces; votivaque carmina reddam, 1.206. rend= 1.207. Consistes, aciemque meis hortabere verbis; 1.208. rend= 1.209. Tergaque Parthorum Romanaque pectora dicam, 1.210. rend= 1.211. Qui fugis ut vincas, quid victo, Parthe, relinquis? 1.212. rend= 1.213. Ergo erit illa dies, qua tu, pulcherrime rerum, 1.214. rend= 1.215. Ibunt ante duces onerati colla catenis, 1.216. rend= 1.217. Spectabunt laeti iuvenes mixtaeque puellae, 1.218. rend= 1.219. Atque aliqua ex illis cum regum nomina quaeret, 1.220. rend= 1.221. Omnia responde, nec tantum siqua rogabit; 1.222. rend= 1.223. Hic est Euphrates, praecinctus harundine frontem: 1.224. rend= 1.225. Hos facito Armenios; haec est Danaëia Persis: 1.226. rend= 1.227. Ille vel ille, duces; et erunt quae nomina dicas, 1.228. rend= 1.229. Dant etiam positis aditum convivia mensis: 1.230. rend= 1.231. Saepe illic positi teneris adducta lacertis 1.232. rend= 1.233. Vinaque cum bibulas sparsere Cupidinis alas, 1.234. rend= 1.235. Ille quidem pennas velociter excutit udas: 1.236. rend= 1.237. Vina parant animos faciuntque caloribus aptos: 1.238. rend= 1.239. Tunc veniunt risus, tum pauper cornua sumit, 1.240. rend= 1.241. Tunc aperit mentes aevo rarissima nostro 1.242. rend= 1.243. Illic saepe animos iuvenum rapuere puellae, 1.244. rend= 1.245. Hic tu fallaci nimium ne crede lucernae: 1.246. rend= 1.247. Luce deas caeloque Paris spectavit aperto, 1.248. rend= 1.249. Nocte latent mendae, vitioque ignoscitur omni, 1.250. rend= 1.251. Consule de gemmis, de tincta murice lana, 1.252. rend= 1.253. Quid tibi femineos coetus venatibus aptos 1.254. rend= 1.255. Quid referam Baias, praetextaque litora velis, 1.256. rend= 1.257. Hinc aliquis vulnus referens in pectore dixit 1.258. rend= 1.259. Ecce suburbanae templum nemorale Dianae 1.260. rend= 1.261. Illa, quod est virgo, quod tela Cupidinis odit, 1.262. rend= 1.263. Hactenus, unde legas quod ames, ubi retia ponas, 1.497. Nec sine te curvo sedeat speciosa theatro: 1.498. rend= 1.499. Illam respicias, illam mirere licebit: 1.500. rend= 1.501. Et plaudas, aliquam mimo saltante puellam: 1.502. rend= 1.503. Cum surgit, surges; donec sedet illa, sedebis; 1.504. rend= 3.385. Nec vos Campus habet, nec vos gelidissima Virgo, 3.386. rend= 3.387. At licet et prodest Pompeias ire per umbras, 3.388. rend= 3.389. Visite laurigero sacrata Palatia Phoebo: 3.390. rend= 3.391. Quaeque soror coniunxque ducis monimenta pararunt, 3.392. rend= 3.393. Visite turicremas vaccae Memphitidos aras, 3.394. rend= 3.395. Spectentur tepido maculosae sanguine harenae, 3.396. rend= 3.397. Quod latet, ignotum est: ignoti nulla cupido: 3.398. rend=
127. Philo of Alexandria, On The Confusion of Tongues, 129 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa i Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 159
129. And the name is, as the Hebrews say, Phanuel, which translated into our language means, "turning away from God." For any strong building which is erected by means of plausible arguments is not built for the sake of any other object except that of averting and alienating the mind from the honour due to God, than which object what can be more iniquitous?
128. Philo of Alexandria, On The Preliminary Studies, 40-41, 43-44, 42 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 159
129. Philo of Alexandria, On The Decalogue, 159 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa i Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 159
130. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Joseph, 135-136 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 250
131. Augustus, Fragments, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •vipsanius agrippa, m. Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 247
132. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 25.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 154; Pandey (2018), The Poetics of Power in Augustan Rome, 181
133. Philo of Alexandria, On Dreams, 2.123-2.124, 2.127 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa i Found in books: Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 148; Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 250
2.123. Moreover, it is only a very short time ago that I knew a man of very high rank, one who was prefect and governor of Egypt, who, after he had taken it into his head to change our national institutions and customs, and in an extraordinary manner to abrogate that most holy law guarded by such fearful penalties, which relates to the seventh day, and was compelling us to obey him, and to do other things contrary to our established custom, thinking that that would be the beginning of our departure from the other laws, and of our violation of all our national customs, if he were once able to destroy our hereditary and customary observance of the seventh day. 2.124. And as he saw that those to whom he offered violence did not yield to his injunctions, and that the rest of our people was not disposed to submit in tranquillity, but was indigt and furious at the business, and was mourning and dispirited as if at the enslaving, and overthrow, and utter destruction of their country; he thought fit to endeavour by a speech to persuade them to transgress, saying: 2.127. And would you still sit down in your synagogues, collecting your ordinary assemblies, and reading your sacred volumes in security, and explaining whatever is not quite clear, and devoting all your time and leisure with long discussions to the philosophy of your ancestors?
134. Tibullus, Elegies, 1.7, 63.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 254; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 116
135. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 4.8.4, 6.4.2, 6.5, 6.5.2, 6.7.3, 7.5.3-7.5.4, 8.2.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa, marcus vipsanius •vipsanius agrippa, m., his pantheon •agrippa, map of •vipsanius agrippa, m., on public art •map of agrippa (cf. peutinger table) •vipsanius agrippa, m., his map Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 49; Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 346; Gee (2020), Mapping the Afterlife: From Homer to Dante, 60; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 58, 102, 205
136. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Abraham, 8 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa i Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 159
8. For the Chaldaeans call man Enos; as if he were the only real man, who lived in expectation of good things, and who is established in good hopes; from which it is evident that they do not look upon the man devoid of hope as a man at all, but rather as an animal resembling a man, inasmuch as he is deprived of that most peculiar possession of the human soul, namely hope.
137. New Testament, Jude, 14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa i •agrippa ii Found in books: Grabbe (2010), Introduction to Second Temple Judaism: History and Religion of the Jews in the Time of Nehemiah, the Maccabees, Hillel and Jesus, 42
138. New Testament, Acts, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 664; Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 246; Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 603; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 201
12.22. ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἐπεφώνει Θεοῦ φωνὴ καὶ οὐκ ἀνθρώπου. 12.22. The people shouted, "The voice of a god, and not of a man!"
139. New Testament, 1 Peter, 4.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 799
4.16. εἰ δὲ ὡς Χριστιανός, μὴ αἰσχυνέσθω, δοξαζέτω δὲ τὸν θεὸν ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι τούτῳ. 4.16. But if one of you suffers for being a Christian, let him not be ashamed; but let him glorify God in this matter.
140. New Testament, 1 Thessalonians, 1.10, 2.14-2.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •herod agrippa i •agrippa i Found in books: Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 380; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 377
1.10. καὶ ἀναμένειν τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ ἐκ τῶν οὐρανῶν, ὃν ἤγειρεν ἐκ [τῶν] νεκρῶν, Ἰησοῦν τὸν ῥυόμενον ἡμᾶς ἐκ τῆς ὀργῆς τῆς ἐρχομένης. 2.14. ὑμεῖς γὰρ μιμηταὶ ἐγενήθητε, ἀδελφοί, τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν τοῦ θεοῦ τῶν οὐσῶν ἐν τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ, ὅτι τὰ αὐτὰ ἐπάθετε καὶ ὑμεῖς ὑπὸ τῶν ἰδίων συμφυλετῶν καθὼς καὶ αὐτοὶ ὑπὸ τῶν Ἰουδαίων, 2.15. τῶν καὶ τὸν κύριον ἀποκτεινάντων Ἰησοῦν καὶ τοὺς προφήτας καὶ ἡμᾶς ἐκδιωξάντων, καὶ θεῷ μὴ ἀρεσκόντων, καὶ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ἐναντίων, 2.16. κωλυόντων ἡμᾶς τοῖς ἔθνεσιν λαλῆσαι ἵνα σωθῶσιν, εἰς τὸἀναπληρῶσαιαὐτῶντὰς ἁμαρτίαςπάντοτε. ἔφθασεν δὲ ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς ἡ ὀργὴ εἰς τέλος. 1.10. and to wait for his Son from heaven, whom he raised from the dead -- Jesus, who delivers us from the wrath to come. 2.14. For you, brothers, became imitators of the assemblies of God which are in Judea in Christ Jesus; for you also suffered the same things from your own countrymen, even as they did from the Jews; 2.15. who killed both the Lord Jesus and their own prophets, and drove us out, and didn't please God, and are contrary to all men; 2.16. forbidding us to speak to the Gentiles that they may be saved; to fill up their sins always. But wrath has come on them to the uttermost.
141. Mishnah, Yoma, 3.10, 7.1 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii •agrippa i Found in books: Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 49; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 344; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 576
3.10. "בֶּן קָטִין עָשָׂה שְׁנֵים עָשָׂר דַּד לַכִּיּוֹר, שֶׁלֹּא הָיוּ לוֹ אֶלָּא שְׁנַיִם. וְאַף הוּא עָשָׂה מוּכְנִי לַכִּיּוֹר, שֶׁלֹּא יִהְיו מֵימָיו נִפְסָלִין בְּלִינָה. מֻנְבַּז הַמֶּלֶךְ הָיָה עוֹשֶׂה כָל יְדוֹת הַכֵּלִים שֶׁל יוֹם הַכִּפּוּרִים שֶׁל זָהָב. הִילְנִי אִמּוֹ עָשְׂתָה נִבְרֶשֶׁת שֶׁל זָהָב עַל פִּתְחוֹ שֶׁל הֵיכָל. וְאַף הִיא עָשְׂתָה טַבְלָא שֶׁל זָהָב שֶׁפָּרָשַׁת סוֹטָה כְתוּבָה עָלֶיהָ. נִיקָנוֹר נַעֲשׂוּ נִסִּים לְדַלְתוֹתָיו, וְהָיוּ מַזְכִּירִין אוֹתוֹ לְשָׁבַח: \n", 7.1. "בָּא לוֹ כֹהֵן גָּדוֹל לִקְרוֹת. אִם רָצָה לִקְרוֹת בְּבִגְדֵי בוּץ, קוֹרֵא. וְאִם לֹא, קוֹרֵא בְאִצְטְלִית לָבָן מִשֶּׁלּוֹ. חַזַּן הַכְּנֶסֶת נוֹטֵל סֵפֶר תּוֹרָה וְנוֹתְנוֹ לְרֹאשׁ הַכְּנֶסֶת, וְרֹאשׁ הַכְּנֶסֶת נוֹתְנוֹ לַסְּגָן, וְהַסְּגָן נוֹתְנוֹ לְכֹהֵן גָּדוֹל, וְכֹהֵן גָּדוֹל עוֹמֵד וּמְקַבֵּל וְקוֹרֵא עוֹמֵד, וְקוֹרֵא אַחֲרֵי מוֹת וְאַךְ בֶּעָשׂוֹר. וְגוֹלֵל סֵפֶר תּוֹרָה וּמַנִּיחוֹ בְחֵיקוֹ, וְאוֹמֵר, יוֹתֵר מִמַּה שֶּׁקָּרָאתִי לִפְנֵיכֶם כָּתוּב כָּאן, וּבֶעָשׂוֹר שֶׁבְּחֻמַּשׁ הַפְּקוּדִים קוֹרֵא עַל פֶּה, וּמְבָרֵךְ עָלֶיהָ שְׁמֹנֶה בְרָכוֹת, עַל הַתּוֹרָה, וְעַל הָעֲבוֹדָה, וְעַל הַהוֹדָאָה, וְעַל מְחִילַת הֶעָוֹן, וְעַל הַמִּקְדָּשׁ בִּפְנֵי עַצְמוֹ, וְעַל יִשְׂרָאֵל בִּפְנֵי עַצְמָן וְעַל יְרוּשָׁלַיִם בִּפְנֵי עַצְמָהּ וְעַל הַכֹּהֲנִים בִּפְנֵי עַצְמָן וְעַל שְׁאָר הַתְּפִלָּה: \n", 3.10. "Ben Katin made twelve spigots for the laver, for there had been before only two. He also made a mechanism for the laver, in order that its water should not become unfit by remaining overnight. King Monbaz had all the handles of all the vessels used on Yom HaKippurim made of gold. His mother Helena made a golden candelabrum over the opening of the Hekhal. She also made a golden tablet, on which the portion concerning the suspected adulteress was inscribed. For Nicanor miracles happened to his doors. And they were all mentioned for praise.", 7.1. "The high priest [then] came to read. If he wished to read in linen garments, he reads, and if not he reads in his own white cloak. The synagogue attendant would take a Torah scroll and give it to the head of the synagogue, and the head of the synagogue gives it to deputy high priest, and the deputy high priest gives it to the high priest, and the high priest stands and receives it, and reads, [section] beginning] “After the death …” (Leviticus 16:1-34) and “But on the tenth…” (Leviticus 23:26-32). Then he would roll up the Torah scroll and put it in his bosom and say, “More than what I have read out before you is written here.” And “On the tenth …” (Numbers 29:7-11) which is in the Book of Numbers he recites by heart. And he recites on it eight benedictions: “For the law”, “For the Temple service,” “For thanksgiving,” “For the forgiveness of sins” and “For the Temple” on its own, and “For Israel” on its own and “For Jerusalem” on its own, “For the priests” on their own and “For the rest of the prayer.”",
142. New Testament, 2 Corinthians, 3.6, 4.14, 11.13, 11.22, 11.26 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa i •herod, agrippa ii Found in books: Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 304; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 376
3.6. ὃς καὶ ἱκάνωσεν ἡμᾶς διακόνους καινῆς διαθήκης, οὐ γράμματος ἀλλὰ πνεύματος, τὸ γὰρ γράμμα ἀποκτείνει, τὸ δὲ πνεῦμα ζωοποιεῖ. 4.14. εἰδότες ὅτι ὁ ἐγείρας τὸν [κύριον] Ἰησοῦν καὶ ἡμᾶς σὺν Ἰησοῦ ἐγερεῖ καὶ παραστήσει σὺν ὑμῖν. 11.13. οἱ γὰρ τοιοῦτοι ψευδαπόστολοι, ἐργάται δόλιοι, μετασχηματιζόμενοι εἰς ἀποστόλους Χριστοῦ· 11.22. Ἐβραῖοί εἰσιν; κἀγώ. Ἰσραηλεῖταί εἰσιν; κἀγώ. σπέρμα Ἀβραάμ εἰσιν; κἀγώ. διάκονοι Χριστοῦ εἰσίν; 11.26. κινδύνοις ποταμῶν, κινδύνοις λῃστῶν, κινδύνοις ἐκ γένους, κινδύνοις ἐξ ἐθνῶν, κινδύνοις ἐν πόλει, κινδύνοις ἐν ἐρημίᾳ, κινδύνοις ἐν θαλάσσῃ, κινδύνοις ἐν ψευδαδέλφοις,
143. New Testament, 2 Thessalonians, 3.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 584
3.17. Ὁ ἀσπασμὸς τῇ ἐμῇ χειρὶ Παύλου, ὅ ἐστιν σημεῖον ἐν πάσῃ ἐπιστολῇ· οὕτως γράφω. 3.17. The greeting of me, Paul, with my own hand, which is the sign in every letter: this is how I write.
144. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 11.23-11.25, 14.23, 15.4-15.7, 15.12-15.24, 16.21 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •herod agrippa i •herod agrippa •herod, agrippa ii •agrippa ii Found in books: Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 304; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 22, 380; Levison (2009), Filled with the Spirit, 359; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 584
11.23. ἐγὼ γὰρ παρέλαβον ἀπὸ τοῦ κυρίου, ὃ καὶ παρέδωκα ὑμῖν, ὅτι ὁ κύριος Ἰησοῦς ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ ᾗ παρεδίδετο ἔλαβεν ἄρτον καὶ εὐχαριστήσας ἔκλασεν καὶ εἶπεν 11.24. Τοῦτό μού ἐστιν τὸ σῶμα τὸ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν· τοῦτο ποιεῖτε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν. ὡσαύτως καὶ τὸ ποτήριον μετὰ τὸ δειπνῆσαι, λέγων 11.25. Τοῦτο τὸ ποτήριον ἡ καινὴδιαθήκηἐστὶν ἐντῷἐμῷαἵματι·τοῦτο ποιεῖτε, ὁσάκις ἐὰν πίνητε, εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν. 14.23. Ἐὰν οὖν συνέλθῃ ἡ ἐκκλησία ὅλη ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ καὶ πάντες λαλῶσιν γλώσσαις, εἰσέλθωσιν δὲ ἰδιῶται ἢ ἄπιστοι, οὐκ ἐροῦσιν ὅτι μαίνεσθε; 15.4. καὶ ὅτι ἐτάφη, καὶ ὅτι ἐγήγερται τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῇ τρίτῃ κατὰ τὰς γραφάς, 15.5. καὶ ὅτι ὤφθη Κηφᾷ, εἶτα τοῖς δώδεκα· 15.6. ἔπειτα ὤφθη ἐπάνω πεντακοσίοις ἀδελφοῖς ἐφάπαξ, ἐξ ὧν οἱ πλείονες μένουσιν ἕως ἄρτι, τινὲς δὲ ἐκοιμήθησαν· 15.7. ἔπειτα ὤφθη Ἰακώβῳ, εἶτα τοῖς ἀποστόλοις πᾶσιν· 15.12. Εἰ δὲ Χριστὸς κηρύσσεται ὅτι ἐκ νεκρῶν ἐγήγερται, πῶς λέγουσιν ἐν ὑμῖν τινὲς ὅτι ἀνάστασις νεκρῶν οὐκ ἔστιν; 15.13. εἰ δὲ ἀνάστασις νεκρῶν οὐκ ἔστιν, οὐδὲ Χριστὸς ἐγήγερται· 15.14. εἰ δὲ Χριστὸς οὐκ ἐγήγερται, κενὸν ἄρα τὸ κήρυγμα ἡμῶν, κενὴ καὶ ἡ πίστις ἡμῶν, 15.15. εὑρισκόμεθα δὲ καὶ ψευδομάρτυρες τοῦ θεοῦ, ὅτι ἐμαρτυρήσαμεν κατὰ τοῦ θεοῦ ὅτι ἤγειρεν τὸν χριστόν, ὃν οὐκ ἤγειρεν εἴπερ ἄρα νεκροὶ οὐκ ἐγείρονται. 15.16. εἰ γὰρ νεκροὶ οὐκ ἐγείρονται, οὐδὲ Χριστὸς ἐγήγερται· 15.17. εἰ δὲ Χριστὸς οὐκ ἐγήγερται, ματαία ἡ πίστις ὑμῶν [ἐστίν], ἔτι ἐστὲ ἐν ταῖς ἁμαρτίαις ὑμῶν. 15.18. ἄρα καὶ οἱ κοιμηθέντες ἐν Χριστῷ ἀπώλοντο. 15.19. εἰ ἐν τῇ ζωῇ ταύτῃ ἐν Χριστῷ ἠλπικότες ἐσμὲν μόνον, ἐλεεινότεροι πάντων ἀνθρώπων ἐσμέν. 15.20. Νυνὶ δὲ Χριστὸς ἐγήγερται ἐκ νεκρῶν, ἀπαρχὴ τῶν κεκοιμημένων. 15.21. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ διʼ ἀνθρώπου θάνατος, καὶ διʼ ἀνθρώπου ἀνάστασις νεκρῶν· 15.22. ὥσπερ γὰρ ἐν τῷ Ἀδὰμ πάντες ἀποθνήσκουσιν, οὕτως καὶ ἐν τῷ χριστῷ πάντες ζωοποιηθήσονται. 15.23. Ἕκαστος δὲ ἐν τῷ ἰδίῳ τάγματι· ἀπαρχὴ Χριστός, ἔπειτα οἱ τοῦ χριστοῦ ἐν τῇ παρουσίᾳ αὐτοῦ· 15.24. εἶτα τὸ τέλος, ὅταν παραδιδῷ τὴν βασιλείαν τῷ θεῷ καὶ πατρί, ὅταν καταργήσῃ πᾶσαν ἀρχὴν καὶ πᾶσαν ἐξουσίαν καὶ δύναμιν, 16.21. Ὁ ἀσπασμὸς τῇ ἐμῇ χειρὶ Παύλου. 11.23. For I received from the Lord that which also I delivered toyou, that the Lord Jesus on the night in which he was betrayed tookbread. 11.24. When he had given thanks, he broke it, and said, "Take,eat. This is my body, which is broken for you. Do this in memory ofme." 11.25. In the same way he also took the cup, after supper,saying, "This cup is the new covet in my blood. Do this, as often asyou drink, in memory of me." 14.23. If therefore thewhole assembly is assembled together and all speak with otherlanguages, and unlearned or unbelieving people come in, won't they saythat you are crazy? 15.4. that he was buried, that he wasraised on the third day according to the Scriptures, 15.5. and that heappeared to Cephas, then to the twelve. 15.6. Then he appeared to overfive hundred brothers at once, most of whom remain until now, but somehave also fallen asleep. 15.7. Then he appeared to James, then to allthe apostles, 15.12. Now if Christ is preached, that he has been raised from thedead, how do some among you say that there is no resurrection of thedead? 15.13. But if there is no resurrection of the dead, neither hasChrist been raised. 15.14. If Christ has not been raised, then ourpreaching is in vain, and your faith also is in vain. 15.15. Yes, weare found false witnesses of God, because we testified about God thathe raised up Christ, whom he didn't raise up, if it is so that the deadare not raised. 15.16. For if the dead aren't raised, neither hasChrist been raised. 15.17. If Christ has not been raised, your faithis vain; you are still in your sins. 15.18. Then they also who arefallen asleep in Christ have perished. 15.19. If we have only hoped inChrist in this life, we are of all men most pitiable. 15.20. But now Christ has been raised from the dead. He became thefirst fruits of those who are asleep. 15.21. For since death came byman, the resurrection of the dead also came by man. 15.22. For as inAdam all die, so also in Christ all will be made alive. 15.23. Buteach in his own order: Christ the first fruits, then those who areChrist's, at his coming. 15.24. Then the end comes, when he willdeliver up the Kingdom to God, even the Father; when he will haveabolished all rule and all authority and power. 16.21. This greeting is by me, Paul, with my own hand.
145. Mishnah, Tamid, 7.3 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa Found in books: Cohn (2013), The Memory of the Temple and the Making of the Rabbis, 10
7.3. "בִּזְמַן שֶׁכֹּהֵן גָּדוֹל רוֹצֶה לְהַקְטִיר, הָיָה עוֹלֶה בַכֶּבֶשׁ וְהַסְּגָן בִּימִינוֹ. הִגִּיעַ לְמַחֲצִית הַכֶּבֶשׁ, אָחַז הַסְּגָן בִּימִינוֹ וְהֶעֱלָהוּ. הוֹשִׁיט לוֹ הָרִאשׁוֹן הָרֹאשׁ וְהָרֶגֶל, וְסָמַךְ עֲלֵיהֶן וּזְרָקָן. הוֹשִׁיט הַשֵּׁנִי לָרִאשׁוֹן שְׁתֵּי הַיָּדַיִם, נוֹתְנָן לְכֹהֵן גָּדוֹל, וְסָמַךְ עֲלֵיהֶן וּזְרָקָן. נִשְׁמַט הַשֵּׁנִי וְהָלַךְ לוֹ. וְכָךְ הָיוּ מוֹשִׁיטִין לוֹ שְׁאָר כָּל הָאֵבָרִין, וְהוּא סוֹמֵךְ עֲלֵיהֶן וְזוֹרְקָן. וּבִזְמַן שֶׁהוּא רוֹצֶה, הוּא סוֹמֵךְ וַאֲחֵרִים זוֹרְקִין. בָּא לוֹ לְהַקִּיף אֶת הַמִּזְבֵּחַ. מֵהֵיכָן הוּא מַתְחִיל, מִקֶּרֶן דְּרוֹמִית מִזְרָחִית, מִזְרָחִית צְפוֹנִית, צְפוֹנִית מַעֲרָבִית, מַעֲרָבִית דְּרוֹמִית. נָתְנוּ לוֹ יַיִן לְנַסֵּךְ, הַסְּגָן עוֹמֵד עַל הַקֶּרֶן וְהַסּוּדָרִים בְּיָדוֹ, וּשְׁנֵי כֹהֲנִים עוֹמְדִים עַל שֻׁלְחַן הַחֲלָבִים וּשְׁתֵּי חֲצוֹצְרוֹת שֶׁל כֶּסֶף בְּיָדָם, תָּקְעוּ וְהֵרִיעוּ וְתָקְעוּ. בָּאוּ וְעָמְדוּ אֵצֶל בֶּן אַרְזָא, אֶחָד מִימִינוֹ וְאֶחָד מִשְּׂמֹאלוֹ. שָׁחָה לְנַסֵּךְ, וְהֵנִיף הַסְּגָן בַּסּוּדָרִין, וְהִקִּישׁ בֶּן אַרְזָא בַּצֶּלְצָל, וְדִבְּרוּ הַלְוִיִּם בַּשִּׁיר. הִגִּיעוּ לְפֶרֶק, תָּקְעוּ, וְהִשְׁתַּחֲווּ הָעָם. עַל כָּל פֶּרֶק, תְּקִיעָה. וְעַל כָּל תְּקִיעָה, הִשְׁתַּחֲוָיָה. זֶה הוּא סֵדֶר הַתָּמִיד לַעֲבוֹדַת בֵּית אֱלֹהֵינוּ, יְהִי רָצוֹן שֶׁיִבָּנֶה בִּמְהֵרָה בְיָמֵינוּ, אָמֵן:", 7.3. "If the high priest wished to burn the offerings [himself], he would go up the ascent with the deputy high priest at his right. When he reached the middle of the ascent the deputy took hold of his right hand and helped him up. The first [of the other priests] then handed to him the head and the foot and he laid his hands on them and threw them [onto the altar]. The second then handed to the first the two fore legs. And he handed them to the high priest who laid his hands on them and threw them [onto the altar]. The second then went away. In the same way all the other limbs were handed to him and he laid his hands on them and threw them [on to the altar fire]. If he wanted, he could lay his hands and let others throw [them] on the fire. He then went around the altar. From where did he begin? From the southeastern corner; from there he went to the northeastern, then to the northwestern and then to the southwestern. They there handed him the wine for libation. The deputy high priest stood on the corner/horn of the altar with the flags in his hand, and two priests on the table of the fats with two trumpets in their hands. They blew a teki’ah, a teru’ah and a teki’ah. They then went and stood by Ben Arza, one on his right hand and one on his left. When he bent down to make the libation the deputy high priest waved the flags and Ben Arza struck the cymbals and the Levites sang the psalm. When they came to a pause they blew a teki’ah, and the public bowed down. At every pause there was a teki’ah and at every teki’ah a bowing down. This was the order of the regular daily sacrifice for the service of our Lord. May it be His will that it be rebuilt speedily in our days, Amen.",
146. New Testament, Philippians, 2.9, 3.2, 3.4-3.11, 4.22 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •herod agrippa i •agrippa i •agrippa ii •cassius agrippa Found in books: Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 117; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 380; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 376, 549, 584
2.9. διὸ καὶ ὁ θεὸς αὐτὸν ὑπερύψωσεν, καὶ ἐχαρίσατο αὐτῷ τὸ ὄνομα τὸ ὑπὲρ πᾶν ὄνομα, 3.2. Βλέπετε τοὺς κύνας, βλέπετε τοὺς κακοὺς ἐργάτας, βλέπετε τὴν κατατομήν. 3.4. καίπερ ἐγὼ ἔχων πεποίθησιν καὶ ἐν σαρκί. Εἴ τις δοκεῖ ἄλλος πεποιθέναι ἐν σαρκί, ἐγὼ μᾶλλον· 3.5. περιτομῇ ὀκταήμερος, ἐκ γένους Ἰσραήλ, φυλῆς Βενιαμείν, Ἐβραῖος ἐξ Ἐβραίων, κατὰ νόμον Φαρισαῖος, 3.6. κατὰ ζῆλος διώκων τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, κατὰ δικαιοσύνην τὴν ἐν νόμῳ γενόμενος ἄμεμπτος. 3.7. Ἀλλὰ ἅτινα ἦν μοι κέρδη, ταῦτα ἥγημαι διὰ τὸν χριστὸν ζημίαν. 3.8. ἀλλὰ μὲν οὖν γε καὶ ἡγοῦμαι πάντα ζημίαν εἶναι διὰ τὸ ὑπερέχον τῆς γνώσεως Χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ τοῦ κυρίου μου διʼ ὃν τὰ πάντα ἐζημιώθην, καὶ ἡγοῦμαι σκύβαλα ἵνα Χριστὸν κερδήσω καὶ εὑρεθῶ ἐν αὐτῷ, 3.9. μὴ ἔχων ἐμὴν δικαιοσύνην τὴν ἐκ νόμου ἀλλὰ τὴν διὰ πίστεως Χριστοῦ, τὴν ἐκ θεοῦ δικαιοσύνην ἐπὶ τῇ πίστει, 3.10. τοῦ γνῶναι αὐτὸν καὶ τὴν δύναμιν τῆς ἀναστάσεως αὐτοῦ καὶ κοινωνίαν παθημάτων αὐτοῦ, συμμορφιζόμενος τῷ θανάτῳ αὐτοῦ, 3.11. εἴ πως καταντήσω εἰς τὴν ἐξανάστασιν τὴν ἐκ νεκρῶν. οὐχ ὅτι ἤδη ἔλαβον ἢ ἤδη τετελείωμαι, 4.22. ἀσπάζονται ὑμᾶς πάντες οἱ ἅγιοι, μάλιστα δὲ οἱ ἐκ τῆς Καίσαρος οἰκίας. 2.9. Therefore God also highly exalted him, and gave to him the name which is above every name; 3.2. Beware of the dogs, beware of the evil workers, beware of the false circumcision. 3.4. though I myself might have confidence even in the flesh. If any other man thinks that he has confidence in the flesh, I yet more: 3.5. circumcised the eighth day, of the stock of Israel, of the tribe of Benjamin, a Hebrew of Hebrews; concerning the law, a Pharisee; 3.6. concerning zeal, persecuting the assembly; concerning the righteousness which is in the law, found blameless. 3.7. However, what things were gain to me, these have I counted loss for Christ. 3.8. Yes most assuredly, and I count all things to be loss for the excellency of the knowledge of Christ Jesus, my Lord, for whom I suffered the loss of all things, and count them nothing but refuse, that I may gain Christ 3.9. and be found in him, not having a righteousness of my own, that which is of the law, but that which is through faith in Christ, the righteousness which is from God by faith; 3.10. that I may know him, and the power of his resurrection, and the fellowship of his sufferings, becoming conformed to his death; 3.11. if by any means I may attain to the resurrection from the dead. 4.22. All the saints greet you, especially those who are of Caesar's household.
147. Mishnah, Sukkah, 4.5, 4.9, 5.1, 5.4 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa •agrippa ii Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 333; Cohn (2013), The Memory of the Temple and the Making of the Rabbis, 10; Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 199; Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 216
4.5. "מִצְוַת עֲרָבָה כֵּיצַד, מָקוֹם הָיָה לְמַטָּה מִירוּשָׁלַיִם, וְנִקְרָא מוֹצָא. יוֹרְדִין לְשָׁם וּמְלַקְּטִין מִשָּׁם מֻרְבִּיּוֹת שֶׁל עֲרָבָה, וּבָאִין וְזוֹקְפִין אוֹתָן בְּצִדֵּי הַמִּזְבֵּחַ, וְרָאשֵׁיהֶן כְּפוּפִין עַל גַּבֵּי הַמִּזְבֵּחַ. תָּקְעוּ וְהֵרִיעוּ וְתָקָעוּ. בְּכָל יוֹם מַקִּיפִין אֶת הַמִּזְבֵּחַ פַּעַם אַחַת, וְאוֹמְרִים, אָנָּא ה' הוֹשִׁיעָה נָּא, אָנָּא ה' הַצְלִיחָה נָּא. רַבִּי יְהוּדָה אוֹמֵר, אֲנִי וָהוֹ הוֹשִׁיעָה נָּא. וְאוֹתוֹ הַיּוֹם מַקִּיפִין אֶת הַמִּזְבֵּחַ שֶׁבַע פְּעָמִים. בִּשְׁעַת פְּטִירָתָן, מָה הֵן אוֹמְרִים, יֹפִי לְךָ מִזְבֵּחַ, יֹפִי לְךָ מִזְבֵּחַ. רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר אוֹמֵר, לְיָהּ וּלְךָ, מִזְבֵּחַ. לְיָהּ וּלְךָ, מִזְבֵּחַ: \n", 4.9. "נִסּוּךְ הַמַּיִם כֵּיצַד. צְלוֹחִית שֶׁל זָהָב מַחֲזֶקֶת שְׁלשֶׁת לֻגִּים הָיָה מְמַלֵּא מִן הַשִּׁלּוֹחַ. הִגִּיעוּ לְשַׁעַר הַמַּיִם, תָּקְעוּ וְהֵרִיעוּ וְתָקָעוּ. עָלָה בַכֶּבֶשׁ וּפָנָה לִשְׂמֹאלוֹ, שְׁנֵי סְפָלִים שֶׁל כֶּסֶף הָיוּ שָׁם. רַבִּי יְהוּדָה אוֹמֵר, שֶׁל סִיד הָיוּ, אֶלָּא שֶׁהָיוּ מֻשְׁחָרִין פְּנֵיהֶם מִפְּנֵי הַיָּיִן. וּמְנֻקָּבִין כְּמִין שְׁנֵי חֳטָמִין דַּקִּין, אֶחָד מְעֻבֶּה וְאֶחָד דַּק, כְּדֵי שֶׁיְּהוּ שְׁנֵיהֶם כָּלִין בְּבַת אַחַת. מַעֲרָבִי שֶׁל מַיִם, מִזְרָחִי שֶׁל יָיִן. עֵרָה שֶׁל מַיִם לְתוֹךְ שֶׁל יַיִן, וְשֶׁל יַיִן לְתוֹךְ שֶׁל מַיִם, יָצָא. רַבִּי יְהוּדָה אוֹמֵר, בְּלֹג הָיָה מְנַסֵּךְ כָּל שְׁמֹנָה. וְלַמְנַסֵּךְ אוֹמְרִים לוֹ, הַגְבַּהּ יָדֶךָ, שֶׁפַּעַם אַחַת נִסֵּךְ אֶחָד עַל גַּבֵּי רַגְלָיו, וּרְגָמוּהוּ כָל הָעָם בְּאֶתְרוֹגֵיהֶן: \n", 5.1. "הֶחָלִיל חֲמִשָּׁה וְשִׁשָּׁה. זֶהוּ הֶחָלִיל שֶׁל בֵּית הַשּׁוֹאֵבָה, שֶׁאֵינָה דּוֹחָה לֹא אֶת הַשַּׁבָּת וְלֹא אֶת יוֹם טוֹב. אָמְרוּ, כָּל מִי שֶׁלֹּא רָאָה שִׂמְחַת בֵּית הַשּׁוֹאֵבָה, לֹא רָאָה שִׂמְחָה מִיָּמָיו: \n", 5.4. "חֲסִידִים וְאַנְשֵׁי מַעֲשֶׂה הָיוּ מְרַקְּדִים לִפְנֵיהֶם בַּאֲבוּקוֹת שֶׁל אוֹר שֶׁבִּידֵיהֶן, וְאוֹמְרִים לִפְנֵיהֶן דִּבְרֵי שִׁירוֹת וְתִשְׁבָּחוֹת. וְהַלְוִיִּם בְּכִנּוֹרוֹת וּבִנְבָלִים וּבִמְצִלְתַּיִם וּבַחֲצוֹצְרוֹת וּבִכְלֵי שִׁיר בְּלֹא מִסְפָּר, עַל חֲמֵשׁ עֶשְׂרֵה מַעֲלוֹת הַיּוֹרְדוֹת מֵעֶזְרַת יִשְׂרָאֵל לְעֶזְרַת נָשִׁים, כְּנֶגֶד חֲמִשָּׁה עָשָׂר שִׁיר הַמַּעֲלוֹת שֶׁבַּתְּהִלִּים, שֶׁעֲלֵיהֶן לְוִיִּים עוֹמְדִין בִּכְלֵי שִׁיר וְאוֹמְרִים שִׁירָה. וְעָמְדוּ שְׁנֵי כֹהֲנִים בַּשַּׁעַר הָעֶלְיוֹן שֶׁיּוֹרֵד מֵעֶזְרַת יִשְׂרָאֵל לְעֶזְרַת נָשִׁים, וּשְׁתֵּי חֲצוֹצְרוֹת בִּידֵיהֶן. קָרָא הַגֶּבֶר, תָּקְעוּ וְהֵרִיעוּ וְתָקָעוּ. הִגִּיעוּ לְמַעְלָה עֲשִׂירִית, תָּקְעוּ וְהֵרִיעוּ וְתָקָעוּ. הִגִּיעוּ לָעֲזָרָה, תָּקְעוּ וְהֵרִיעוּ וְתָקָעוּ. הָיוּ תוֹקְעִין וְהוֹלְכִין, עַד שֶׁמַּגִּיעִין לַשַּׁעַר הַיּוֹצֵא מִזְרָח. הִגִּיעוּ לַשַּׁעַר הַיּוֹצֵא מִמִּזְרָח, הָפְכוּ פְנֵיהֶן לַמַּעֲרָב, וְאָמְרוּ, אֲבוֹתֵינוּ שֶׁהָיוּ בַמָּקוֹם הַזֶּה אֲחוֹרֵיהֶם אֶל הֵיכַל ה' וּפְנֵיהֶם קֵדְמָה, וְהֵמָּה מִשְׁתַּחֲוִים קֵדְמָה לַשָּׁמֶשׁ, וְאָנוּ לְיָהּ עֵינֵינוּ. רַבִּי יְהוּדָה אוֹמֵר, הָיוּ שׁוֹנִין וְאוֹמְרִין, אָנוּ לְיָהּ, וּלְיָהּ עֵינֵינוּ: \n", 4.5. "The mitzvah of the aravah how was it [performed]?There was a place below Jerusalem called Moza. They went down there and gathered tall branches of aravot and then they came and stood them up at the sides of the altar, and their tops were bent over the altar. They then sounded a teki’ah [long blast], a teru’ah [staccato blast] and again a teki’ah. Every day they went round the altar once, saying, “O Lord, save us, O Lord, make us prosper” (Psalms 118:. Rabbi Judah says: “Ani vaho, save us.” On that day they went round the altar seven times. When they departed, what did they say? “O altar, beauty is to you! O altar, beauty is to you!” Rabbi Eliezer said: [they would say,] “To the Lord and to you, O altar, to the Lord and to you, O altar.”", 4.9. "How was the water libation [performed]? A golden flask holding three logs was filled from the Shiloah. When they arrived at the water gate, they sounded a teki'ah [long blast], a teru'ah [a staccato note] and again a teki'ah. [The priest then] went up the ascent [of the altar] and turned to his left where there were two silver bowls. Rabbi Judah says: they were of plaster [but they looked silver] because their surfaces were darkened from the wine. They had each a hole like a slender snout, one being wide and the other narrow so that both emptied at the same time. The one on the west was for water and the one on the east for wine. If he poured the flask of water into the bowl for wine, or that of wine into that for water, he has fulfilled his obligation. Rabbi Judah says: with one log he performed the ceremony of the water-libation all eight days. To [the priest] who performed the libation they used to say, “Raise your hand”, for one time, a certain man poured out the water over his feet, and all the people pelted him with their etrogs.", 5.1. "The flute was for five or six days. This refers to the flute at the Bet Hashoevah [the place of the water-drawing] which does not override Shabbat or the festival day. They said: he who has not seen the Simchat Bet Hashoevah has never seen rejoicing in his life.", 5.4. "Men of piety and good deeds used to dance before them with lighted torches in their hands, and they would sing songs and praises. And Levites with innumerable harps, lyres, cymbals and trumpets and other musical instruments stood upon the fifteen steps leading down from the Court of the Israelites to the Court of the Women, corresponding to the fifteen songs of ascents in the Psalms, and it was on these [steps] that the Levites stood with their musical instruments and sang their songs. Two priests stood by the upper gate which leads down from the Court of the Israelites to the Court of the Women, with two trumpets in their hands. When the cock crowed they sounded a teki'ah [drawn-out blast], a teru'ah [staccato note] and again a teki'ah. When they reached the tenth step they sounded a teki'ah, a teru'ah and again a teki'ah. When they reached the Court [of the Women] they sounded a teki'ah, a teru'ah and again a teki'ah. They would sound their trumpets and proceed until they reached the gate which leads out to the east. When they reached the gate which leads out to the east, they turned their faces from east to west and said, “Our fathers who were in this place ‘their backs were toward the Temple of the Lord, and their faces toward the east, and they worshipped the sun toward the east’, but as for us, our eyes are turned to the Lord.” Rabbi Judah said: they used to repeat [the last words] and say “We are the Lord’s and our eyes are turned to the Lord.”",
148. Ignatius, To Polycarp, 7.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 799
7.3. A Christian hath no authority over himself, but giveth his time to God. This is God's work, and yours also, when ye shall complete it: for I trust in the Divine grace, that ye are ready for an act of well- doing which is meet for God. Knowing the fervour of your sincerity, I have exhorted you in a short letter.
149. Ignatius, To The Ephesians, 11.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 799
11.2. Let nothing glitter in your eyes apart from Him, in whom I carry about my bonds, my spiritual pearls in which I would fain rise again through your prayer, whereof may it be my lot to be always a partaker, that I may be found in the company of those Christians of Ephesus who moreover were ever of one mind with the Apostles in the power of Jesus Christ.
150. Ignatius, To The Magnesians, 4.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 799
151. Ignatius, To The Romans, 3.2, 4.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 799; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 552
3.2. Only pray that I may have power within and without, so that I may not only say it but also desire it; that I may not only be called a Christian, but also be found one. For if I shall be found so, then can I also be called one, and be faithful then, when I am no more visible to the world. 4.3. I do not enjoin you, as Peter and Paul did. They were Apostles, I am a convict; they were free, but I am a slave to this very hour. Yet if I shall suffer, then am I a freed-man of Jesus Christ, and I shall rise free in Him. Now I am learning in my bonds to put away every desire.
152. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, a b c d\n0 16.172 16.172 16 172\n1 16.28 16.28 16 28 \n2 16.168 16.168 16 168\n3 16.170 16.170 16 170\n4 16.45 16.45 16 45 \n... ... ... .. .. \n1370 17.262 17.262 17 262\n1371 17.263 17.263 17 263\n1372 17.264 17.264 17 264\n1373 17.265 17.265 17 265\n1374 17.257 17.257 17 257\n\n[1375 rows x 4 columns] (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 96
16.172. 7. Nor did Julius Antonius, the proconsul, write otherwise. “To the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. As I was dispensing justice at Ephesus, on the Ides of February, the Jews that dwell in Asia demonstrated to me that Augustus and Agrippa had permitted them to use their own laws and customs, and to offer those their first-fruits, which every one of them freely offers to the Deity on account of piety, and to carry them in a company together to Jerusalem without disturbance.
153. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 0.343056, 0.546528, 1.3-1.6, 1.16, 1.18, 1.61, 1.152-1.154, 1.169-1.170, 1.177, 1.179, 1.194, 1.199, 1.203, 1.208-1.209, 1.213, 1.225, 1.229, 1.242, 1.269-1.270, 1.280-1.285, 1.303-1.316, 1.361, 1.396-1.397, 1.399, 1.415, 1.439, 1.445-1.446, 1.486-1.487, 1.534, 1.552-1.553, 1.650, 1.665, 1.668, 2.4, 2.20.3, 2.31, 2.39-2.54, 2.56, 2.80-2.91, 2.96-2.98, 2.110-2.113, 2.117, 2.123, 2.152-2.153, 2.164-2.169, 2.175, 2.179-2.203, 2.213, 2.215-2.216, 2.218-2.220, 2.223-2.422, 2.430, 2.433-2.483, 2.487-2.488, 2.494-2.499, 2.556, 2.566-2.567, 2.599, 2.615, 2.641, 3.1-3.5, 3.11, 3.29, 3.62, 3.350-3.354, 3.374, 3.399-3.408, 3.443, 3.541, 4.159-4.160, 4.232-4.235, 4.402, 4.459, 5.35-5.36, 5.147-5.152, 5.160, 5.180-5.181, 5.184-5.227, 5.241, 5.362-5.419, 5.443, 6.124-6.126, 6.236-6.243, 6.282, 6.310, 6.358, 6.418, 7.1-7.3, 7.5, 7.17, 7.23, 7.37-7.38, 7.47-7.60, 7.148-7.152, 7.158-7.162, 7.253, 7.421 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 165; Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 333, 496, 758, 834, 844, 937; Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 120, 121, 132; Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 158; Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 102, 205, 234, 246, 286; Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 90, 91, 92; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 112, 117, 122, 123, 125, 126, 128, 129; Edwards (2023), In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus, 121, 123, 129, 138, 139, 142; Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 78; Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 48, 49, 198; Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 171, 172, 177, 216; Hachlili (2005), Practices And Rites In The Second Temple Period, 185, 300; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 53, 148, 226; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 392; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 266, 270, 272, 275; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 29, 37, 50, 51; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 168; Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 3; Thiessen (2011), Contesting Conversion: Genealogy, Circumcision, and Identity in Ancient Judaism and Christianity, 105; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 160, 377, 536, 543, 544, 545, 546, 571; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 125, 126, 133, 145, 148, 149, 154, 157, 158, 179, 188, 195, 201, 202, 204, 240; van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 170, 174, 234
1.3. I have proposed to myself, for the sake of such as live under the government of the Romans, to translate those books into the Greek tongue, which I formerly composed in the language of our country, and sent to the Upper Barbarians; I, Joseph, the son of Matthias, by birth a Hebrew, a priest also, and one who at first fought against the Romans myself, and was forced to be present at what was done afterward [am the author of this work]. 1.4. 2. Now at the time when this great concussion of affairs happened, the affairs of the Romans were themselves in great disorder. Those Jews also, who were for innovations, then arose when the times were disturbed; they were also in a flourishing condition for strength and riches, insomuch that the affairs of the East were then exceeding tumultuous, while some hoped for gain, and others were afraid of loss in such troubles; 1.5. for the Jews hoped that all of their nation which were beyond Euphrates would have raised an insurrection together with them. The Gauls also, in the neighborhood of the Romans, were in motion, and the Celtae were not quiet; but all was in disorder after the death of Nero. And the opportunity now offered induced many to aim at the royal power; and the soldiery affected change, out of the hopes of getting money. 1.6. I thought it therefore an absurd thing to see the truth falsified in affairs of such great consequence, and to take no notice of it; but to suffer those Greeks and Romans that were not in the wars to be ignorant of these things, and to read either flatteries or fictions, while the Parthians, and the Babylonians, and the remotest Arabians, and those of our nation beyond Euphrates, with the Adiabeni, by my means, knew accurately both whence the war begun, what miseries it brought upon us, and after what manner it ended. 1.16. accordingly, I have been at great charges, and have taken very great pains [about this history], though I be a foreigner; and do dedicate this work, as a memorial of great actions, both to the Greeks and to the Barbarians. But, for some of our own principal men, their mouths are wide open, and their tongues loosed presently, for gain and lawsuits, but quite muzzled up when they are to write history, where they must speak truth and gather facts together with a great deal of pains; and so they leave the writing such histories to weaker people, and to such as are not acquainted with the actions of princes. Yet shall the real truth of historical facts be preferred by us, how much soever it be neglected among the Greek historians. 1.18. But then, where the writers of these affairs and our prophets leave off, thence shall I take my rise and begin my history. Now, as to what concerns that war which happened in my own time, I will go over it very largely, and with all the diligence I am able; but for what preceded mine own age, that I shall run over briefly. 1.61. 5. And now Antiochus was so angry at what he had suffered from Simeon, that he made an expedition into Judea, and sat down before Jerusalem and besieged Hyrcanus; but Hyrcanus opened the sepulchre of David, who was the richest of all kings, and took thence about three thousand talents in money, and induced Antiochus, by the promise of three thousand talents, to raise the siege. Moreover, he was the first of the Jews that had money enough, and began to hire foreign auxiliaries also. 1.152. 6. But there was nothing that affected the nation so much, in the calamities they were then under, as that their holy place, which had been hitherto seen by none, should be laid open to strangers; for Pompey, and those that were about him, went into the temple itself whither it was not lawful for any to enter but the high priest, and saw what was reposited therein, the candlestick with its lamps, and the table, and the pouring vessels, and the censers, all made entirely of gold, as also a great quantity of spices heaped together, with two thousand talents of sacred money. 1.153. Yet did not he touch that money, nor any thing else that was there reposited; but he commanded the ministers about the temple, the very next day after he had taken it, to cleanse it, and to perform their accustomed sacrifices. Moreover, he made Hyrcanus high priest, as one that not only in other respects had showed great alacrity, on his side, during the siege, but as he had been the means of hindering the multitude that was in the country from fighting for Aristobulus, which they were otherwise very ready to have done; by which means he acted the part of a good general, and reconciled the people to him more by benevolence than by terror. 1.154. Now, among the captives, Aristobulus’s father-in-law was taken, who was also his uncle: so those that were the most guilty he punished with decollation; but rewarded Faustus, and those with him that had fought so bravely, with glorious presents, and laid a tribute upon the country, and upon Jerusalem itself. 1.169. After this Gabinius brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to him; but ordained the other political government to be by an aristocracy. 1.170. He also parted the whole nation into five conventions, assigning one portion to Jerusalem, another to Gadara, that another should belong to Amathus, a fourth to Jericho, and to the fifth division was allotted Sepphoris, a city of Galilee. So the people were glad to be thus freed from monarchical government, and were governed for the future by an aristocracy. 1.177. hereupon Gabinius was afraid (for he was come back already out of Egypt, and obliged to come back quickly by these tumults), and sent Antipater, who prevailed with some of the revolters to be quiet. However, thirty thousand still continued with Alexander, who was himself eager to fight also; accordingly, Gabinius went out to fight, when the Jews met him; and as the battle was fought near Mount Tabor, ten thousand of them were slain, and the rest of the multitude dispersed themselves, and fled away. 1.179. 8. In the meantime, Crassus came as successor to Gabinius in Syria. He took away all the rest of the gold belonging to the temple of Jerusalem, in order to furnish himself for his expedition against the Parthians. He also took away the two thousand talents which Pompey had not touched; but when he had passed over Euphrates, he perished himself, and his army with him; concerning which affairs this is not a proper time to speak [more largely]. 1.194. And when Caesar had settled the affairs of Egypt, and was returning into Syria again, he gave him the privilege of a Roman citizen, and freedom from taxes, and rendered him an object of admiration by the honors and marks of friendship he bestowed upon him. On this account it was that he also confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood. 1.199. 3. When Caesar heard this, he declared Hyrcanus to be the most worthy of the high priesthood, and gave leave to Antipater to choose what authority he pleased; but he left the determination of such dignity to him that bestowed the dignity upon him; so he was constituted procurator of all Judea, and obtained leave, moreover, to rebuild those walls of his country that had been thrown down. 1.203. And at the same time that he said this, he settled the affairs of the country by himself, because he saw that Hyrcanus was inactive, and not fit to manage the affairs of the kingdom. So he constituted his eldest son, Phasaelus, governor of Jerusalem, and of the parts about it; he also sent his next son, Herod, who was very young, with equal authority into Galilee. 1.208. 6. However, he found it impossible to escape envy in such his prosperity; for the glory of these young men affected even Hyrcanus himself already privately, though he said nothing of it to anybody; but what he principally was grieved at was the great actions of Herod, and that so many messengers came one before another, and informed him of the great reputation he got in all his undertakings. There were also many people in the royal palace itself who inflamed his envy at him; those, I mean, who were obstructed in their designs by the prudence either of the young men, or of Antipater. 1.209. These men said, that by committing the public affairs to the management of Antipater and of his sons, he sat down with nothing but the bare name of a king, without any of its authority; and they asked him how long he would so far mistake himself, as to breed up kings against his own interest; for that they did not now conceal their government of affairs any longer, but were plainly lords of the nation, and had thrust him out of his authority; that this was the case when Herod slew so many men without his giving him any command to do it, either by word of mouth, or by his letter, and this in contradiction to the law of the Jews; who therefore, in case he be not a king, but a private man, still ought to come to his trial, and answer it to him, and to the laws of his country, which do not permit anyone to be killed till he had been condemned in judgment. 1.213. And now, since Herod was made general of Celesyria and Samaria by Sextus Caesar, he was formidable, not only from the goodwill which the nation bore him, but by the power he himself had; insomuch that Hyrcanus fell into the utmost degree of terror, and expected he would presently march against him with his army. 1.225. 4. Upon the war between Cassius and Brutus on one side, against the younger Caesar [Augustus] and Antony on the other, Cassius and Marcus got together an army out of Syria; and because Herod was likely to have a great share in providing necessaries, they then made him procurator of all Syria, and gave him an army of foot and horse. Cassius promised him also, that after the war was over, he would make him king of Judea. 1.229. 6. So Herod went to Samaria, which was then in a tumult, and settled the city in peace; after which at the [Pentecost] festival, he returned to Jerusalem, having his armed men with him: hereupon Hyrcanus, at the request of Malichus, who feared his approach, forbade them to introduce foreigners to mix themselves with the people of the country while they were purifying themselves; but Herod despised the pretense, and him that gave that command, and came in by night. 1.242. 4. But when Caesar and Antony had slain Cassius near Philippi, and Caesar was gone to Italy, and Antony to Asia, amongst the rest of the cities which sent ambassadors to Antony unto Bithynia, the great men of the Jews came also, and accused Phasaelus and Herod, that they kept the government by force, and that Hyrcanus had no more than an honorable name. Herod appeared ready to answer this accusation; and having made Antony his friend by the large sums of money which he gave him, he brought him to such a temper as not to hear the others speak against him; and thus did they part at this time. 1.269. But the Parthians proceeded to that degree of injustice, as to fill all the country with war without denouncing it, and to demolish the city Marissa, and not only to set up Antigonus for king, but to deliver Phasaelus and Hyrcanus bound into his hands, in order to their being tormented by him. 1.270. Antigonus himself also bit off Hyrcanus’s ears with his own teeth, as he fell down upon his knees to him, that so he might never be able upon any mutation of affairs to take the high priesthood again, for the high priests that officiated were to be complete, and without blemish. 1.280. 3. But as he was in peril about Pamphylia, and obliged to cast out the greatest part of the ship’s lading, he with difficulty got safe to Rhodes, a place which had been grievously harassed in the war with Cassius. He was there received by his friends, Ptolemy and Sappinius; and although he was then in want of money, he fitted up a three-decked ship of very great magnitude, 1.281. wherein he and his friends sailed to Brundusium, and went thence to Rome with all speed; where he first of all went to Antony, on account of the friendship his father had with him, and laid before him the calamities of himself and his family; and that he had left his nearest relations besieged in a fortress, and had sailed to him through a storm, to make supplication to him for assistance. 1.282. 4. Hereupon Antony was moved to compassion at the change that had been made in Herod’s affairs, and this both upon his calling to mind how hospitably he had been treated by Antipater, but more especially on account of Herod’s own virtue; so he then resolved to get him made king of the Jews, whom he had himself formerly made tetrarch. The contest also that he had with Antigonus was another inducement, and that of no less weight than the great regard he had for Herod; for he looked upon Antigonus as a seditious person, and an enemy of the Romans; 1.283. and as for Caesar, Herod found him better prepared than Antony, as remembering very fresh the wars he had gone through together with his father, the hospitable treatment he had met with from him, and the entire goodwill he had showed to him; besides the activity which he saw in Herod himself. 1.284. So he called the senate together, wherein Messalas, and after him Atratinus, produced Herod before them, and gave a full account of the merits of his father, and his own goodwill to the Romans. At the same time they demonstrated that Antigonus was their enemy, not only because he soon quarreled with them, but because he now overlooked the Romans, and took the government by the means of the Parthians. These reasons greatly moved the senate; at which juncture Antony came in, and told them that it was for their advantage in the Parthian war that Herod should be king; so they all gave their votes for it. 1.285. And when the senate was separated, Antony and Caesar went out, with Herod between them; while the consul and the rest of the magistrates went before them, in order to offer sacrifices, and to lay the decree in the Capitol. Antony also made a feast for Herod on the first day of his reign. 1.303. 1. So the Romans lived in plenty of all things, and rested from war. However, Herod did not lie at rest, but seized upon Idumea, and kept it, with two thousand footmen, and four hundred horsemen; and this he did by sending his brother Joseph thither, that no innovation might be made by Antigonus. He also removed his mother, and all his relations, who had been in Masada, to Samaria; and when he had settled them securely, he marched to take the remaining parts of Galilee, and to drive away the garrisons placed there by Antigonus. 1.304. 2. But when Herod had reached Sepphoris, in a very great snow, he took the city without any difficulty; the guards that should have kept it flying away before it was assaulted; where he gave an opportunity to his followers that had been in distress to refresh themselves, there being in that city a great abundance of necessaries. After which he hasted away to the robbers that were in the caves, who overran a great part of the country, and did as great mischief to its inhabitants as a war itself could have done. 1.305. Accordingly, he sent beforehand three cohorts of footmen, and one troop of horsemen, to the village Arbela, and came himself forty days afterwards with the rest of his forces. Yet were not the enemy affrighted at his assault but met him in arms; for their skill was that of warriors, but their boldness was the boldness of robbers: 1.306. when therefore it came to a pitched battle, they put to flight Herod’s left wing with their right one; but Herod, wheeling about on the sudden from his own right wing, came to their assistance, and both made his own left wing return back from its flight, and fell upon the pursuers, and cooled their courage, till they could not bear the attempts that were made directly upon them, and so turned back and ran away. 1.307. 3. But Herod followed them, and slew them as he followed them, and destroyed a great part of them, till those that remained were scattered beyond the river [Jordan]; and Galilee was freed from the terrors they had been under, excepting from those that remained, and lay concealed in caves, which required longer time ere they could be conquered. 1.308. In order to which Herod, in the first place, distributed the fruits of their former labors to the soldiers, and gave every one of them a hundred and fifty drachmae of silver, and a great deal more to their commanders, and sent them into their winter quarters. He also sent to his youngest brother Pheroras, to take care of a good market for them, where they might buy themselves provisions, and to build a wall about Alexandrium; who took care of both those injunctions accordingly. 1.309. 4. In the meantime Antony abode at Athens, while Ventidius called for Silo and Herod to come to the war against the Parthians, but ordered them first to settle the affairs of Judea; so Herod willingly dismissed Silo to go to Ventidius, but he made an expedition himself against those that lay in the caves. 1.310. Now these caves were in the precipices of craggy mountains, and could not be come at from any side, since they had only some winding pathways, very narrow, by which they got up to them; but the rock that lay on their front had beneath it valleys of a vast depth, and of an almost perpendicular declivity; insomuch that the king was doubtful for a long time what to do, by reason of a kind of impossibility there was of attacking the place. Yet did he at length make use of a contrivance that was subject to the utmost hazard; 1.311. for he let down the most hardy of his men in chests, and set them at the mouths of the dens. Now these men slew the robbers and their families, and when they made resistance, they sent in fire upon them [and burnt them]; and as Herod was desirous of saving some of them, he had proclamation made, that they should come and deliver themselves up to him; but not one of them came willingly to him; and of those that were compelled to come, many preferred death to captivity. 1.312. And here a certain old man, the father of seven children, whose children, together with their mother, desired him to give them leave to go out, upon the assurance and right hand that was offered them, slew them after the following manner: He ordered every one of them to go out, while he stood himself at the cave’s mouth, and slew that son of his perpetually who went out. Herod was near enough to see this sight, and his bowels of compassion were moved at it, and he stretched out his right hand to the old man, and besought him to spare his children; 1.313. yet did not he relent at all upon what he said, but over and above reproached Herod on the lowness of his descent, and slew his wife as well as his children; and when he had thrown their dead bodies down the precipice, he at last threw himself down after them. 1.314. 5. By this means Herod subdued these caves, and the robbers that were in them. He then left there a part of his army, as many as he thought sufficient to prevent any sedition, and made Ptolemy their general, and returned to Samaria; he led also with him three thousand armed footmen, and six hundred horsemen, against Antigonus. 1.315. Now here those that used to raise tumults in Galilee, having liberty so to do upon his departure, fell unexpectedly upon Ptolemy, the general of his forces, and slew him; they also laid the country waste, and then retired to the bogs, and to places not easily to be found. 1.316. But when Herod was informed of this insurrection, he came to the assistance of the country immediately, and destroyed a great number of the seditious, and raised the sieges of all those fortresses they had besieged; he also exacted the tribute of a hundred talents of his enemies, as a penalty for the mutations they had made in the country. 1.361. 5. Now as to these her injunctions to Antony, he complied in part; for though he esteemed it too abominable a thing to kill such good and great kings, yet was he thereby alienated from the friendship he had for them. He also took away a great deal of their country; nay, even the plantation of palm trees at Jericho, where also grows the balsam tree, and bestowed them upon her; as also all the cities on this side the river Eleutherus, Tyre and Sidon excepted. 1.396. for which reason, when Caesar was come into Egypt, and Cleopatra and Antony were dead, he did not only bestow other marks of honor upon him, but made an addition to his kingdom, by giving him not only the country which had been taken from him by Cleopatra, but besides that, Gadara, and Hippos, and Samaria; and moreover, of the maritime cities, Gaza and Anthedon, and Joppa, and Strato’s Tower. 1.397. He also made him a present of four hundred Galls [Galatians] as a guard for his body, which they had been to Cleopatra before. Nor did anything so strongly induce Caesar to make these presents as the generosity of him that received them. 1.399. Varro therefore made an expedition against them, and cleared the land of those men, and took it away from Zenodorus. Caesar did also afterward bestow it on Herod, that it might not again become a receptacle for those robbers that had come against Damascus. He also made him a procurator of all Syria, and this on the tenth year afterward, when he came again into that province; and this was so established, that the other procurators could not do anything in the administration without his advice: 1.415. 8. He also built the other edifices, the amphitheater, and theater, and marketplace, in a manner agreeable to that denomination; and appointed games every fifth year, and called them, in like manner, Caesar’s Games; and he first himself proposed the largest prizes upon the hundred ninety-second olympiad; in which not only the victors themselves, but those that came next to them, and even those that came in the third place, were partakers of his royal bounty. 1.439. They also contrived to have many other circumstances believed, in order to make the thing more credible, and accused her of having sent her picture into Egypt to Antony, and that her lust was so extravagant, as to have thus showed herself, though she was absent, to a man that ran mad after women, and to a man that had it in his power to use violence to her. 1.445. 1. Now Mariamne’s sons were heirs to that hatred which had been borne their mother; and when they considered the greatness of Herod’s crime towards her, they were suspicious of him as of an enemy of theirs; and this first while they were educated at Rome, but still more when they were returned to Judea. This temper of theirs increased upon them as they grew up to be men; 1.446. and when they were Come to an age fit for marriage, the one of them married their aunt Salome’s daughter, which Salome had been the accuser of their mother; the other married the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. And now they used boldness in speaking, as well as bore hatred in their minds. 1.486. none of whom did openly confess the crime, but they owned that he had made preparation to take her whom he loved, and run away to the Parthians. Costobarus also, the husband of Salome, to whom the king had given her in marriage, after her former husband had been put to death for adultery, was instrumental in bringing about this contrivance and flight of his. 1.487. Nor did Salome escape all calumny upon herself; for her brother Pheroras accused her that she had made an agreement to marry Silleus, the procurator of Obodas, king of Arabia, who was at bitter enmity with Herod; but when she was convicted of this, and of all that Pheroras had accused her of, she obtained her pardon. The king also pardoned Pheroras himself the crimes he had been accused of. 1.534. 1. Moreover, Salome exasperated Herod’s cruelty against his sons; for Aristobulus was desirous to bring her, who was his mother-in-law and his aunt, into the like dangers with themselves; so he sent her to take care of her own safety, and told her that the king was preparing to put her to death, on account of the accusation that was laid against her, as if when she formerly endeavored to marry herself to Sylleus the Arabian, she had discovered the king’s grand secrets to him, who was the king’s enemy; 1.552. 1. But an intolerable hatred fell upon Antipater from the nation, though he had now an indisputable title to the succession, because they all knew that he was the person who contrived all the calumnies against his brethren. However, he began to be in a terrible fear, as he saw the posterity of those that had been slain growing up; for Alexander had two sons by Glaphyra, Tygranes and Alexander; and Aristobulus had Herod, and Agrippa, and Aristobulus, his sons, with Herodias and Mariamne, his daughters, 1.553. and all by Bernice, Salome’s daughter. As for Glaphyra, Herod, as soon as he had killed Alexander, sent her back, together with her portion, to Cappadocia. He married Bernice, Aristobulus’s daughter, to Antipater’s uncle by his mother, and it was Antipater who, in order to reconcile her to him, when she had been at variance with him, contrived this match; 1.650. for it was unlawful there should be any such thing in the temple as images, or faces, or the like representation of any animal whatsoever. Now the king had put up a golden eagle over the great gate of the temple, which these learned men exhorted them to cut down; and told them, that if there should any danger arise, it was a glorious thing to die for the laws of their country; because that the soul was immortal, and that an eternal enjoyment of happiness did await such as died on that account; while the mean-spirited, and those that were not wise enough to show a right love of their souls, preferred death by a disease, before that which is the result of a virtuous behavior. 1.665. 8. So Herod, having survived the slaughter of his son five days, died, having reigned thirty-four years since he had caused Antigonus to be slain, and obtained his kingdom; but thirty-seven years since he had been made king by the Romans. Now, as for his fortune, it was prosperous in all other respects, if ever any other man could be so, since, from a private man, he obtained the kingdom, and kept it so long, and left it to his own sons; but still in his domestic affairs he was a most unfortunate man. 1.668. and after he had read the epistle, he opened and read his testament, wherein Philip was to inherit Trachonitis, and the neighboring countries, and Antipas was to be tetrarch, as we said before, and Archelaus was made king. 2.4. 2. Upon this the multitude were pleased, and presently made a trial of what he intended, by asking great things of him; for some made a clamor that he would ease them in their taxes; others, that he would take off the duties upon commodities; and some, that he would loose those that were in prison; in all which cases he answered readily to their satisfaction, in order to get the goodwill of the multitude; after which he offered [the proper] sacrifices, and feasted with his friends. 2.31. And he added, that it was the foresight his father had of that his barbarity, which made him never give him any hopes of the kingdom, but when his mind was more infirm than his body, and he was not able to reason soundly, and did not well know what was the character of that son, whom in his second testament he made his successor; and this was done by him at a time when he had no complaints to make of him whom he had named before, when he was sound in body, and when his mind was free from all passion. 2.39. 1. Now before Caesar had determined anything about these affairs, Malthace, Archelaus’s mother, fell sick and died. Letters also were brought out of Syria from Varus, about a revolt of the Jews. 2.40. This was foreseen by Varus, who accordingly, after Archelaus was sailed, went up to Jerusalem to restrain the promoters of the sedition, since it was manifest that the nation would not be at rest; so he left one of those legions which he brought with him out of Syria in the city, 2.41. and went himself to Antioch. But Sabinus came, after he was gone, and gave them an occasion of making innovations; for he compelled the keepers of the citadels to deliver them up to him, and made a bitter search after the king’s money, as depending not only on the soldiers which were left by Varus, but on the multitude of his own servants, all which he armed and used as the instruments of his covetousness. 2.42. Now when that feast, which was observed after seven weeks, and which the Jews called Pentecost (i.e. the 50th day) was at hand, its name being taken from the number of the days [after the passover], the people got together, but not on account of the accustomed Divine worship, but of the indignation they had [at the present state of affairs]. 2.43. Wherefore an immense multitude ran together, out of Galilee, and Idumea, and Jericho, and Perea, that was beyond Jordan; but the people that naturally belonged to Judea itself were above the rest, both in number, and in the alacrity of the men. 2.44. So they distributed themselves into three parts, and pitched their camps in three places; one at the north side of the temple, another at the south side, by the Hippodrome, and the third part were at the palace on the west. So they lay round about the Romans on every side, and besieged them. 2.45. 2. Now Sabinus was affrighted, both at their multitude, and at their courage, and sent messengers to Varus continually, and besought him to come to his succor quickly; for that if he delayed, his legion would be cut to pieces. 2.46. As for Sabinus himself, he got up to the highest tower of the fortress, which was called Phasaelus; it is of the same name with Herod’s brother, who was destroyed by the Parthians; and then he made signs to the soldiers of that legion to attack the enemy; for his astonishment was so great, that he durst not go down to his own men. 2.47. Hereupon the soldiers were prevailed upon, and leaped out into the temple, and fought a terrible battle with the Jews; in which, while there were none over their heads to distress them, they were too hard for them, by their skill, and the others’ want of skill, in war; 2.48. but when once many of the Jews had gotten up to the top of the cloisters, and threw their darts downwards, upon the heads of the Romans, there were a great many of them destroyed. Nor was it easy to avenge themselves upon those that threw their weapons from on high, nor was it more easy for them to sustain those who came to fight them hand to hand. 2.49. 3. Since therefore the Romans were sorely afflicted by both these circumstances, they set fire to the cloisters, which were works to be admired, both on account of their magnitude and costliness. Whereupon those that were above them were presently encompassed with the flame, and many of them perished therein; as many of them also were destroyed by the enemy, who came suddenly upon them; some of them also threw themselves down from the walls backward, and some there were who, from the desperate condition they were in, prevented the fire, by killing themselves with their own swords; 2.50. but so many of them as crept out from the walls, and came upon the Romans, were easily mastered by them, by reason of the astonishment they were under; until at last some of the Jews being destroyed, and others dispersed by the terror they were in, the soldiers fell upon the treasure of God, which was now deserted, and plundered about four hundred talents, of which sum Sabinus got together all that was not carried away by the soldiers. 2.51. 4. However, this destruction of the works [about the temple], and of the men, occasioned a much greater number, and those of a more warlike sort, to get together, to oppose the Romans. These encompassed the palace round, and threatened to destroy all that were in it, unless they went their ways quickly; for they promised that Sabinus should come to no harm, if he would go out with his legion. 2.52. There were also a great many of the king’s party who deserted the Romans, and assisted the Jews; yet did the most warlike body of them all, who were three thousand of the men of Sebaste, go over to the Romans. Rufus also, and Gratus, their captains, did the same (Gratus having the foot of the king’s party under him, and Rufus the horse) each of whom, even without the forces under them, were of great weight, on account of their strength and wisdom, which turn the scales in war. 2.53. Now the Jews persevered in the siege, and tried to break downthe walls of the fortress, and cried out to Sabinus and his party, that they should go their ways, and not prove a hinderance to them, now they hoped, after a long time, to recover that ancient liberty which their forefathers had enjoyed. 2.54. Sabinus indeed was well contented to get out of the danger he was in, but he distrusted the assurances the Jews gave him, and suspected such gentle treatment was but a bait laid as a snare for them: this consideration, together with the hopes he had of succor from Varus, made him bear the siege still longer. 2.56. In Sepphoris also, a city of Galilee, there was one Judas (the son of that arch-robber Hezekias, who formerly overran the country, and had been subdued by king Herod); this man got no small multitude together, and broke open the place where the royal armor was laid up, and armed those about him, and attacked those that were so earnest to gain the dominion. 2.80. 1. But now came another accusation from the Jews against Archelaus at Rome, which he was to answer to. It was made by those ambassadors who, before the revolt, had come, by Varus’s permission, to plead for the liberty of their country; those that came were fifty in number, but there were more than eight thousand of the Jews at Rome who supported them. 2.81. And when Caesar had assembled a council of the principal Romans in Apollo’s temple, that was in the palace (this was what he had himself built and adorned, at a vast expense), the multitude of the Jews stood with the ambassadors, and on the other side stood Archelaus, with his friends; 2.82. but as for the kindred of Archelaus, they stood on neither side; for to stand on Archelaus’s side, their hatred to him, and envy at him, would not give them leave, while yet they were afraid to be seen by Caesar with his accusers. 2.83. Besides these, there were present Archelaus’ brother Philip, being sent thither beforehand, out of kindness by Varus, for two reasons: the one was this, that he might be assisting to Archelaus; and the other was this, that in case Caesar should make a distribution of what Herod possessed among his posterity, he might obtain some share of it. 2.84. 2. And now, upon the permission that was given the accusers to speak, they, in the first place, went over Herod’s breaches of their law, and said that he was not a king, but the most barbarous of all tyrants, and that they had found him to be such by the sufferings they underwent from him; that when a very great number had been slain by him, those that were left had endured such miseries, that they called those that were dead happy men; 2.85. that he had not only tortured the bodies of his subjects, but entire cities, and had done much harm to the cities of his own country, while he adorned those that belonged to foreigners; and he shed the blood of Jews, in order to do kindnesses to those people who were out of their bounds; 2.86. that he had filled the nation full of poverty, and of the greatest iniquity, instead of that happiness and those laws which they had anciently enjoyed; that, in short, the Jews had borne more calamities from Herod, in a few years, than had their forefathers during all that interval of time that had passed since they had come out of Babylon, and returned home, in the reign of Xerxes: 2.87. that, however, the nation was come to so low a condition, by being inured to hardships, that they submitted to his successor of their own accord, though he brought them into bitter slavery; 2.88. that accordingly they readily called Archelaus, though he was the son of so great a tyrant, king, after the decease of his father, and joined with him in mourning for the death of Herod, and in wishing him good success in that his succession; 2.89. while yet this Archelaus, lest he should be in danger of not being thought the genuine son of Herod, began his reign with the murder of three thousand citizens; as if he had a mind to offer so many bloody sacrifices to God for his government, and to fill the temple with the like number of dead bodies at that festival: 2.90. that, however, those that were left after so many miseries, had just reason to consider now at last the calamities they had undergone, and to oppose themselves, like soldiers in war, to receive those stripes upon their faces [but not upon their backs, as hitherto]. Whereupon they prayed that the Romans would have compassion upon the [poor] remains of Judea, and not expose what was left of them to such as barbarously tore them to pieces, 2.91. and that they would join their country to Syria, and administer the government by their own commanders, whereby it would [soon] be demonstrated that those who are now under the calumny of seditious persons, and lovers of war, know how to bear governors that are set over them, if they be but tolerable ones. 2.96. while Idumea, and all Judea, and Samaria were parts of the ethnarchy of Archelaus, although Samaria was eased of one quarter of its taxes, out of regard to their not having revolted with the rest of the nation. 2.97. He also made subject to him the following cities, viz. Strato’s Tower, and Sebaste, and Joppa, and Jerusalem; but as to the Grecian cities, Gaza, and Gadara, and Hippos, he cut them off from the kingdom, and added them to Syria. Now the revenue of the country that was given to Archelaus was four hundred talents. 2.98. Salome also, besides what the king had left her in his testaments, was now made mistress of Jamnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis. Caesar did moreover bestow upon her the royal palace of Ascalon; by all which she got together a revenue of sixty talents; but he put her house under the ethnarchy of Archelaus. 2.110. Caesar laughed at the contrivance, and put this spurious Alexander among his rowers, on account of the strength of his body, but ordered him that persuaded him to be put to death. But for the people of Melos, they had been sufficiently punished for their folly, by the expenses they had been at on his account. 2.111. 3. And now Archelaus took possession of his ethnarchy, and used not the Jews only, but the Samaritans also, barbarously; and this out of his resentment of their old quarrels with him. Whereupon they both of them sent ambassadors against him to Caesar; and in the ninth year of his government he was banished to Vienna, a city of Gaul, and his effects were put into Caesar’s treasury. 2.112. But the report goes, that before he was sent for by Caesar, he seemed to see nine ears of corn, full and large, but devoured by oxen. When, therefore, he had sent for the diviners, and some of the Chaldeans, and inquired of them what they thought it portended; 2.113. and when one of them had one interpretation, and another had another, Simon, one of the sect of Essenes, said that he thought the ears of corn denoted years, and the oxen denoted a mutation of things, because by their ploughing they made an alteration of the country. That therefore he should reign as many years as there were ears of corn; and after he had passed through various alterations of fortune, should die. Now five days after Archelaus had heard this interpretation he was called to his trial. 2.117. 1. And now Archelaus’s part of Judea was reduced into a province, and Coponius, one of the equestrian order among the Romans, was sent as a procurator, having the power of [life and] death put into his hands by Caesar. 2.123. They think that oil is a defilement; and if anyone of them be anointed without his own approbation, it is wiped off his body; for they think to be sweaty is a good thing, as they do also to be clothed in white garments. They also have stewards appointed to take care of their common affairs, who every one of them have no separate business for any, but what is for the use of them all. 2.152. and indeed our war with the Romans gave abundant evidence what great souls they had in their trials, wherein, although they were tortured and distorted, burnt and torn to pieces, and went through all kinds of instruments of torment, that they might be forced either to blaspheme their legislator, or to eat what was forbidden them, yet could they not be made to do either of them, no, nor once to flatter their tormentors, or to shed a tear; 2.153. but they smiled in their very pains, and laughed those to scorn who inflicted the torments upon them, and resigned up their souls with great alacrity, as expecting to receive them again. 2.164. But the Sadducees are those that compose the second order, and take away fate entirely, and suppose that God is not concerned in our doing or not doing what is evil; 2.165. and they say, that to act what is good, or what is evil, is at men’s own choice, and that the one or the other belongs so to every one, that they may act as they please. They also take away the belief of the immortal duration of the soul, and the punishments and rewards in Hades. 2.166. Moreover, the Pharisees are friendly to one another, and are for the exercise of concord, and regard for the public; but the behavior of the Sadducees one towards another is in some degree wild, and their conversation with those that are of their own party is as barbarous as if they were strangers to them. And this is what I had to say concerning the philosophic sects among the Jews. 2.167. 1. And now as the ethnarchy of Archelaus was fallen into a Roman province, the other sons of Herod, Philip, and that Herod who was called Antipas, each of them took upon them the administration of their own tetrarchies; for when Salome died, she bequeathed to Julia, the wife of Augustus, both her toparchy, and Jamnia, as also her plantation of palm trees that were in Phasaelis. 2.168. But when the Roman empire was translated to Tiberius, the son of Julia, upon the death of Augustus, who had reigned fifty-seven years, six months, and two days, both Herod and Philip continued in their tetrarchies; and the latter of them built the city Caesarea, at the fountains of Jordan, and in the region of Paneas; as also the city Julias, in the lower Gaulonitis. Herod also built the city Tiberias in Galilee, and in Perea [beyond Jordan] another that was also called Julias. 2.169. 2. Now Pilate, who was sent as procurator into Judea by Tiberius, sent by night those images of Caesar that are called ensigns into Jerusalem. 2.175. 4. After this he raised another disturbance, by expending that sacred treasure which is called Corban upon aqueducts, whereby he brought water from the distance of four hundred furlongs. At this the multitude had great indignation; and when Pilate was come to Jerusalem, they came about his tribunal, and made a clamor at it. 2.179. Now this Agrippa, at a certain time, feasted Caius; and as he was very complaisant to him on several other accounts, he at length stretched out his hands, and openly wished that Tiberius might die, and that he might quickly see him emperor of the world. 2.180. This was told to Tiberius by one of Agrippa’s domestics, who thereupon was very angry, and ordered Agrippa to be bound, and had him very ill-treated in the prison for six months, until Tiberius died, after he had reigned twenty-two years, six months, and three days. 2.181. 6. But when Caius was made Caesar, he released Agrippa from his bonds, and made him king of Philip’s tetrarchy, who was now dead; but when Agrippa had arrived at that degree of dignity, he inflamed the ambitious desires of Herod the tetrarch, 2.182. who was chiefly induced to hope for the royal authority by his wife Herodias, who reproached him for his sloth, and told him that it was only because he would not sail to Caesar that he was destitute of that great dignity; for since Caesar had made Agrippa a king, from a private person, much more would he advance him from a tetrarch to that dignity. 2.183. These arguments prevailed with Herod, so that he came to Caius, by whom he was punished for his ambition, by being banished into Spain; for Agrippa followed him, in order to accuse him; to whom also Caius gave his tetrarchy, by way of addition. So Herod died in Spain, whither his wife had followed him. 2.184. 1. Now Caius Caesar did so grossly abuse the fortune he had arrived at, as to take himself to be a god, and to desire to be so called also, and to cut off those of the greatest nobility out of his country. He also extended his impiety as far as the Jews. 2.185. Accordingly, he sent Petronius with an army to Jerusalem, to place his statues in the temple, and commanded him that, in case the Jews would not admit of them, he should slay those that opposed it, and carry all the rest of the nation into captivity: 2.186. but God concerned himself with these his commands. However, Petronius marched out of Antioch into Judea, with three legions, and many Syrian auxiliaries. 2.187. Now as to the Jews, some of them could not believe the stories that spake of a war; but those that did believe them were in the utmost distress how to defend themselves, and the terror diffused itself presently through them all; for the army was already come to Ptolemais. 2.188. 2. This Ptolemais is a maritime city of Galilee, built in the great plain. It is encompassed with mountains: that on the east side, sixty furlongs off, belongs to Galilee; but that on the south belongs to Carmel, which is distant from it a hundred and twenty furlongs; and that on the north is the highest of them all, and is called by the people of the country, The Ladder of the Tyrians, which is at the distance of a hundred furlongs. 2.189. The very small river Belus runs by it, at the distance of two furlongs; near which there is Memnon’s monument, and hath near it a place no larger than a hundred cubits, which deserves admiration; 2.190. for the place is round and hollow, and affords such sand as glass is made of; which place, when it hath been emptied by the many ships there loaded, it is filled again by the winds, which bring into it, as it were on purpose, that sand which lay remote, and was no more than bare common sand, while this mine presently turns it into glassy sand. 2.191. And what is to me still more wonderful, that glassy sand which is superfluous, and is once removed out of the place, becomes bare common sand again. And this is the nature of the place we are speaking of. 2.192. 3. But now the Jews got together in great numbers, with their wives and children, into that plain that was by Ptolemais, and made supplication to Petronius, first for their laws, and, in the next place, for themselves. So he was prevailed upon by the multitude of the supplicants, and by their supplications, and left his army and statues at Ptolemais, 2.193. and then went forward into Galilee, and called together the multitude and all the men of note to Tiberias, and showed them the power of the Romans, and the threatenings of Caesar; and, besides this, proved that their petition was unreasonable, because, 2.194. while all the nations in subjection to them had placed the images of Caesar in their several cities, among the rest of their gods,—for them alone to oppose it, was almost like the behavior of revolters, and was injurious to Caesar. 2.195. 4. And when they insisted on their law, and the custom of their country, and how it was not only not permitted them to make either an image of God, or indeed of a man, and to put it in any despicable part of their country, much less in the temple itself, Petronius replied, “And am not I also,” said he, “bound to keep the law of my own lord? For if I transgress it, and spare you, it is but just that I perish; while he that sent me, and not I, will commence a war against you; for I am under command as well as you.” 2.196. Hereupon the whole multitude cried out that they were ready to suffer for their law. Petronius then quieted them, and said to them, “Will you then make war against Caesar?” 2.197. The Jews said, “We offer sacrifices twice every day for Caesar, and for the Roman people;” but that if he would place the images among them, he must first sacrifice the whole Jewish nation; and that they were ready to expose themselves, together with their children and wives, to be slain. 2.198. At this Petronius was astonished, and pitied them, on account of the inexpressible sense of religion the men were under, and that courage of theirs which made them ready to die for it; so they were dismissed without success. 2.199. 5. But on the following days he got together the men of power privately, and the multitude publicly, and sometimes he used persuasions to them, and sometimes he gave them his advice; but he chiefly made use of threatenings to them, and insisted upon the power of the Romans, and the anger of Caius; and besides, upon the necessity he was himself under [to do as he was enjoined]. 2.200. But as they could be no way prevailed upon, and he saw that the country was in danger of lying without tillage (for it was about seedtime that the multitude continued for fifty days together idle); so he at last got them together, 2.201. and told them that it was best for him to run some hazard himself; “for either, by the Divine assistance, I shall prevail with Caesar, and shall myself escape the danger as well as you, which will be a matter of joy to us both; or, in case Caesar continue in his rage, I will be ready to expose my own life for such a great number as you are.” Whereupon he dismissed the multitude, who prayed greatly for his prosperity; and he took the army out of Ptolemais, and returned to Antioch; 2.202. from whence he presently sent an epistle to Caesar, and informed him of the irruption he had made into Judea, and of the supplications of the nation; and that unless he had a mind to lose both the country and the men in it, he must permit them to keep their law, and must countermand his former injunction. 2.203. Caius answered that epistle in a violent-way, and threatened to have Petronius put to death for his being so tardy in the execution of what he had commanded. But it happened that those who brought Caius’s epistle were tossed by a storm, and were detained on the sea for three months, while others that brought the news of Caius’s death had a good voyage. Accordingly, Petronius received the epistle concerning Caius seven and twenty days before he received that which was against himself. 2.213. But those that had the greatest luck in flattering the good fortune of Claudius betimes met them before the walls with their naked swords, and there was reason to fear that those that came first might have been in danger, before Claudius could know what violence the soldiers were going to offer them, had not Agrippa run before, and told him what a dangerous thing they were going about, and that unless he restrained the violence of these men, who were in a fit of madness against the patricians, he would lose those on whose account it was most desirable to rule, and would be emperor over a desert. 2.215. Moreover, he bestowed on Agrippa his whole paternal kingdom immediately, and added to it, besides those countries that had been given by Augustus to Herod, Trachonitis and Auranitis, and still, besides these, that kingdom which was called the kingdom of Lysanias. 2.216. This gift he declared to the people by a decree, but ordered the magistrates to have the donation engraved on tables of brass, and to be set up in the capitol. 2.218. 6. So now riches flowed in to Agrippa by his enjoyment of so large a dominion; nor did he abuse the money he had on small matters, but he began to encompass Jerusalem with such a wall, which, had it been brought to perfection, had made it impracticable for the Romans to take it by siege; 2.219. but his death, which happened at Caesarea, before he had raised the walls to their due height, prevented him. He had then reigned three years, as he had governed his tetrarchies three other years. 2.220. He left behind him three daughters, born to him by Cypros, Bernice, Mariamne, and Drusilla, and a son born of the same mother, whose name was Agrippa: he was left a very young child, so that Claudius made the country a Roman province, and sent Cuspius Fadus to be its procurator, and after him Tiberius Alexander, who, making no alterations of the ancient laws, kept the nation in tranquility. 2.223. 1. Now after the death of Herod, king of Chalcis, Claudius set Agrippa, the son of Agrippa, over his uncle’s kingdom, while Cumanus took upon him the office of procurator of the rest, which was a Roman province, and therein he succeeded Alexander; under which Cumanus began the troubles, and the Jews’ ruin came on; 2.224. for when the multitude were come together to Jerusalem, to the feast of unleavened bread, and a Roman cohort stood over the cloisters of the temple(for they always were armed, and kept guard at the festivals, to prevent any innovation which the multitude thus gathered together might make), one of the soldiers pulled back his garment, and cowering down after an indecent manner, turned his breech to the Jews, and spake such words as you might expect upon such a posture. 2.225. At this the whole multitude had indignation, and made a clamor to Cumanus, that he would punish the soldier; while the rasher part of the youth, and such as were naturally the most tumultuous, fell to fighting, and caught up stones, and threw them at the soldiers. 2.226. Upon which Cumanus was afraid lest all the people should make an assault upon him, and sent to call for more armed men, who, when they came in great numbers into the cloisters, the Jews were in a very great consternation; and being beaten out of the temple, they ran into the city; 2.227. and the violence with which they crowded to get out was so great, that they trod upon each other, and squeezed one another, till ten thousand of them were killed, insomuch that this feast became the cause of mourning to the whole nation, and every family lamented [their own relations]. 2.228. 2. Now there followed after this another calamity, which arose from a tumult made by robbers; for at the public road of Bethhoron, one Stephen, a servant of Caesar, carried some furniture, which the robbers fell upon and seized. 2.229. Upon this Cumanus sent men to go round about to the neighboring villages, and to bring their inhabitants to him bound, as laying it to their charge that they had not pursued after the thieves, and caught them. Now here it was that a certain soldier, finding the sacred book of the law, tore it to pieces, and threw it into the fire. 2.230. Hereupon the Jews were in great disorder, as if their whole country were in a flame, and assembled themselves so many of them by their zeal for their religion, as by an engine, and ran together with united clamor to Caesarea, to Cumanus, and made supplication to him that he would not overlook this man, who had offered such an affront to God, and to his law; but punish him for what he had done. 2.231. Accordingly, he, perceiving that the multitude would not be quiet unless they had a comfortable answer from him, gave order that the soldier should be brought, and drawn through those that required to have him punished, to execution, which being done, the Jews went their ways. 2.232. 3. After this there happened a fight between the Galileans and the Samaritans; it happened at a village called Geman, which is situated in the great plain of Samaria; where, as a great number of Jews were going up to Jerusalem to the feast [of tabernacles,] a certain Galilean was slain; 2.233. and besides, a vast number of people ran together out of Galilee, in order to fight with the Samaritans. But the principal men among them came to Cumanus, and besought him that, before the evil became incurable, he would come into Galilee, and bring the authors of this murder to punishment; for that there was no other way to make the multitude separate without coming to blows. However, Cumanus postponed their supplications to the other affairs he was then about, and sent the petitioners away without success. 2.234. 4. But when the affair of this murder came to be told at Jerusalem, it put the multitude into disorder, and they left the feast; and without any generals to conduct them, they marched with great violence to Samaria; nor would they be ruled by any of the magistrates that were set over them, 2.235. but they were managed by one Eleazar, the son of Dineus, and by Alexander, in these their thievish and seditious attempts. These men fell upon those that were in the neighborhood of the Acrabatene toparchy, and slew them, without sparing any age, and set the villages on fire. 2.236. 5. But Cumanus took one troop of horsemen, called the troop of Sebaste, out of Caesarea, and came to the assistance of those that were spoiled; he also seized upon a great number of those that followed Eleazar, and slew more of them. 2.237. And as for the rest of the multitude of those that went so zealously to fight with the Samaritans, the rulers of Jerusalem ran out, clothed with sackcloth, and having ashes on their heads, and begged of them to go their ways, lest by their attempt to revenge themselves upon the Samaritans they should provoke the Romans to come against Jerusalem; to have compassion upon their country and temple, their children and their wives, and not bring the utmost dangers of destruction upon them, in order to avenge themselves upon one Galilean only. 2.238. The Jews complied with these persuasions of theirs, and dispersed themselves; but still there were a great number who betook themselves to robbing, in hopes of impunity; and rapines and insurrections of the bolder sort happened over the whole country. 2.239. And the men of power among the Samaritans came to Tyre, to Ummidius Quadratus, the president of Syria, and desired that they that had laid waste the country might be punished: 2.240. the great men also of the Jews, and Jonathan the son of Aus the high priest, came thither, and said that the Samaritans were the beginners of the disturbance, on account of that murder they had committed; and that Cumanus had given occasion to what had happened, by his unwillingness to punish the original authors of that murder. 2.241. 6. But Quadratus put both parties off for that time, and told them, that when he should come to those places, he would make a diligent inquiry after every circumstance. After which he went to Caesarea, and crucified all those whom Cumanus had taken alive; 2.242. and when from thence he was come to the city Lydda, he heard the affair of the Samaritans, and sent for eighteen of the Jews, whom he had learned to have been concerned in that fight, and beheaded them; 2.243. but he sent two others of those that were of the greatest power among them, and both Jonathan and Aias, the high priests, as also Aus the son of this Aias, and certain others that were eminent among the Jews, to Caesar; as he did in like manner by the most illustrious of the Samaritans. 2.244. He also ordered that Cumanus [the procurator] and Celer the tribune should sail to Rome, in order to give an account of what had been done to Caesar. When he had finished these matters, he went up from Lydda to Jerusalem, and finding the multitude celebrating their feast of unleavened bread without any tumult, he returned to Antioch. 2.245. 7. Now when Caesar at Rome had heard what Cumanus and the Samaritans had to say (where it was done in the hearing of Agrippa, who zealously espoused the cause of the Jews, as in like manner many of the great men stood by Cumanus), he condemned the Samaritans, and commanded that three of the most powerful men among them should be put to death; he banished Cumanus, 2.246. and sent Celer bound to Jerusalem, to be delivered over to the Jews to be tormented; that he should be drawn round the city, and then beheaded. 2.247. 8. After this Caesar sent Felix, the brother of Pallas, to be procurator of Galilee, and Samaria, and Perea, and removed Agrippa from Chalcis unto a greater kingdom; for he gave him the tetrarchy which had belonged to Philip, which contained Batanea, Trachonitis, and Gaulonitis: he added to it the kingdom of Lysanias, and that province [Abilene] which Varus had governed. 2.248. But Claudius himself, when he had administered the government thirteen years, eight months, and twenty days, died, and left Nero to be his successor in the empire, whom he had adopted by his Wife Agrippina’s delusions, in order to be his successor, although he had a son of his own, whose name was Britannicus, by Messalina his former wife, and a daughter whose name was Octavia, 2.249. whom he had married to Nero; he had also another daughter by Petina, whose name was Antonia. 2.250. 1. Now as to the many things in which Nero acted like a madman, out of the extravagant degree of the felicity and riches which he enjoyed, and by that means used his good fortune to the injury of others; and after what manner he slew his brother, and wife, and mother, from whom his barbarity spread itself to others that were most nearly related to him; 2.251. and how, at last, he was so distracted that he became an actor in the scenes, and upon the theater,—I omit to say any more about them, because there are writers enough upon those subjects everywhere; but I shall turn myself to those actions of his time in which the Jews were concerned. 2.252. 2. Nero therefore bestowed the kingdom of the Lesser Armenia upon Aristobulus, Herod’s son, and he added to Agrippa’s kingdom four cities, with the toparchies to them belonging; I mean Abila, and that Julias which is in Perea, Taricheae also, and Tiberias of Galilee; but over the rest of Judea he made Felix procurator. 2.253. This Felix took Eleazar the arch-robber, and many that were with him, alive, when they had ravaged the country for twenty years together, and sent them to Rome; but as to the number of robbers whom he caused to be crucified, and of those who were caught among them, and whom he brought to punishment, they were a multitude not to be enumerated. 2.254. 3. When the country was purged of these, there sprang up another sort of robbers in Jerusalem, which were called Sicarii, who slew men in the daytime, and in the midst of the city; 2.255. this they did chiefly at the festivals, when they mingled themselves among the multitude, and concealed daggers under their garments, with which they stabbed those that were their enemies; and when any fell down dead, the murderers became a part of those that had indignation against them; by which means they appeared persons of such reputation, that they could by no means be discovered. 2.256. The first man who was slain by them was Jonathan the high priest, after whose death many were slain every day, while the fear men were in of being so served was more afflicting than the calamity itself; 2.257. and while everybody expected death every hour, as men do in war, so men were obliged to look before them, and to take notice of their enemies at a great distance; nor, if their friends were coming to them, durst they trust them any longer; but, in the midst of their suspicions and guarding of themselves, they were slain. Such was the celerity of the plotters against them, and so cunning was their contrivance. 2.258. 4. There was also another body of wicked men gotten together, not so impure in their actions, but more wicked in their intentions, which laid waste the happy state of the city no less than did these murderers. 2.259. These were such men as deceived and deluded the people under pretense of Divine inspiration, but were for procuring innovations and changes of the government; and these prevailed with the multitude to act like madmen, and went before them into the wilderness, as pretending that God would there show them the signals of liberty. 2.260. But Felix thought this procedure was to be the beginning of a revolt; so he sent some horsemen and footmen both armed, who destroyed a great number of them. 2.261. 5. But there was an Egyptian false prophet that did the Jews more mischief than the former; for he was a cheat, and pretended to be a prophet also, and got together thirty thousand men that were deluded by him; 2.262. these he led round about from the wilderness to the mount which was called the Mount of Olives, and was ready to break into Jerusalem by force from that place; and if he could but once conquer the Roman garrison and the people, he intended to domineer over them by the assistance of those guards of his that were to break into the city with him. 2.263. But Felix prevented his attempt, and met him with his Roman soldiers, while all the people assisted him in his attack upon them, insomuch that when it came to a battle, the Egyptian ran away, with a few others, while the greatest part of those that were with him were either destroyed or taken alive; but the rest of the multitude were dispersed every one to their own homes, and there concealed themselves. 2.264. 6. Now, when these were quieted, it happened, as it does in a diseased body, that another part was subject to an inflammation; for a company of deceivers and robbers got together, and persuaded the Jews to revolt, and exhorted them to assert their liberty, inflicting death on those that continued in obedience to the Roman government, and saying, that such as willingly chose slavery ought to be forced from such their desired inclinations; 2.265. for they parted themselves into different bodies, and lay in wait up and down the country, and plundered the houses of the great men, and slew the men themselves, and set the villages on fire; and this till all Judea was filled with the effects of their madness. And thus the flame was every day more and more blown up, till it came to a direct war. 2.266. 7. There was also another disturbance at Caesarea:—those Jews who were mixed with the Syrians that lived there, raising a tumult against them. The Jews pretended that the city was theirs, and said that he who built it was a Jew, meaning king Herod. The Syrians confessed also that its builder was a Jew; but they still said, however, that the city was a Grecian city; for that he who set up statues and temples in it could not design it for Jews. 2.267. On which account both parties had a contest with one another; and this contest increased so much, that it came at last to arms, and the bolder sort of them marched out to fight; for the elders of the Jews were not able to put a stop to their own people that were disposed to be tumultuous, and the Greeks thought it a shame for them to be overcome by the Jews. 2.268. Now these Jews exceeded the others in riches and strength of body; but the Grecian part had the advantage of assistance from the soldiery; for the greatest part of the Roman garrison was raised out of Syria; and being thus related to the Syrian part, they were ready to assist it. 2.269. However, the governors of the city were concerned to keep all quiet, and whenever they caught those that were most for fighting on either side, they punished them with stripes and bonds. Yet did not the sufferings of those that were caught affright the remainder, or make them desist; but they were still more and more exasperated, and deeper engaged in the sedition. 2.270. And as Felix came once into the marketplace, and commanded the Jews, when they had beaten the Syrians, to go their ways, and threatened them if they would not, and they would not obey him, he sent his soldiers out upon them, and slew a great many of them, upon which it fell out that what they had was plundered. And as the sedition still continued, he chose out the most eminent men on both sides as ambassadors to Nero, to argue about their several privileges. 2.271. 1. Now it was that Festus succeeded Felix as procurator, and made it his business to correct those that made disturbances in the country. So he caught the greatest part of the robbers, and destroyed a great many of them. 2.272. But then Albinus, who succeeded Festus, did not execute his office as the other had done; nor was there any sort of wickedness that could be named but he had a hand in it. 2.273. Accordingly, he did not only, in his political capacity, steal and plunder every one’s substance, nor did he only burden the whole nation with taxes, but he permitted the relations of such as were in prison for robbery, and had been laid there, either by the senate of every city, or by the former procurators, to redeem them for money; and nobody remained in the prisons as a malefactor but he who gave him nothing. 2.274. At this time it was that the enterprises of the seditious at Jerusalem were very formidable; the principal men among them purchasing leave of Albinus to go on with their seditious practices; while that part of the people who delighted in disturbances joined themselves to such as had fellowship with Albinus; 2.275. and everyone of these wicked wretches were encompassed with his own band of robbers, while he himself, like an arch-robber, or a tyrant, made a figure among his company, and abused his authority over those about him, in order to plunder those that lived quietly. 2.276. The effect of which was this, that those who lost their goods were forced to hold their peace, when they had reason to show great indignation at what they had suffered; but those who had escaped were forced to flatter him that deserved to be punished, out of the fear they were in of suffering equally with the others. Upon the whole, nobody durst speak their minds, but tyranny was generally tolerated; and at this time were those seeds sown which brought the city to destruction. 2.277. 2. And although such was the character of Albinus, yet did Gessius Florus who succeeded him, demonstrate him to have been a most excellent person, upon the comparison; for the former did the greatest part of his rogueries in private, and with a sort of dissimulation; but Gessius did his unjust actions to the harm of the nation after a pompous manner; and as though he had been sent as an executioner to punish condemned malefactors, he omitted no sort of rapine, or of vexation; 2.278. where the case was really pitiable, he was most barbarous, and in things of the greatest turpitude he was most impudent. Nor could anyone outdo him in disguising the truth; nor could anyone contrive more subtle ways of deceit than he did. He indeed thought it but a petty offense to get money out of single persons; so he spoiled whole cities, and ruined entire bodies of men at once, and did almost publicly proclaim it all the country over, that they had liberty given them to turn robbers, upon this condition, that he might go shares with them in the spoils they got. 2.279. Accordingly, this his greediness of gain was the occasion that entire toparchies were brought to desolation, and a great many of the people left their own country, and fled into foreign provinces. 2.280. 3. And truly, while Cestius Gallus was president of the province of Syria, nobody durst do so much as send an embassage to him against Florus; but when he was come to Jerusalem, upon the approach of the feast of unleavened bread, the people came about him not fewer in number than three millions: these besought him to commiserate the calamities of their nation, and cried out upon Florus as the bane of their country. 2.281. But as he was present, and stood by Cestius, he laughed at their words. However, Cestius, when he had quieted the multitude, and had assured them that he would take care that Florus should hereafter treat them in a more gentle manner, returned to Antioch. 2.282. Florus also conducted him as far as Caesarea, and deluded him, though he had at that very time the purpose of showing his anger at the nation, and procuring a war upon them, by which means alone it was that he supposed he might conceal his enormities; 2.283. for he expected that if the peace continued, he should have the Jews for his accusers before Caesar; but that if he could procure them to make a revolt, he should divert their laying lesser crimes to his charge, by a misery that was so much greater; he therefore did every day augment their calamities, in order to induce them to a rebellion. 2.284. 4. Now at this time it happened that the Grecians at Caesarea had been too hard for the Jews, and had obtained of Nero the government of the city, and had brought the judicial determination: at the same time began the war, in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero, and the seventeenth of the reign of Agrippa, in the month of Artemisius [Jyar]. 2.285. Now the occasion of this war was by no means proportionable to those heavy calamities which it brought upon us. For the Jews that dwelt at Caesarea had a synagogue near the place, whose owner was a certain Cesarean Greek: the Jews had endeavored frequently to have purchased the possession of the place, and had offered many times its value for its price; 2.286. but as the owner overlooked their offers, so did he raise other buildings upon the place, in way of affront to them, and made workingshops of them, and left them but a narrow passage, and such as was very troublesome for them to go along to their synagogue. Whereupon the warmer part of the Jewish youth went hastily to the workmen, and forbade them to build there; 2.287. but as Florus would not permit them to use force, the great men of the Jews, with John the publican, being in the utmost distress what to do, persuaded Florus, with the offer of eight talents, to hinder the work. 2.288. He then, being intent upon nothing but getting money, promised he would do for them all they desired of him, and then went away from Caesarea to Sebaste, and left the sedition to take its full course, as if he had sold a license to the Jews to fight it out. 2.289. 5. Now on the next day, which was the seventh day of the week, when the Jews were crowding apace to their synagogue, a certain man of Caesarea, of a seditious temper, got an earthen vessel, and set it with the bottom upward, at the entrance of that synagogue, and sacrificed birds. This thing provoked the Jews to an incurable degree, because their laws were affronted, and the place was polluted. 2.290. Whereupon the sober and moderate part of the Jews thought it proper to have recourse to their governors again, while the seditious part, and such as were in the fervor of their youth, were vehemently inflamed to fight. The seditious also among [the Gentiles of] Caesarea stood ready for the same purpose; for they had, by agreement, sent the man to sacrifice beforehand [as ready to support him] so that it soon came to blows. 2.291. Hereupon Jucundus, the master of the horse, who was ordered to prevent the fight, came thither, and took away the earthen vessel, and endeavored to put a stop to the sedition; but when he was overcome by the violence of the people of Caesarea, the Jews caught up their books of the law, and retired to Narbata, which was a place to them belonging, distant from Caesarea sixty furlongs. 2.292. But John, and twelve of the principal men with him, went to Florus, to Sebaste, and made a lamentable complaint of their case, and besought him to help them; and with all possible decency, put him in mind of the eight talents they had given him; but he had the men seized upon and put in prison, and accused them for carrying the books of the law out of Caesarea. 2.293. 6. Moreover, as to the citizens of Jerusalem, although they took this matter very ill, yet did they restrain their passion; but Florus acted herein as if he had been hired, and blew up the war into a flame, and sent some to take seventeen talents out of the sacred treasure, and pretended that Caesar wanted them. 2.294. At this the people were in confusion immediately, and ran together to the temple, with prodigious clamors, and called upon Caesar by name, and besought him to free them from the tyranny of Florus. 2.295. Some also of the seditious cried out upon Florus, and cast the greatest reproaches upon him, and carried a basket about, and begged some spills of money for him, as for one that was destitute of possessions, and in a miserable condition. Yet was not he made ashamed hereby of his love of money, but was more enraged, and provoked to get still more; 2.296. and instead of coming to Caesarea, as he ought to have done, and quenching the flame of war, which was beginning thence, and so taking away the occasion of any disturbances, on which account it was that he had received a reward [of eight talents], he marched hastily with an army of horsemen and footmen against Jerusalem, that he might gain his will by the arms of the Romans, and might, by his terror, and by his threatenings, bring the city into subjection. 2.297. 7. But the people were desirous of making Florus ashamed of his attempt, and met his soldiers with acclamations, and put themselves in order to receive him very submissively. 2.298. But he sent Capito, a centurion, beforehand, with fifty soldiers, to bid them go back, and not now make a show of receiving him in an obliging manner, whom they had so foully reproached before; 2.299. and said that it was incumbent on them, in case they had generous souls, and were free speakers, to jest upon him to his face, and appear to be lovers of liberty, not only in words, but with their weapons also. 2.300. With this message was the multitude amazed; and upon the coming of Capito’s horsemen into the midst of them, they were dispersed before they could salute Florus, or manifest their submissive behavior to him. Accordingly, they retired to their own houses, and spent that night in fear and confusion of face. 2.301. 8. Now at this time Florus took up his quarters at the palace; and on the next day he had his tribunal set before it, and sat upon it, when the high priests, and the men of power, and those of the greatest eminence in the city, came all before that tribunal; 2.302. upon which Florus commanded them to deliver up to him those that had reproached him, and told them that they should themselves partake of the vengeance to them belonging, if they did not produce the criminals; but these demonstrated that the people were peaceably disposed, and they begged forgiveness for those that had spoken amiss; 2.303. for that it was no wonder at all that in so great a multitude there should be some more daring than they ought to be, and, by reason of their younger age, foolish also; and that it was impossible to distinguish those that offended from the rest, while every one was sorry for what he had done, and denied it out of fear of what would follow: 2.304. that he ought, however, to provide for the peace of the nation, and to take such counsels as might preserve the city for the Romans, and rather for the sake of a great number of innocent people to forgive a few that were guilty, than for the sake of a few of the wicked to put so large and good a body of men into disorder. 2.305. 9. Florus was more provoked at this, and called out aloud to the soldiers to plunder that which was called the Upper Market-place, and to slay such as they met with. So the soldiers, taking this exhortation of their commander in a sense agreeable to their desire of gain, did not only plunder the place they were sent to, but forcing themselves into every house, they slew its inhabitants; 2.306. o the citizens fled along the narrow lanes, and the soldiers slew those that they caught, and no method of plunder was omitted; they also caught many of the quiet people, and brought them before Florus, whom he first chastised with stripes, and then crucified. 2.307. Accordingly, the whole number of those that were destroyed that day, with their wives and children (for they did not spare even the infants themselves), was about three thousand and six hundred. 2.308. And what made this calamity the heavier was this new method of Roman barbarity; for Florus ventured then to do what no one had done before, that is, to have men of the equestrian order whipped and nailed to the cross before his tribunal; who, although they were by birth Jews, yet were they of Roman dignity notwithstanding. 2.309. 1. About this very time king Agrippa was going to Alexandria, to congratulate Alexander upon his having obtained the government of Egypt from Nero; 2.310. but as his sister Bernice was come to Jerusalem, and saw the wicked practices of the soldiers, she was sorely affected at it, and frequently sent the masters of her horse and her guards to Florus, and begged of him to leave off these slaughters; 2.311. but he would not comply with her request, nor have any regard either to the multitude of those already slain, or to the nobility of her that interceded, but only to the advantage he should make by this plundering; 2.312. nay, this violence of the soldiers broke out to such a degree of madness, that it spent itself on the queen herself; for they did not only torment and destroy those whom they had caught under her very eyes, but indeed had killed herself also, unless she had prevented them by flying to the palace, and had staid there all night with her guards, which she had about her for fear of an insult from the soldiers. 2.313. Now she dwelt then at Jerusalem, in order to perform a vow which she had made to God; for it is usual with those that had been either afflicted with a distemper, or with any other distresses, to make vows; and for thirty days before they are to offer their sacrifices, to abstain from wine, and to shave the hair of their head. 2.314. Which things Bernice was now performing, and stood barefoot before Florus’s tribunal, and besought him [to spare the Jews]. Yet could she neither have any reverence paid to her, nor could she escape without some danger of being slain herself. 2.315. 2. This happened upon the sixteenth day of the month Artemisius [Jyar]. Now, on the next day, the multitude, who were in a great agony, ran together to the Upper Marketplace, and made the loudest lamentations for those that had perished; and the greatest part of the cries were such as reflected on Florus; 2.316. at which the men of power were affrighted, together with the high priests, and rent their garments, and fell down before each of them, and besought them to leave off, and not to provoke Florus to some incurable procedure, besides what they had already suffered. 2.317. Accordingly, the multitude complied immediately, out of reverence to those that had desired it of them, and out of the hope they had that Florus would do them no more injuries. 2.318. 3. So Florus was troubled that the disturbances were over, and endeavored to kindle that flame again, and sent for the high priests, with the other eminent persons, and said, the only demonstration that the people would not make any other innovations should be this,—that they must go out and meet the soldiers that were ascending from Caesarea, whence two cohorts were coming; 2.319. and while these men were exhorting the multitude so to do, he sent beforehand, and gave directions to the centurions of the cohorts, that they should give notice to those that were under them not to return the Jews’ salutations; and that if they made any reply to his disadvantage, they should make use of their weapons. 2.320. Now the high priests assembled the multitude in the temple, and desired them to go and meet the Romans, and to salute the cohorts very civilly, before their miserable case should become incurable. Now the seditious part would not comply with these persuasions; but the consideration of those that had been destroyed made them incline to those that were the boldest for action. 2.321. 4. At this time it was that every priest, and every servant of God, brought out the holy vessels, and the ornamental garments wherein they used to minister in sacred things.—The harpers also, and the singers of hymns, came out with their instruments of music, and fell down before the multitude, and begged of them that they would preserve those holy ornaments to them, and not provoke the Romans to carry off those sacred treasures. 2.322. You might also see then the high priests themselves, with dust sprinkled in great plenty upon their heads, with bosoms deprived of any covering but what was rent; these besought every one of the eminent men by name, and the multitude in common, that they would not for a small offense betray their country to those that were desirous to have it laid waste; 2.323. aying, “What benefit will it bring to the soldiers to have a salutation from the Jews? or what amendment of your affairs will it bring you, if you do not now go out to meet them? 2.324. and that if they saluted them civilly, all handle would be cut off from Florus to begin a war; that they should thereby gain their country, and freedom from all further sufferings; and that, besides, it would be a sign of great want of command of themselves, if they should yield to a few seditious persons, while it was fitter for them who were so great a people to force the others to act soberly.” 2.325. 5. By these persuasions, which they used to the multitude and to the seditious, they restrained some by threatenings, and others by the reverence that was paid them. After this they led them out, and they met the soldiers quietly, and after a composed manner, and when they were come up with them, they saluted them; but when they made no answer, the seditious exclaimed against Florus, which was the signal given for falling upon them. 2.326. The soldiers therefore encompassed them presently, and struck them with their clubs; and as they fled away, the horsemen trampled them down, so that a great many fell down dead by the strokes of the Romans, and more by their own violence in crushing one another. 2.327. Now there was a terrible crowding about the gates, and while everybody was making haste to get before another, the flight of them all was retarded, and a terrible destruction there was among those that fell down, for they were suffocated, and broken to pieces by the multitude of those that were uppermost; nor could any of them be distinguished by his relations in order to the care of his funeral; 2.328. the soldiers also who beat them, fell upon those whom they overtook, without showing them any mercy, and thrust the multitude through the place called Bezetha, as they forced their way, in order to get in and seize upon the temple, and the tower Antonia. Florus also being desirous to get those places into his possession, brought such as were with him out of the king’s palace, and would have compelled them to get as far as the citadel [Antonia]; 2.329. but his attempt failed, for the people immediately turned back upon him, and stopped the violence of his attempt; and as they stood upon the tops of their houses, they threw their darts at the Romans, who, as they were sorely galled thereby, because those weapons came from above, and they were not able to make a passage through the multitude, which stopped up the narrow passages, they retired to the camp which was at the palace. 2.330. 6. But for the seditious, they were afraid lest Florus should come again, and get possession of the temple, through Antonia; so they got immediately upon those cloisters of the temple that joined to Antonia, and cut them down. 2.331. This cooled the avarice of Florus; for whereas he was eager to obtain the treasures of God [in the temple], and on that account was desirous of getting into Antonia, as soon as the cloisters were broken down, he left off his attempt; he then sent for the high priests and the Sanhedrin, and told them that he was indeed himself going out of the city, but that he would leave them as large a garrison as they should desire. 2.332. Hereupon they promised that they would make no innovations, in case he would leave them one band; but not that which had fought with the Jews, because the multitude bore ill will against that band on account of what they had suffered from it; so he changed the band as they desired, and, with the rest of his forces, returned to Caesarea. 2.333. 1. However, Florus contrived another way to oblige the Jews to begin the war, and sent to Cestius, and accused the Jews falsely of revolting [from the Roman government], and imputed the beginning of the former fight to them, and pretended they had been the authors of that disturbance, wherein they were only the sufferers. Yet were not the governors of Jerusalem silent upon this occasion, but did themselves write to Cestius, as did Bernice also, about the illegal practices of which Florus had been guilty against the city; 2.334. who, upon reading both accounts, consulted with his captains [what he should do]. Now some of them thought it best for Cestius to go up with his army, either to punish the revolt, if it was real, or to settle the Roman affairs on a surer foundation, if the Jews continued quiet under them; but he thought it best himself to send one of his intimate friends beforehand, to see the state of affairs, and to give him a faithful account of the intentions of the Jews. 2.335. Accordingly, he sent one of his tribunes, whose name was Neopolitanus, who met with king Agrippa as he was returning from Alexandria, at Jamnia, and told him who it was that sent him, and on what errand he was sent. 2.336. 2. And here it was that the high priests, and men of power among the Jews, as well as the Sanhedrin, came to congratulate the king [upon his safe return]; and after they had paid him their respects, they lamented their own calamities, and related to him what barbarous treatment they had met with from Florus. 2.337. At which barbarity Agrippa had great indignation, but transferred, after a subtle manner, his anger towards those Jews whom he really pitied, that he might beat down their high thoughts of themselves, and would have them believe that they had not been so unjustly treated, in order to dissuade them from avenging themselves. 2.338. So these great men, as of better understanding than the rest, and desirous of peace, because of the possessions they had, understood that this rebuke which the king gave them was intended for their good; but as to the people, they came sixty furlongs out of Jerusalem, and congratulated both Agrippa and Neopolitanus; 2.339. but the wives of those that had been slain came running first of all and lamenting. The people also, when they heard their mourning, fell into lamentations also, and besought Agrippa to assist them: they also cried out to Neopolitanus, and complained of the many miseries they had endured under Florus; and they showed them, when they were come into the city, how the marketplace was made desolate, and the houses plundered. 2.340. They then persuaded Neopolitanus, by the means of Agrippa, that he would walk round the city, with one only servant, as far as Siloam, that he might inform himself that the Jews submitted to all the rest of the Romans, and were only displeased at Florus, by reason of his exceeding barbarity to them. So he walked round, and had sufficient experience of the good temper the people were in, and then went up to the temple, 2.341. where he called the multitude together, and highly commended them for their fidelity to the Romans, and earnestly exhorted them to keep the peace; and having performed such parts of Divine worship at the temple as he was allowed to do, he returned to Cestius. 2.342. 3. But as for the multitude of the Jews, they addressed themselves to the king, and to the high priests, and desired they might have leave to send ambassadors to Nero against Florus, and not by their silence afford a suspicion that they had been the occasion of such great slaughters as had been made, and were disposed to revolt, alleging that they should seem to have been the first beginners of the war, if they did not prevent the report by showing who it was that began it; 2.343. and it appeared openly that they would not be quiet, if anybody should hinder them from sending such an embassage. But Agrippa, although he thought it too dangerous a thing for them to appoint men to go as the accusers of Florus, yet did he not think it fit for him to overlook them, as they were in a disposition for war. 2.344. He therefore called the multitude together into a large gallery, and placed his sister Bernice in the house of the Asamoneans, that she might be seen by them (which house was over the gallery, at the passage to the upper city, where the bridge joined the temple to the gallery), and spake to them as follows:— 2.345. 4. “Had I perceived that you were all zealously disposed to go to war with the Romans, and that the purer and more sincere part of the people did not propose to live in peace, I had not come out to you, nor been so bold as to give you counsel; for all discourses that tend to persuade men to do what they ought to do are superfluous, when the hearers are agreed to do the contrary. 2.346. But because some are earnest to go to war because they are young, and without experience of the miseries it brings, and because some are for it out of an unreasonable expectation of regaining their liberty, and because others hope to get by it, and are therefore earnestly bent upon it, that in the confusion of your affairs they may gain what belongs to those that are too weak to resist them, I have thought it proper to get you all together, and to say to you what I think to be for your advantage; that so the former may grow wiser, and change their minds, and that the best men may come to no harm by the ill conduct of some others. 2.347. And let not anyone be tumultuous against me, in case what they hear me say does not please them; for as to those that admit of no cure, but are resolved upon a revolt, it will still be in their power to retain the same sentiments after my exhortation is over; but still my discourse will fall to the ground, even with a relation to those that have a mind to hear me, unless you will all keep silence. 2.348. I am well aware that many make a tragical exclamation concerning the injuries that have been offered you by your procurators, and concerning the glorious advantages of liberty; but before I begin the inquiry, who you are that must go to war, and who they are against whom you must fight,—I shall first separate those pretenses that are by some connected together; 2.349. for if you aim at avenging yourselves on those that have done you injury, why do you pretend this to be a war for recovering your liberty? but if you think all servitude intolerable, to what purpose serve your complaints against your particular governors? for if they treated you with moderation, it would still be equally an unworthy thing to be in servitude. 2.350. Consider now the several cases that may be supposed, how little occasion there is for your going to war. Your first occasion is the accusations you have to make against your procurators; now here you ought to be submissive to those in authority, and not give them any provocation; 2.351. but when you reproach men greatly for small offenses, you excite those whom you reproach to be your adversaries; for this will only make them leave off hurting you privately, and with some degree of modesty, and to lay what you have waste openly. 2.352. Now nothing so much damps the force of strokes as bearing them with patience; and the quietness of those who are injured diverts the injurious persons from afflicting. But let us take it for granted that the Roman ministers are injurious to you, and are incurably severe; yet are they not all the Romans who thus injure you; nor hath Caesar, against whom you are going to make war, injured you: it is not by their command that any wicked governor is sent to you; for they who are in the west cannot see those that are in the east; nor indeed is it easy for them there even to hear what is done in these parts. 2.353. Now it is absurd to make war with a great many for the sake of one: to do so with such mighty people for a small cause; and this when these people are not able to know of what you complain: 2.354. nay, such crimes as we complain of may soon be corrected, for the same procurator will not continue forever; and probable it is that the successors will come with more moderate inclinations. But as for war, if it be once begun, it is not easily laid down again, nor borne without calamities coming therewith. 2.355. However, as to the desire of recovering your liberty, it is unseasonable to indulge it so late; whereas you ought to have labored earnestly in old time that you might never have lost it; for the first experience of slavery was hard to be endured, and the struggle that you might never have been subject to it would have been just; 2.356. but that slave who hath been once brought into subjection, and then runs away, is rather a refractory slave than a lover of liberty; for it was then the proper time for doing all that was possible, that you might never have admitted the Romans [into your city], when Pompey came first into the country. 2.357. But so it was, that our ancestors and their kings, who were in much better circumstances than we are, both as to money, and [strong] bodies, and [valiant] souls, did not bear the onset of a small body of the Roman army. And yet you, who have now accustomed yourselves to obedience from one generation to another, and who are so much inferior to those who first submitted, in your circumstances will venture to oppose the entire empire of the Romans. 2.358. While those Athenians, who, in order to preserve the liberty of Greece, did once set fire to their own city; who pursued Xerxes, that proud prince, when he sailed upon the land, and walked upon the sea, and could not be contained by the seas, but conducted such an army as was too broad for Europe; and made him run away like a fugitive in a single ship, and brake so great a part of Asia as the Lesser Salamis; are yet at this time servants to the Romans; and those injunctions which are sent from Italy become laws to the principal governing city of Greece. 2.359. Those Lacedemonians also who got the great victories at Thermopylae and Platea, and had Agesilaus [for their king], and searched every corner of Asia, are contented to admit the same lords. 2.360. These Macedonians, also, who still fancy what great men their Philip and Alexander were, and see that the latter had promised them the empire over the world, these bear so great a change, and pay their obedience to those whom fortune hath advanced in their stead. 2.361. Moreover, ten thousand other nations there are who had greater reason than we to claim their entire liberty, and yet do submit. You are the only people who think it a disgrace to be servants to those to whom all the world hath submitted. What sort of an army do you rely on? What are the arms you depend on? Where is your fleet, that may seize upon the Roman seas? and where are those treasures which may be sufficient for your undertakings? 2.362. Do you suppose, I pray you, that you are to make war with the Egyptians, and with the Arabians? Will you not carefully reflect upon the Roman empire? Will you not estimate your own weakness? Hath not your army been often beaten even by your neighboring nations, while the power of the Romans is invincible in all parts of the habitable earth? 2.363. nay, rather they seek for somewhat still beyond that; for all Euphrates is not a sufficient boundary for them on the east side, nor the Danube on the north; and for their southern limit, Libya hath been searched over by them, as far as countries uninhabited, as is Cadiz their limit on the west; nay, indeed, they have sought for another habitable earth beyond the ocean, and have carried their arms as far as such British islands as were never known before. 2.364. What therefore do you pretend to? Are you richer than the Gauls, stronger than the Germans, wiser than the Greeks, more numerous than all men upon the habitable earth? What confidence is it that elevates you to oppose the Romans? 2.365. Perhaps it will be said, It is hard to endure slavery. Yes; but how much harder is this to the Greeks, who were esteemed the noblest of all people under the sun! These, though they inhabit in a large country, are in subjection to six bundles of Roman rods. It is the same case with the Macedonians, who have juster reason to claim their liberty than you have. 2.366. What is the case of five hundred cities of Asia? Do they not submit to a single governor, and to the consular bundle of rods? What need I speak of the Heniochi, and Colchi and the nation of Tauri, those that inhabit the Bosphorus, and the nations about Pontus, and Meotis, 2.367. who formerly knew not so much as a lord of their own, but are now subject to three thousand armed men, and where forty long ships keep the sea in peace, which before was not navigable, and very tempestuous? 2.368. How strong a plea may Bithynia, and Cappadocia, and the people of Pamphylia, the Lycians, and Cilicians, put in for liberty! But they are made tributary without an army. What are the circumstances of the Thracians, whose country extends in breadth five days’ journey, and in length seven, and is of a much more harsh constitution, and much more defensible, than yours, and by the rigor of its cold sufficient to keep off armies from attacking them? do not they submit to two thousand men of the Roman garrisons? 2.369. Are not the Illyrians, who inhabit the country adjoining, as far as Dalmatia and the Danube, governed by barely two legions? by which also they put a stop to the incursions of the Dacians. And for the 2.370. Dalmatians, who have made such frequent insurrections in order to regain their liberty, and who could never before be so thoroughly subdued, but that they always gathered their forces together again, and revolted, yet are they now very quiet under one Roman legion. 2.371. Moreover, if great advantages might provoke any people to revolt, the Gauls might do it best of all, as being so thoroughly walled round by nature; on the east side by the Alps, on the north by the river Rhine, on the south by the Pyrenean mountains, and on the west by the ocean. 2.372. Now, although these Gauls have such obstacles before them to prevent any attack upon them, and have no fewer than three hundred and five nations among them, nay have, as one may say, the fountains of domestic happiness within themselves, and send out plentiful streams of happiness over almost the whole world, these bear to be tributary to the Romans, and derive their prosperous condition from them; 2.373. and they undergo this, not because they are of effeminate minds, or because they are of an ignoble stock, as having borne a war of eighty years in order to preserve their liberty; but by reason of the great regard they have to the power of the Romans, and their good fortune, which is of greater efficacy than their arms. These Gauls, therefore, are kept in servitude by twelve hundred soldiers, which are hardly so many as are their cities; 2.374. nor hath the gold dug out of the mines of Spain been sufficient for the support of a war to preserve their liberty, nor could their vast distance from the Romans by land and by sea do it; nor could the martial tribes of the Lusitanians and Spaniards escape; no more could the ocean, with its tide, which yet was terrible to the ancient inhabitants. 2.375. Nay, the Romans have extended their arms beyond the pillars of Hercules, and have walked among the clouds, upon the Pyrenean mountains, and have subdued these nations. And one legion is a sufficient guard for these people, although they were so hard to be conquered, and at a distance so remote from Rome. 2.376. Who is there among you that hath not heard of the great number of the Germans? You have, to be sure, yourselves seen them to be strong and tall, and that frequently, since the Romans have them among their captives everywhere; 2.377. yet these Germans, who dwell in an immense country, who have minds greater than their bodies, and a soul that despises death, and who are in a rage more fierce than wild beasts, have the Rhine for the boundary of their enterprises, and are tamed by eight Roman legions. Such of them as were taken captive became their servants; and the rest of the entire nation were obliged to save themselves by flight. 2.378. Do you also, who depend on the walls of Jerusalem, consider what a wall the Britons had; for the Romans sailed away to them, and subdued them while they were encompassed by the ocean, and inhabited an island that is not less than [the continent of] this habitable earth; and four legions are a sufficient guard to so large an island: 2.379. And why should I speak much more about this matter, while the Parthians, that most warlike body of men, and lords of so many nations, and encompassed with such mighty forces, send hostages to the Romans? whereby you may see, if you please, even in Italy, the noblest nation of the East, under the notion of peace, submitting to serve them. 2.380. Now, when almost all people under the sun submit to the Roman arms, will you be the only people that make war against them? and this without regarding the fate of the Carthaginians, who, in the midst of their brags of the great Hannibal, and the nobility of their Phoenician original, fell by the hand of Scipio. 2.381. Nor indeed have the Cyrenians, derived from the Lacedemonians, nor the Marmaridae, a nation extended as far as the regions uninhabitable for want of water, nor have the Syrtes, a place terrible to such as barely hear it described, the Nasamons and Moors, and the immense multitude of the Numidians, been able to put a stop to the Roman valor. 2.382. And as for the third part of the habitable earth [Africa], whose nations are so many that it is not easy to number them, and which is bounded by the Atlantic Sea and the pillars of Hercules, and feeds an innumerable multitude of Ethiopians, as far as the Red Sea, these have the Romans subdued entirely. 2.383. And besides the annual fruits of the earth, which maintain the multitude of the Romans for eight months in the year, this, over and above, pays all sorts of tribute, and affords revenues suitable to the necessities of the government. Nor do they, like you, esteem such injunctions a disgrace to them, although they have but one Roman legion that abides among them. 2.384. And indeed what occasion is there for showing you the power of the Romans over remote countries, when it is so easy to learn it from Egypt, in your neighborhood? 2.385. This country is extended as far as the Ethiopians, and Arabia the Happy, and borders upon India; it hath seven million five hundred thousand men, besides the inhabitants of Alexandria, as may be learned from the revenue of the poll tax; yet it is not ashamed to submit to the Roman government, although it hath Alexandria as a grand temptation to a revolt, by reason it is so full of people and of riches, and is besides exceeding large, 2.386. its length being thirty furlongs, and its breadth no less than ten; and it pays more tribute to the Romans in one month than you do in a year; nay, besides what it pays in money, it sends corn to Rome that supports it for four months [in the year]: it is also walled round on all sides, either by almost impassable deserts, or seas that have no havens, or by rivers, or by lakes; 2.387. yet have none of these things been found too strong for the Roman good fortune; however, two legions that lie in that city are a bridle both for the remoter parts of Egypt, and for the parts inhabited by the more noble Macedonians. 2.388. Where then are those people whom you are to have for your auxiliaries? Must they come from the parts of the world that are uninhabited? for all that are in the habitable earth are [under the] Romans. Unless any of you extend his hopes as far as beyond the Euphrates, and suppose that those of your own nation that dwell in Adiabene will come to your assistance 2.389. (but certainly these will not embarrass themselves with an unjustifiable war, nor, if they should follow such ill advice, will the Parthians permit them so to do); for it is their concern to maintain the truce that is between them and the Romans, and they will be supposed to break the covets between them, if any under their government march against the Romans. 2.390. What remains, therefore, is this, that you have recourse to Divine assistance; but this is already on the side of the Romans; for it is impossible that so vast an empire should be settled without God’s providence. 2.391. Reflect upon it, how impossible it is for your zealous observation of your religious customs to be here preserved, which are hard to be observed even when you fight with those whom you are able to conquer; and how can you then most of all hope for God’s assistance, when, by being forced to transgress his law, you will make him turn his face from you? 2.392. and if you do observe the custom of the Sabbath days, and will not be prevailed on to do anything thereon, you will easily be taken, as were your forefathers by Pompey, who was the busiest in his siege on those days on which the besieged rested. 2.393. But if in time of war you transgress the law of your country, I cannot tell on whose account you will afterward go to war; for your concern is but one, that you do nothing against any of your forefathers; 2.394. and how will you call upon God to assist you, when you are voluntarily transgressing against his religion? Now, all men that go to war do it either as depending on Divine or on human assistance; but since your going to war will cut off both those assistances, those that are for going to war choose evident destruction. 2.395. What hinders you from slaying your children and wives with your own hands, and burning this most excellent native city of yours? for by this mad prank you will, however, escape the reproach of being beaten. 2.396. But it were best, O my friends, it were best, while the vessel is still in the haven, to foresee the impending storm, and not to set sail out of the port into the middle of the hurricanes; for we justly pity those who fall into great misfortunes without foreseeing them; but for him who rushes into manifest ruin, he gains reproaches [instead of commiseration]. 2.397. But certainly no one can imagine that you can enter into a war as by an agreement, or that when the Romans have got you under their power, they will use you with moderation, or will not rather, for an example to other nations, burn your holy city, and utterly destroy your whole nation; for those of you who shall survive the war will not be able to find a place whither to flee, since all men have the Romans for their lords already, or are afraid they shall have hereafter. 2.398. Nay, indeed, the danger concerns not those Jews that dwell here only, but those of them which dwell in other cities also; for there is no people upon the habitable earth which have not some portion of you among them, 2.399. whom your enemies will slay, in case you go to war, and on that account also; and so every city which hath Jews in it will be filled with slaughter for the sake only of a few men, and they who slay them will be pardoned; but if that slaughter be not made by them, consider how wicked a thing it is to take arms against those that are so kind to you. 2.400. Have pity, therefore, if not on your children and wives, yet upon this your metropolis, and its sacred walls; spare the temple, and preserve the holy house, with its holy furniture, for yourselves; for if the Romans get you under their power, they will no longer abstain from them, when their former abstinence shall have been so ungratefully requited. 2.401. I call to witness your sanctuary, and the holy angels of God, and this country common to us all, that I have not kept back anything that is for your preservation; and if you will follow that advice which you ought to do, you will have that peace which will be common to you and to me; but if you indulge your passions, you will run those hazards which I shall be free from.” 2.402. 5. When Agrippa had spoken thus, both he and his sister wept, and by their tears repressed a great deal of the violence of the people; but still they cried out, that they would not fight against the Romans, but against Florus, on account of what they had suffered by his means. 2.403. To which Agrippa replied, that what they had already done was like such as make war against the Romans; “for you have not paid the tribute which is due to Caesar and you have cut off the cloisters [of the temple] from joining to the tower Antonia. 2.404. You will therefore prevent any occasion of revolt if you will but join these together again, and if you will but pay your tribute; for the citadel does not now belong to Florus, nor are you to pay the tribute money to Florus.” 2.405. 1. This advice the people hearkened to, and went up into the temple with the king and Bernice, and began to rebuild the cloisters; the rulers also and senators divided themselves into the villages, and collected the tributes, and soon got together forty talents, which was the sum that was deficient. 2.406. And thus did Agrippa then put a stop to that war which was threatened. Moreover, he attempted to persuade the multitude to obey Florus, until Caesar should send one to succeed him; but they were hereby more provoked, and cast reproaches upon the king, and got him excluded out of the city; nay, some of the seditious had the impudence to throw stones at him. 2.407. So when the king saw that the violence of those that were for innovations was not to be restrained, and being very angry at the contumelies he had received, he sent their rulers, together with their men of power, to Florus, to Caesarea, that he might appoint whom he thought fit to collect the tribute in the country, while he retired into his own kingdom. 2.408. 2. And at this time it was that some of those that principally excited the people to go to war made an assault upon a certain fortress called Masada. They took it by treachery, and slew the Romans that were there, and put others of their own party to keep it. 2.409. At the same time Eleazar, the son of Aias the high priest, a very bold youth, who was at that time governor of the temple, persuaded those that officiated in the Divine service to receive no gift or sacrifice for any foreigner. And this was the true beginning of our war with the Romans; for they rejected the sacrifice of Caesar on this account; 2.410. and when many of the high priests and principal men besought them not to omit the sacrifice, which it was customary for them to offer for their princes, they would not be prevailed upon. These relied much upon their multitude, for the most flourishing part of the innovators assisted them; but they had the chief regard to Eleazar, the governor of the temple. 2.411. 3. Hereupon the men of power got together, and conferred with the high priests, as did also the principal of the Pharisees; and thinking all was at stake, and that their calamities were becoming incurable, took counsel what was to be done. Accordingly, they determined to try what they could do with the seditious by words, and assembled the people before the brazen gate, which was the gate of the inner temple [court of the priests] which looked towards the sunrising. 2.412. And, in the first place, they showed the great indignation they had at this attempt for a revolt, and for their bringing so great a war upon their country; after which they confuted their pretense as unjustifiable, and told them that their forefathers had adorned their temple in great part with donations bestowed on them by foreigners, and had always received what had been presented to them from foreign nations; 2.413. and that they had been so far from rejecting any person’s sacrifice (which would be the highest instance of impiety), that they had themselves placed those donations about the temple which were still visible, and had remained there so long a time; 2.414. that they did now irritate the Romans to take up arms against them, and invited them to make war upon them, and brought up novel rules of a strange Divine worship, and determined to run the hazard of having their city condemned for impiety, while they would not allow any foreigner, but Jews only, either to sacrifice or to worship therein. 2.415. And if such a law should ever be introduced in the case of a single private person only, he would have indignation at it, as an instance of inhumanity determined against him; while they have no regard to the Romans or to Caesar, and forbade even their oblations to be received also; 2.416. that however they cannot but fear, lest, by thus rejecting their sacrifices, they shall not be allowed to offer their own; and that this city will lose its principality, unless they grow wiser quickly, and restore the sacrifices as formerly, and indeed amend the injury [they have offered to foreigners] before the report of it comes to the ears of those that have been injured. 2.417. 4. And as they said these things, they produced those priests that were skillful in the customs of their country, who made the report that all their forefathers had received the sacrifices from foreign nations. But still not one of the innovators would hearken to what was said; nay, those that ministered about the temple would not attend their Divine service, but were preparing matters for beginning the war. 2.418. So the men of power perceiving that the sedition was too hard for them to subdue, and that the danger which would arise from the Romans would come upon them first of all, endeavored to save themselves, and sent ambassadors, some to Florus, the chief of which was Simon the son of Aias; and others to Agrippa, among whom the most eminent were Saul, and Antipas, and Costobarus, who were of the king’s kindred; 2.419. and they desired of them both that they would come with an army to the city, and cut off the sedition before it should be too hard to be subdued. 2.420. Now this terrible message was good news to Florus; and because his design was to have a war kindled, he gave the ambassadors no answer at all. 2.421. But Agrippa was equally solicitous for those that were revolting, and for those against whom the war was to be made, and was desirous to preserve the Jews for the Romans, and the temple and metropolis for the Jews; he was also sensible that it was not for his own advantage that the disturbances should proceed; so he sent three thousand horsemen to the assistance of the people out of Auranitis, and Batanea, and Trachonitis, and these under Darius, the master of his horse, and Philip the son of Jacimus, the general of his army. 2.422. 5. Upon this the men of power, with the high priests, as also all the part of the multitude that were desirous of peace, took courage, and seized upon the upper city [Mount Sion]; for the seditious part had the lower city and the temple in their power; 2.430. 7. But on the next day, which was the fifteenth of the month Lous, [Ab,] they made an assault upon Antonia, and besieged the garrison which was in it two days, and then took the garrison, and slew them, and set the citadel on fire; 2.433. 8. In the meantime, one Manahem, the son of Judas, that was called the Galilean (who was a very cunning sophister, and had formerly reproached the Jews under Cyrenius, that after God they were subject to the Romans) took some of the men of note with him, and retired to Masada, 2.434. where he broke open king Herod’s armory, and gave arms not only to his own people, but to other robbers also. These he made use of for a guard, and returned in the state of a king to Jerusalem; he became the leader of the sedition, and gave orders for continuing the siege; 2.435. but they wanted proper instruments, and it was not practicable to undermine the wall, because the darts came down upon them from above. But still they dug a mine from a great distance under one of the towers, and made it totter; and having done that, they set on fire what was combustible, and left it; 2.436. and when the foundations were burnt below, the tower fell down suddenly. Yet did they then meet with another wall that had been built within, for the besieged were sensible beforehand of what they were doing, and probably the tower shook as it was undermining; so they provided themselves of another fortification; 2.437. which when the besiegers unexpectedly saw, while they thought they had already gained the place, they were under some consternation. However, those that were within sent to Manahem, and to the other leaders of the sedition, and desired they might go out upon a capitulation: this was granted to the king’s soldiers and their own countrymen only, who went out accordingly; 2.438. but the Romans that were left alone were greatly dejected, for they were not able to force their way through such a multitude; and to desire them to give them their right hand for their security, they thought it would be a reproach to them; and besides, if they should give it them, they durst not depend upon it; 2.439. o they deserted their camp, as easily taken, and ran away to the royal towers,—that called Hippicus, that called Phasaelus, and that called Mariamne. 2.440. But Manahem and his party fell upon the place whence the soldiers were fled, and slew as many of them as they could catch, before they got up to the towers, and plundered what they left behind them, and set fire to their camp. This was executed on the sixth day of the month Gorpieus [Elul]. 2.441. 9. But on the next day the high priest was caught where he had concealed himself in an aqueduct; he was slain, together with Hezekiah his brother, by the robbers: hereupon the seditious besieged the towers, and kept them guarded, lest anyone of the soldiers should escape. 2.442. Now the overthrow of the places of strength, and the death of the high priest Aias, so puffed up Manahem, that he became barbarously cruel; and as he thought he had no antagonist to dispute the management of affairs with him, he was no better than an insupportable tyrant; 2.443. but Eleazar and his party, when words had passed between them, how it was not proper when they revolted from the Romans, out of the desire of liberty, to betray that liberty to any of their own people, and to bear a lord, who, though he should be guilty of no violence, was yet meaner than themselves; as also, that in case they were obliged to set someone over their public affairs, it was fitter they should give that privilege to anyone rather than to him; they made an assault upon him in the temple; 2.444. for he went up thither to worship in a pompous manner, and adorned with royal garments, and had his followers with him in their armor. 2.445. But Eleazar and his party fell violently upon him, as did also the rest of the people; and taking up stones to attack him withal, they threw them at the sophister, and thought, that if he were once ruined, the entire sedition would fall to the ground. 2.446. Now Manahem and his party made resistance for a while; but when they perceived that the whole multitude were falling upon them, they fled which way every one was able; those that were caught were slain, and those that hid themselves were searched for. 2.447. A few there were of them who privately escaped to Masada, among whom was Eleazar, the son of Jarius, who was of kin to Manahem, and acted the part of a tyrant at Masada afterward. 2.448. As for Manahem himself, he ran away to the place called Ophla, and there lay skulking in private; but they took him alive, and drew him out before them all; they then tortured him with many sorts of torments, and after all slew him, as they did by those that were captains under him also, and particularly by the principal instrument of his tyranny, whose name was Apsalom. 2.449. 10. And, as I said, so far truly the people assisted them, while they hoped this might afford some amendments to the seditious practices; but the others were not in haste to put an end to the war, but hoped to prosecute it with less danger, now they had slain Manahem. 2.450. It is true, that when the people earnestly desired that they would leave off besieging the soldiers, they were the more earnest in pressing it forward, and this till Metilius, who was the Roman general, sent to Eleazar, and desired that they would give them security to spare their lives only; but agreed to deliver up their arms, and what else they had with them. 2.451. The others readily complied with their petition, sent to them Gorion, the son of Nicodemus, and Aias, the son of Sadduk, and Judas, the son of Jonathan, that they might give them the security of their right hands, and of their oaths; after which Metilius brought down his soldiers; 2.452. which soldiers, while they were in arms, were not meddled with by any of the seditious, nor was there any appearance of treachery; but as soon as, according to the articles of capitulation, they had all laid down their shields and their swords, and were under no further suspicion of any harm, but were going away, 2.453. Eleazar’s men attacked them after a violent manner, and encompassed them round, and slew them, while they neither defended themselves, nor entreated for mercy, but only cried out upon the breach of their articles of capitulation and their oaths. 2.454. And thus were all these men barbarously murdered, excepting Metilius; for when he entreated for mercy, and promised that he would turn Jew, and be circumcised, they saved him alive, but none else. This loss to the Romans was but light, there being no more than a few slain out of an immense army; but still it appeared to be a prelude to the Jews’ own destruction, 2.455. while men made public lamentation when they saw that such occasions were afforded for a war as were incurable; that the city was all over polluted with such abominations, from which it was but reasonable to expect some vengeance, even though they should escape revenge from the Romans; so that the city was filled with sadness, and every one of the moderate men in it were under great disturbance, as likely themselves to undergo punishment for the wickedness of the seditious; 2.456. for indeed it so happened that this murder was perpetrated on the Sabbath day, on which day the Jews have a respite from their works on account of Divine worship. 2.457. 1. Now the people of Caesarea had slain the Jews that were among them on the very same day and hour [when the soldiers were slain], which one would think must have come to pass by the direction of Providence; insomuch that in one hour’s time above twenty thousand Jews were killed, and all Caesarea was emptied of its Jewish inhabitants; for Florus caught such as ran away, and sent them in bonds to the galleys. 2.458. Upon which stroke that the Jews received at Caesarea, the whole nation was greatly enraged; so they divided themselves into several parties, and laid waste the villages of the Syrians, and their neighboring cities, Philadelphia, and Sebonitis, and Gerasa, and Pella, and Scythopolis, 2.459. and after them Gadara, and Hippos; and falling upon Gaulonitis, some cities they destroyed there, and some they set on fire, and then they went to Kedasa, belonging to the Tyrians, and to Ptolemais, and to Gaba, and to Caesarea; 2.460. nor was either Sabaste (Samaria) or Askelon able to oppose the violence with which they were attacked; and when they had burnt these to the ground; they entirely demolished Anthedon and Gaza; many also of the villages that were about every one of those cities were plundered, and an immense slaughter was made of the men who were caught in them. 2.461. 2. However, the Syrians were even with the Jews in the multitude of the men whom they slew; for they killed those whom they caught in their cities, and that not only out of the hatred they bare them, as formerly, but to prevent the danger under which they were from them; 2.462. o that the disorders in all Syria were terrible, and every city was divided into two armies, encamped one against another, and the preservation of the one party was in the destruction of the other; 2.463. o the daytime was spent in shedding of blood, and the night in fear,—which was of the two the more terrible; for when the Syrians thought they had ruined the Jews, they had the Judaizers in suspicion also; and as each side did not care to slay those whom they only suspected on the other, so did they greatly fear them when they were mingled with the other, as if they were certainly foreigners. 2.464. Moreover, greediness of gain was a provocation to kill the opposite party, even to such as had of old appeared very mild and gentle towards them; for they without fear plundered the effects of the slain, and carried off the spoils of those whom they slew to their own houses, as if they had been gained in a set battle; and he was esteemed a man of honor who got the greatest share, as having prevailed over the greatest number of his enemies. 2.465. It was then common to see cities filled with dead bodies, still lying unburied, and those of old men, mixed with infants, all dead, and scattered about together; women also lay amongst them, without any covering for their nakedness: you might then see the whole province full of inexpressible calamities, while the dread of still more barbarous practices which were threatened was everywhere greater than what had been already perpetrated. 2.466. 3. And thus far the conflict had been between Jews and foreigners; but when they made excursions to Scythopolis, they found Jews that acted as enemies; for as they stood in battle-array with those of Scythopolis, and preferred their own safety before their relation to us, they fought against their own countrymen; 2.467. nay, their alacrity was so very great, that those of Scythopolis suspected them. These were afraid, therefore, lest they should make an assault upon the city in the nighttime, and, to their great misfortune, should thereby make an apology for themselves to their own people for their revolt from them. So they commanded them, that in case they would confirm their agreement and demonstrate their fidelity to them, who were of a different nation, they should go out of the city, with their families, to a neighboring grove; 2.468. and when they had done as they were commanded, without suspecting anything, the people of Scythopolis lay still for the interval of two days, to tempt them to be secure; but on the third night they watched their opportunity, and cut all their throats, some of them as they lay unguarded, and some as they lay asleep. The number that was slain was above thirteen thousand, and then they plundered them of all that they had. 2.469. 4. It will deserve our relation what befell Simon; he was the son of one Saul, a man of reputation among the Jews. This man was distinguished from the rest by the strength of his body, and the boldness of his conduct, although he abused them both to the mischieving of his countrymen; 2.470. for he came every day and slew a great many of the Jews of Scythopolis, and he frequently put them to flight, and became himself alone the cause of his army’s conquering. 2.471. But a just punishment overtook him for the murders he had committed upon those of the same nation with him; for when the people of Scythopolis threw their darts at them in the grove, he drew his sword, but did not attack any of the enemy; for he saw that he could do nothing against such a multitude; but he cried out after a very moving manner and said,— 2.472. “O you people of Scythopolis, I deservedly suffer for what I have done with relation to you, when I gave you such security of my fidelity to you, by slaying so many of those that were related to me. Wherefore we very justly experience the perfidiousness of foreigners, while we acted after a most wicked manner against our own nation. I will therefore die, polluted wretch as I am, by mine own hands; for it is not fit I should die by the hand of our enemies; 2.473. and let the same action be to me both a punishment for my great crimes, and a testimony of my courage to my commendation, that so no one of our enemies may have it to brag of, that he it was that slew me, and no one may insult upon me as I fall.” 2.474. Now when he had said this, he looked round about him upon his family with eyes of commiseration, and of rage (that family consisted of a wife and children, and his aged parents); 2.475. o, in the first place, he caught his father by his gray hairs, and ran his sword through him, and after him he did the same to his mother, who willingly received it; and after them he did the like to his wife and children, every one almost offering themselves to his sword, as desirous to prevent being slain by their enemies; 2.476. o when he had gone over all his family, he stood upon their bodies to be seen by all, and stretching out his right hand, that his action might be observed by all, he sheathed his entire sword into his own bowels. This young man was to be pitied, on account of the strength of his body and the courage of his soul; but since he had assured foreigners of his fidelity [against his own countrymen], he suffered deservedly. 2.477. 5. Besides this murder at Scythopolis, the other cities rose up against the Jews that were among them; those of Askelon slew two thousand five hundred, and those of Ptolemais two thousand, and put not a few into bonds; 2.478. those of Tyre also put a great number to death, but kept a greater number in prison; moreover, those of Hippos, and those of Gadara, did the like while they put to death the boldest of the Jews, but kept those of whom they wereafraid in custody; as did the rest of the cities of Syria, according as they every one either hated them or were afraid of them; 2.479. only the Antiochians, the Sidonians, and Apamians spared those that dwelt with them, andthey would not endure either to kill any of the Jews, or to put them in bonds. And perhaps they spared them, because their own number was so great that they despised their attempts. But I think that the greatest part of this favor was owing to their commiseration of those whom they saw to make no innovations. 2.480. As for the Gerasens, they did no harm to those that abode with them; and for those who had a mind to go away, they conducted them as far as their borders reached. 2.481. 6. There was also a plot laid against the Jews in Agrippa’s kingdom; for he was himself gone to Cestius Gallus, to Antioch, but had left one of his companions, whose name was Noarus, to take care of the public affairs; which Noarus was of kin to king Sohemus. 2.482. Now there came certain men seventy in number, out of Batanea, who were the most considerable for their families and prudence of the rest of the people; these desired to have an army put into their hands, that if any tumult should happen, they might have about them a guard sufficient to restrain such as might rise up against them. 2.483. This Noarus sent out some of the king’s armed men by night, and slew all those [seventy] men; which bold action he ventured upon without the consent of Agrippa, and was such a lover of money, that he chose to be so wicked to his own countrymen, though he brought ruin on the kingdom thereby; and thus cruelly did he treat that nation, and this contrary to the laws also, until Agrippa was informed of it, who did not indeed dare to put him to death, out of regard to Sohemus; but still he put an end to his procuratorship immediately. 2.487. 7. But for Alexandria, the sedition of the people of the place against the Jews was perpetual, and this from that very time when Alexander [the Great], upon finding the readiness of the Jews in assisting him against the Egyptians, and as a reward for such their assistance, gave them equal privileges in this city with the Grecians themselves; 2.488. which honorary reward Continued among them under his successors, who also set apart for them a particular place, that they might live without being polluted [by the Gentiles], and were thereby not so much intermixed with foreigners as before; they also gave them this further privilege, that they should be called Macedonians. Nay, when the Romans got possession of Egypt, neither the first Caesar, nor anyone that came after him, thought of diminishing the honors which Alexander had bestowed on the Jews. 2.494. 8. Now when he perceived that those who were for innovations would not be pacified till some great calamity should overtake them, he sent out upon them those two Roman legions that were in the city, and together with them five thousand other soldiers, who, by chance, were come together out of Libya, to the ruin of the Jews. They were also permitted not only to kill them, but to plunder them of what they had, and to set fire to their houses. 2.495. These soldiers rushed violently into that part of the city which was called Delta, where the Jewish people lived together, and did as they were bidden, though not without bloodshed on their own side also; for the Jews got together, and set those that were the best armed among them in the forefront, and made a resistance for a great while; but when once they gave back, they were destroyed unmercifully; 2.496. and this their destruction was complete, some being caught in the open field, and others forced into their houses, which houses were first plundered of what was in them, and then set on fire by the Romans; wherein no mercy was shown to the infants, and no regard had to the aged; but they went on in the slaughter of persons of every age, 2.497. till all the place was overflowed with blood, and fifty thousand of them lay dead upon heaps; nor had the remainder been preserved, had they not betaken themselves to supplication. So Alexander commiserated their condition, and gave orders to the Romans to retire; 2.498. accordingly, these being accustomed to obey orders, left off killing at the first intimation; but the populace of Alexandria bare so very great hatred to the Jews, that it was difficult to recall them, and it was a hard thing to make them leave their dead bodies. 2.499. 9. And this was the miserable calamity which at this time befell the Jews at Alexandria. Hereupon Cestius thought fit no longer to lie still, while the Jews were everywhere up in arms; 2.556. 1. After this calamity had befallen Cestius, many of the most eminent of the Jews swam away from the city, as from a ship when it was going to sink; Costobarus, therefore, and Saul, who were brethren, together with Philip, the son of Jacimus, who was the commander of king Agrippa’s forces, ran away from the city, and went to Cestius. 2.566. 4. They also chose other generals for Idumea; Jesus, the son of Sapphias, one of the high priests; and Eleazar, the son of Aias, the high priest; they also enjoined Niger, the then governor of Idumea, who was of a family that belonged to Perea, beyond Jordan, and was thence called the Peraite, that he should be obedient to those forenamed commanders. 2.567. Nor did they neglect the care of other parts of the country; but Joseph the son of Simon was sent as general to Jericho, as was Manasseh to Perea, and John, the Essene, to the toparchy of Thamma; Lydda was also added to his portion, and Joppa, and Emmaus. 2.599. which multitude was crowded together in the hippodrome at Taricheae, and made a very peevish clamor against him; while some cried out, that they should depose the traitor; and others, that they should burn him. Now John irritated a great many, as did also one Jesus, the son of Sapphias, who was then governor of Tiberias. 2.615. Hereupon Josephus, who hitherto suspected nothing of John’s plots against him, wrote to the governors of the city, that they would provide a lodging and necessaries for John; which favors, when he had made use of, in two days’ time he did what he came about; some he corrupted with delusive frauds, and others with money, and so persuaded them to revolt from Josephus. 2.641. He then gave order to the masters of those vessels which he had thus filled to sail away immediately for Taricheae, and to confine those men in the prison there; till at length he took all their senate, consisting of six hundred persons, and about two thousand of the populace, and carried them away to Taricheae. 3.1. 1. When Nero was informed of the Romans’ ill success in Judea, a concealed consternation and terror, as is usual in such cases, fell upon him; although he openly looked very big, and was very angry, 3.2. and said that what had happened was rather owing to the negligence of the commander, than to any valor of the enemy: and as he thought it fit for him, who bare the burden of the whole empire, to despise such misfortunes, he now pretended so to do, and to have a soul superior to all such sad accidents whatsoever. Yet did the disturbance that was in his soul plainly appear by the solicitude he was in [how to recover his affairs again]. 3.3. 2. And as he was deliberating to whom he should commit the care of the East, now it was in so great a commotion, and who might be best able to punish the Jews for their rebellion, and might prevent the same distemper from seizing upon the neighboring nations also,— 3.4. he found no one but Vespasian equal to the task, and able to undergo the great burden of so mighty a war, seeing he was growing an old man already in the camp, and from his youth had been exercised in warlike exploits: he was also a man that had long ago pacified the west, and made it subject to the Romans, when it had been put into disorder by the Germans; he had also recovered to them Britain by his arms, 3.5. which had been little known before whereby he procured to his father Claudius to have a triumph bestowed on him without any sweat or labor of his own. 3.11. This excursion was led on by three men, who were the chief of them all, both for strength and sagacity; Niger, called the Peraite, Silas of Babylon, and besides them John the Essene. 3.29. 4. And now Vespasian took along with him his army from Antioch (which is the metropolis of Syria, and without dispute deserves the place of the third city in the habitable earth that was under the Roman empire, both in magnitude, and other marks of prosperity) where he found king Agrippa, with all his forces, waiting for his coming, and marched to Ptolemais. 3.62. By this means he provoked the Romans to treat the country according to the law of war; nor did the Romans, out of the anger they bore at this attempt, leave off, either by night or by day, burning the places in the plain, and stealing away the cattle that were in the country, and killing whatsoever appeared capable of fighting perpetually, and leading the weaker people as slaves into captivity; 3.350. 3. Now, as Josephus began to hesitate with himself about Nicanor’s proposal, the soldiery were so angry, that they ran hastily to set fire to the den; but the tribune would not permit them so to do, as being very desirous to take the man alive. 3.351. And now, as Nicanor lay hard at Josephus to comply, and he understood how the multitude of the enemies threatened him, he called to mind the dreams which he had dreamed in the nighttime, whereby God had signified to him beforehand both the future calamities of the Jews, and the events that concerned the Roman emperors. 3.352. Now Josephus was able to give shrewd conjectures about the interpretation of such dreams as have been ambiguously delivered by God. Moreover, he was not unacquainted with the prophecies contained in the sacred books, as being a priest himself, and of the posterity of priests: 3.353. and just then was he in an ecstasy; and setting before him the tremendous images of the dreams he had lately had, he put up a secret prayer to God, 3.354. and said, “Since it pleaseth thee, who hast created the Jewish nation, to depress the same, and since all their good fortune is gone over to the Romans, and since thou hast made choice of this soul of mine to foretell what is to come to pass hereafter, I willingly give them my hands, and am content to live. And I protest openly that I do not go over to the Romans as a deserter of the Jews, but as a minister from thee.” 3.374. Do not you know that those who depart out of this life, according to the law of nature, and pay that debt which was received from God, when he that lent it us is pleased to require it back again, enjoy eternal fame? that their houses and their posterity are sure, that their souls are pure and obedient, and obtain a most holy place in heaven, from whence, in the revolution of ages, they are again sent into pure bodies; 3.399. 9. When Josephus heard him give those orders, he said that he had somewhat in his mind that he would willingly say to himself alone. When therefore they were all ordered to withdraw, excepting Titus and two of their friends, he said, 3.400. “Thou, O Vespasian, thinkest no more than that thou hast taken Josephus himself captive; but I come to thee as a messenger of greater tidings; for had not I been sent by God to thee, I knew what was the law of the Jews in this case? and how it becomes generals to die. 3.401. Dost thou send me to Nero? For why? Are Nero’s successors till they come to thee still alive? Thou, O Vespasian, art Caesar and emperor, thou, and this thy son. 3.402. Bind me now still faster, and keep me for thyself, for thou, O Caesar, are not only lord over me, but over the land and the sea, and all mankind; and certainly I deserve to be kept in closer custody than I now am in, in order to be punished, if I rashly affirm anything of God.” 3.403. When he had said this, Vespasian at present did not believe him, but supposed that Josephus said this as a cunning trick, in order to his own preservation; 3.404. but in a little time he was convinced, and believed what he said to be true, God himself erecting his expectations, so as to think of obtaining the empire, and by other signs foreshowing his advancement. 3.405. He also found Josephus to have spoken truth on other occasions; for one of those friends that were present at that secret conference said to Josephus, “I cannot but wonder how thou couldst not foretell to the people of Jotapata that they should be taken, nor couldst foretell this captivity which hath happened to thyself, unless what thou now sayest be a vain thing, in order to avoid the rage that is risen against thyself.” 3.406. To which Josephus replied, “I did foretell to the people of Jotapata that they would be taken on the forty-seventh day, and that I should be caught alive by the Romans.” 3.407. Now when Vespasian had inquired of the captives privately about these predictions, he found them to be true, and then he began to believe those that concerned himself. 3.408. Yet did he not set Josephus at liberty from his bands, but bestowed on him suits of clothes, and other precious gifts; he treated him also in a very obliging manner, and continued so to do, Titus still joining his interest in the honors that were done him. 3.443. 7. But Vespasian, in order to see the kingdom of Agrippa, while the king persuaded himself so to do (partly in order to his treating the general and his army in the best and most splendid manner his private affairs would enable him to do, and partly that he might, by their means, correct such things as were amiss in his government), he removed from that Caesarea which was by the sea-side, and went to that which is called Caesarea Philippi; 3.541. for as to those that belonged to his kingdom, he gave him leave to do what he pleased with them; however, the king sold these also for slaves; 4.159. and indeed they were Gorian the son of Josephus, and Symeon the son of Gamaliel, who encouraged them, by going up and down when they were assembled together in crowds, and as they saw them alone, to bear no longer, but to inflict punishment upon these pests and plagues of their freedom, and to purge the temple of these bloody polluters of it. 4.160. The best esteemed also of the high priests, Jesus the son of Gamala, and Aus the son of Aus when they were at their assemblies, bitterly reproached the people for their sloth, and excited them against the zealots; 4.232. There was indeed occasion for quick dispatch in the carrying of this message, in which point the messengers were no way defective. Both their names were Aias; and they soon came to the rulers of the Idumeans. 4.233. 2. Now, these rulers were greatly surprised at the contents of the letter, and at what those that came with it further told them; whereupon they ran about the nation like madmen, and made proclamation that the people should come to war; 4.234. o a multitude was suddenly got together, sooner indeed than the time appointed in the proclamation, and everybody caught up their arms, in order to maintain the liberty of their metropolis; 4.235. and twenty thousand of them were put into battle-array, and came to Jerusalem, under four commanders, John, and Jacob the son of Sosas; and besides these were Simon, the son of Cathlas, and Phineas, the son of Clusothus. 4.402. and at the feast of unleavened bread, which the Jews celebrate in memory of their deliverance from the Egyptian bondage, when they were sent back into the country of their forefathers, they came down by night, without being discovered by those that could have prevented them, and overran a certain small city called Engaddi:— 4.459. 3. Notwithstanding which, there is a fountain by Jericho, that runs plentifully, and is very fit for watering the ground; it arises near the old city, which Joshua, the son of Nun, the general of the Hebrews, took the first of all the cities of the land of Canaan, by right of war. 5.35. They, moreover, were still inventing somewhat or other that was pernicious against themselves; and when they had resolved upon anything, they executed it without mercy, and omitted no method of torment or of barbarity. 5.36. Nay, John abused the sacred materials, and employed them in the construction of his engines of war; for the people and the priests had formerly determined to support the temple, and raise the holy house twenty cubits higher; for king Agrippa had at a very great expense, and with very great pains, brought thither such materials as were proper for that purpose, being pieces of timber very well worth seeing, both for their straightness and their largeness; 5.147. The beginning of the third wall was at the tower Hippicus, whence it reached as far as the north quarter of the city, and the tower Psephinus, and then was so far extended till it came over against the monuments of Helena, which Helena was queen of Adiabene, the daughter of Izates; it then extended further to a great length, and passed by the sepulchral caverns of the kings, and bent again at the tower of the corner, at the monument which is called the “Monument of the Fuller,” and joined to the old wall at the valley called the “Valley of Cedron.” 5.148. It was Agrippa who encompassed the parts added to the old city with this wall, which had been all naked before; for as the city grew more populous, it gradually crept beyond its old limits, 5.149. and those parts of it that stood northward of the temple, and joined that hill to the city, made it considerably larger, and occasioned that hill, which is in number the fourth, and is called “Bezetha,” to be inhabited also. It lies over against the tower Antonia, but is divided from it by a deep valley, 5.150. which was dug on purpose, and that in order to hinder the foundations of the tower of Antonia from joining to this hill, and thereby affording an opportunity for getting to it with ease, and hindering the security that arose from its superior elevation; 5.151. for which reason also that depth of the ditch made the elevation of the towers more remarkable. This new-built part of the city was called “Bezetha,” in our language, which, if interpreted in the Grecian language, may be called “the New City.” 5.152. Since, therefore, its inhabitants stood in need of a covering, the father of the present king, and of the same name with him, Agrippa, began that wall we spoke of; but he left off building it when he had only laid the foundations, out of the fear he was in of Claudius Caesar, lest he should suspect that so strong a wall was built in order to make some innovation in public affairs; 5.160. for being seventy cubits high it both afforded a prospect of Arabia at sunrising, as well as it did of the utmost limits of the Hebrew possessions at the sea westward. Moreover, it was an octagon, 5.180. There were besides many porticoes, one beyond another, round about, and in each of those porticoes curious pillars; yet were all the courts that were exposed to the air everywhere green. 5.181. There were, moreover, several groves of trees, and long walks through them, with deep canals, and cisterns, that in several parts were filled with brazen statues, through which the water ran out. There were withal many dove-courts of tame pigeons about the canals. 5.184. 1. Now this temple, as I have already said, was built upon a strong hill. At first the plain at the top was hardly sufficient for the holy house and the altar, for the ground about it was very uneven, and like a precipice; 5.185. but when king Solomon, who was the person that built the temple, had built a wall to it on its east side, there was then added one cloister founded on a bank cast up for it, and on the other parts the holy house stood naked. But in future ages the people added new banks, and the hill became a larger plain. 5.186. They then broke down the wall on the north side, and took in as much as sufficed afterward for the compass of the entire temple. 5.187. And when they had built walls onthree sides of the temple round about, from the bottom of the hill, and had performed a work that was greater than could be hoped for (in which work long ages were spent by them, as well as all their sacred treasures were exhausted, which were still replenished by those tributes which were sent to God from the whole habitable earth), they then encompassed their upper courts with cloisters, as well as they [afterward] did the lowest [court of the] temple. 5.188. The lowest part of this was erected to the height of three hundred cubits, and in some places more; yet did not the entire depth of the foundations appear, for they brought earth, and filled up the valleys, as being desirous to make them on a level with the narrow streets of the city; 5.189. wherein they made use of stones of forty cubits in magnitude; for the great plenty of money they then had, and the liberality of the people, made this attempt of theirs to succeed to an incredible degree; and what could not be so much as hoped for as ever to be accomplished, was, by perseverance and length of time, brought to perfection. 5.190. 2. Now, for the works that were above these foundations, these were not unworthy of such foundations; for all the cloisters were double, and the pillars to them belonging were twenty-five cubits in height, and supported the cloisters. These pillars were of one entire stone each of them, and that stone was white marble; 5.191. and the roofs were adorned with cedar, curiously graven. The natural magnificence, and excellent polish, and the harmony of the joints in these cloisters, afforded a prospect that was very remarkable; nor was it on the outside adorned with any work of the painter or engraver. 5.192. The cloisters [of the outmost court] were in breadth thirty cubits, while the entire compass of it was by measure six furlongs, including the tower of Antonia; those entire courts that were exposed to the air were laid with stones of all sorts. 5.193. When you go through these [first] cloisters, unto the second [court of the] temple, there was a partition made of stone all round, whose height was three cubits: its construction was very elegant; 5.194. upon it stood pillars, at equal distances from one another, declaring the law of purity, some in Greek, and some in Roman letters, that “no foreigner should go within that sanctuary;” for that second [court of the] temple was called “the Sanctuary;” 5.195. and was ascended to by fourteen steps from the first court. This court was foursquare, and had a wall about it peculiar to itself; 5.196. the height of its buildings, although it were on the outside forty cubits, was hidden by the steps, and on the inside that height was but twenty-five cubits; for it being built over against a higher part of the hill with steps, it was no further to be entirely discerned within, being covered by the hill itself. 5.197. Beyond these fourteen steps there was the distance of ten cubits; this was all plain; 5.198. whence there were other steps, each of five cubits a piece, that led to the gates, which gates on the north and south sides were eight, on each of those sides four, and of necessity two on the east. For since there was a partition built for the women on that side, as the proper place wherein they were to worship, there was a necessity for a second gate for them: this gate was cut out of its wall, over against the first gate. 5.199. There was also on the other sides one southern and one northern gate, through which was a passage into the court of the women; for as to the other gates, the women were not allowed to pass through them; nor when they went through their own gate could they go beyond their own wall. This place was allotted to the women of our own country, and of other countries, provided they were of the same nation, and that equally. 5.200. The western part of this court had no gate at all, but the wall was built entire on that side. But then the cloisters which were betwixt the gates extended from the wall inward, before the chambers; for they were supported by very fine and large pillars. These cloisters were single, and, excepting their magnitude, were no way inferior to those of the lower court. 5.201. 3. Now nine of these gates were on every side covered over with gold and silver, as were the jambs of their doors and their lintels; but there was one gate that was without [the inward court of] the holy house, which was of Corinthian brass, and greatly excelled those that were only covered over with silver and gold. 5.202. Each gate had two doors, whose height was severally thirty cubits, and their breadth fifteen. 5.203. However, they had large spaces within of thirty cubits, and had on each side rooms, and those, both in breadth and in length, built like towers, and their height was above forty cubits. Two pillars did also support these rooms, and were in circumference twelve cubits. 5.204. Now the magnitudes of the other gates were equal one to another; but that over the Corinthian gate, which opened on the east over against the gate of the holy house itself, was much larger; 5.205. for its height was fifty cubits; and its doors were forty cubits; and it was adorned after a most costly manner, as having much richer and thicker plates of silver and gold upon them than the other. These nine gates had that silver and gold poured upon them by Alexander, the father of Tiberius. 5.206. Now there were fifteen steps, which led away from the wall of the court of the women to this greater gate; whereas those that led thither from the other gates were five steps shorter. 5.207. 4. As to the holy house itself, which was placed in the midst [of the inmost court], that most sacred part of the temple, it was ascended to by twelve steps; and in front its height and its breadth were equal, and each a hundred cubits, though it was behind forty cubits narrower; for on its front it had what may be styled shoulders on each side, that passed twenty cubits further. 5.208. Its first gate was seventy cubits high, and twenty-five cubits broad; but this gate had no doors; for it represented the universal visibility of heaven, and that it cannot be excluded from any place. Its front was covered with gold all over, and through it the first part of the house, that was more inward, did all of it appear; which, as it was very large, so did all the parts about the more inward gate appear to shine to those that saw them; 5.209. but then, as the entire house was divided into two parts within, it was only the first part of it that was open to our view. Its height extended all along to ninety cubits in height, and its length was fifty cubits, and its breadth twenty. 5.210. But that gate which was at this end of the first part of the house was, as we have already observed, all over covered with gold, as was its whole wall about it; it had also golden vines above it, from which clusters of grapes hung as tall as a man’s height. 5.211. But then this house, as it was divided into two parts, the inner part was lower than the appearance of the outer, and had golden doors of fifty-five cubits altitude, and sixteen in breadth; 5.212. but before these doors there was a veil of equal largeness with the doors. It was a Babylonian curtain, embroidered with blue, and fine linen, and scarlet, and purple, and of a contexture that was truly wonderful. Nor was this mixture of colors without its mystical interpretation, but was a kind of image of the universe; 5.213. for by the scarlet there seemed to be enigmatically signified fire, by the fine flax the earth, by the blue the air, and by the purple the sea; two of them having their colors the foundation of this resemblance; but the fine flax and the purple have their own origin for that foundation, the earth producing the one, and the sea the other. 5.214. This curtain had also embroidered upon it all that was mystical in the heavens, excepting that of the [twelve] signs, representing living creatures. 5.215. 5. When any persons entered into the temple, its floor received them. This part of the temple therefore was in height sixty cubits, and its length the same; whereas its breadth was but twenty cubits: 5.216. but still that sixty cubits in length was divided again, and the first part of it was cut off at forty cubits, and had in it three things that were very wonderful and famous among all mankind, the candlestick, the table [of shew-bread], and the altar of incense. 5.217. Now, the seven lamps signified the seven planets; for so many there were springing out of the candlestick. Now, the twelve loaves that were upon the table signified the circle of the zodiac and the year; 5.218. but the altar of incense, by its thirteen kinds of sweet-smelling spices with which the sea replenished it, signified that God is the possessor of all things that are both in the uninhabitable and habitable parts of the earth, and that they are all to be dedicated to his use. 5.219. But the inmost part of the temple of all was of twenty cubits. This was also separated from the outer part by a veil. In this there was nothing at all. It was inaccessible and inviolable, and not to be seen by any; and was called the Holy of Holies. 5.220. Now, about the sides of the lower part of the temple, there were little houses, with passages out of one into another; there were a great many of them, and they were of three stories high; there were also entrances on each side into them from the gate of the temple. 5.221. But the superior part of the temple had no such little houses any further, because the temple was there narrower, and forty cubits higher, and of a smaller body than the lower parts of it. Thus we collect that the whole height, including the sixty cubits from the floor, amounted to a hundred cubits. 5.222. 6. Now the outward face of the temple in its front wanted nothing that was likely to surprise either men’s minds or their eyes; for it was covered all over with plates of gold of great weight, and, at the first rising of the sun, reflected back a very fiery splendor, and made those who forced themselves to look upon it to turn their eyes away, just as they would have done at the sun’s own rays. 5.223. But this temple appeared to strangers, when they were coming to it at a distance, like a mountain covered with snow; for as to those parts of it that were not gilt, they were exceeding white. 5.224. On its top it had spikes with sharp points, to prevent any pollution of it by birds sitting upon it. of its stones, some of them were forty-five cubits in length, five in height, and six in breadth. 5.225. Before this temple stood the altar, fifteen cubits high, and equal both in length and breadth; each of which dimensions was fifty cubits. The figure it was built in was a square, and it had corners like horns; and the passage up to it was by an insensible acclivity. It was formed without any iron tool, nor did any such iron tool so much as touch it at any time. 5.226. There was also a wall of partition, about a cubit in height, made of fine stones, and so as to be grateful to the sight; this encompassed the holy house and the altar, and kept the people that were on the outside off from the priests. 5.227. Moreover, those that had the gonorrhea and the leprosy were excluded out of the city entirely; women also, when their courses were upon them, were shut out of the temple; nor when they were free from that impurity, were they allowed to go beyond the limit before-mentioned; men also, that were not thoroughly pure, were prohibited to come into the inner [court of the] temple; nay, the priests themselves that were not pure were prohibited to come into it also. 5.241. The inward parts had the largeness and form of a palace, it being parted into all kinds of rooms and other conveniences, such as courts, and places for bathing, and broad spaces for camps; insomuch that, by having all conveniences that cities wanted, it might seem to be composed of several cities, but by its magnificence it seemed a palace. 5.362. 3. So Josephus went round about the wall, and tried to find a place that was out of the reach of their darts, and yet within their hearing, and besought them, in many words, to spare themselves, to spare their country and their temple, and not to be more obdurate in these cases than foreigners themselves; 5.363. for that the Romans, who had no relation to those things, had a reverence for their sacred rites and places, although they belonged to their enemies, and had till now kept their hands off from meddling with them; while such as were brought up under them, and, if they be preserved, will be the only people that will reap the benefit of them, hurry on to have them destroyed. 5.364. That certainly they have seen their strongest walls demolished, and that the wall still remaining was weaker than those that were already taken. That they must know the Roman power was invincible, and that they had been used to serve them; 5.365. for, that in case it be allowed a right thing to fight for liberty, that ought to have been done at first; but for them that have once fallen under the power of the Romans, and have now submitted to them for so many long years, to pretend to shake off that yoke afterward, was the work of such as had a mind to die miserably, not of such as were lovers of liberty. 5.366. Besides, men may well enough grudge at the dishonor of owning ignoble masters over them, but ought not to do so to those who have all things under their command; for what part of the world is there that hath escaped the Romans, unless it be such as are of no use for violent heat, or for violent cold? 5.367. And evident it is that fortune is on all hands gone over to them; and that God, when he had gone round the nations with this dominion, is now settled in Italy. That, moreover, it is a strong and fixed law, even among brute beasts, as well as among men, to yield to those that are too strong for them; and to suffer those to have dominion who are too hard 5.368. for the rest in war; for which reason it was that their forefathers, who were far superior to them, both in their souls and bodies, and other advantages, did yet submit to the Romans, which they would not have suffered, had they not known that God was with them. 5.369. As for themselves, what can they depend on in this their opposition, when the greatest part of their city is already taken? and when those that are within it are under greater miseries than if they were taken, although their walls be still standing? 5.370. For that the Romans are not unacquainted with that famine which is in the city, whereby the people are already consumed, and the fighting men will in a little time be so too; 5.371. for although the Romans should leave off the siege, and not fall upon the city with their swords in their hands, yet was there an insuperable war that beset them within, and was augmented every hour, unless they were able to wage war with famine, and fight against it, or could alone conquer their natural appetites. 5.372. He added this further, how right a thing it was to change their conduct before their calamities were become incurable, and to have recourse to such advice as might preserve them, while opportunity was offered them for so doing; for that the Romans would not be mindful of their past actions to their disadvantage, unless they persevered in their insolent behavior to the end; because they were naturally mild in their conquests, and preferred what was profitable, before what their passions dictated to them; 5.373. which profit of theirs lay not in leaving the city empty of inhabitants, nor the country a desert; on which account Caesar did now offer them his right hand for their security. Whereas, if he took the city by force, he would not save anyone of them, and this especially, if they rejected his offers in these their utmost distresses; 5.374. for the walls that were already taken could not but assure them that the third wall would quickly be taken also. And though their fortifications should prove too strong for the Romans to break through them, yet would the famine fight for the Romans against them. 5.375. 4. While Josephus was making this exhortation to the Jews, many of them jested upon him from the wall, and many reproached him; nay, some threw their darts at him: but when he could not himself persuade them by such open good advice, he betook himself to the histories belonging to their own nation, 5.376. and cried out aloud, “O miserable creatures! are you so unmindful of those that used to assist you, that you will fight by your weapons and by your hands against the Romans? When did we ever conquer any other nation by such means? 5.377. and when was it that God, who is the Creator of the Jewish people, did not avenge them when they had been injured? Will not you turn again, and look back, and consider whence it is that you fight with such violence, and how great a Supporter you have profanely abused? Will not you recall to mind the prodigious things done for your forefathers and this holy place, and how great enemies of yours were by him subdued under you? 5.378. I even tremble myself in declaring the works of God before your ears, that are unworthy to hear them; however, hearken to me, that you may be informed how you fight not only against the Romans, but against God himself. 5.379. In old times there was one Necao, king of Egypt, who was also called Pharaoh; he came with a prodigious army of soldiers, and seized queen Sarah, the mother of our nation. 5.380. What did Abraham our progenitor then do? Did he defend himself from this injurious person by war, although he had three hundred and eighteen captains under him, and an immense army under each of them? Indeed he deemed them to be no number at all without God’s assistance, and only spread out his hands towards this holy place, which you have now polluted, and reckoned upon him as upon his invincible supporter, instead of his own army. 5.381. Was not our queen sent back, without any defilement, to her husband, the very next evening?—while the king of Egypt fled away, adoring this place which you have defiled by shedding thereon the blood of your own countrymen; and he also trembled at those visions which he saw in the night season, and bestowed both silver and gold on the Hebrews, as on a people beloved by God. 5.382. Shall I say nothing, or shall I mention the removal of our fathers into Egypt, who, when they were used tyrannically, and were fallen under the power of foreign kings for four hundred years together, and might have defended themselves by war and by fighting, did yet do nothing but commit themselves to God? 5.383. Who is there that does not know that Egypt was overrun with all sorts of wild beasts, and consumed by all sorts of distempers? how their land did not bring forth its fruit? how the Nile failed of water? how the ten plagues of Egypt followed one upon another? and how by those means our fathers were sent away under a guard, without any bloodshed, and without running any dangers, because God conducted them as his peculiar servants? 5.384. Moreover, did not Palestine groan under the ravage the Assyrians made, when they carried away our sacred ark? asdid their idol Dagon, and as also did that entire nation of those that carried it away, 5.385. how they were smitten with a loathsome distemper in the secret parts of their bodies, when their very bowels came down together with what they had eaten, till those hands that stole it away were obliged to bring it back again, and that with the sound of cymbals and timbrels, and other oblations, in order to appease the anger of God for their violation of his holy ark. 5.386. It was God who then became our General, and accomplished these great things for our fathers, and this because they did not meddle with war and fighting, but committed it to him to judge about their affairs. 5.387. When Sennacherib, king of Assyria, brought along with him all Asia, and encompassed this city round with his army, did he fall by the hands of men? 5.388. were not those hands lifted up to God in prayers, without meddling with their arms, when an angel of God destroyed that prodigious army in one night? when the Assyrian king, as he rose the next day, found a hundred fourscore and five thousand dead bodies, and when he, with the remainder of his army, fled away from the Hebrews, though they were unarmed, and did not pursue them. 5.389. You are also acquainted with the slavery we were under at Babylon, where the people were captives for seventy years; yet were they not delivered into freedom again before God made Cyrus his gracious instrument in bringing it about; accordingly they were set free by him, and did again restore the worship of their Deliverer at his temple. 5.390. And, to speak in general, we can produce no example wherein our fathers got any success by war, or failed of success when without war they committed themselves to God. When they staid at home, they conquered, as pleased their Judge; but when they went out to fight, they were always disappointed: 5.391. for example, when the king of Babylon besieged this very city, and our king Zedekiah fought against him, contrary to what predictions were made to him by Jeremiah the prophet, he was at once taken prisoner, and saw the city and the temple demolished. Yet how much greater was the moderation of that king, than is that of your present governors, and that of the people then under him, than is that of you at this time! 5.392. for when Jeremiah cried out aloud, how very angry God was at them, because of their transgressions, and told them that they should be taken prisoners, unless they would surrender up their city, neither did the king nor the people put him to death; 5.393. but for you (to pass over what you have done within the city, which I am not able to describe as your wickedness deserves) you abuse me, and throw darts at me, who only exhort you to save yourselves, as being provoked when you are put in mind of your sins, and cannot bear the very mention of those crimes which you every day perpetrate. 5.394. For another example, when Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, lay before this city, and had been guilty of many indignities against God, and our forefathers met him in arms, they then were slain in the battle, this city was plundered by our enemies, and our sanctuary made desolate for three years and six months. And what need I bring any more examples? 5.395. Indeed what can it be that hath stirred up an army of the Romans against our nation? Is it not the impiety of the inhabitants? Whence did our servitude commence? 5.396. Was it not derived from the seditions that were among our forefathers, when the madness of Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, and our mutual quarrels, brought Pompey upon this city, and when God reduced those under subjection to the Romans who were unworthy of the liberty they had enjoyed? 5.397. After a siege, therefore, of three months, they were forced to surrender themselves, although they had not been guilty of such offenses, with regard to our sanctuary and our laws, as you have; and this while they had much greater advantages to go to war than you have. 5.398. Do not we know what end Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came to, under whose reign God provided that this city should be taken again upon account of the people’s offenses? When Herod, the son of Antipater, brought upon us Sosius, and Sosius brought upon us the Roman army, they were then encompassed and besieged for six months, till, as a punishment for their sins, they were taken, and the city was plundered by the enemy. 5.399. Thus it appears that arms were never given to our nation, but that we are always given up to be fought against, and to be taken; 5.400. for I suppose that such as inhabit this holy place ought to commit the disposal of all things to God, and then only to disregard the assistance of men when they resign themselves up to their Arbitrator, who is above. 5.401. As for you, what have you done of those things that are recommended by our legislator? and what have you not done of those things that he hath condemned? How much more impious are you than those who were so quickly taken! 5.402. You have not avoided so much as those sins that are usually done in secret; I mean thefts, and treacherous plots against men, and adulteries. You are quarreling about rapines and murders, and invent strange ways of wickedness. Nay, the temple itself is become the receptacle of all, and this Divine place is polluted by the hands of those of our own country; which place hath yet been reverenced by the Romans when it was at a distance from them, when they have suffered many of their own customs to give place to our law. 5.403. And, after all this, do you expect Him whom you have so impiously abused to be your supporter? To be sure then you have a right to be petitioners, and to call upon Him to assist you, so pure are your hands! 5.404. Did your king [Hezekiah] lift up such hands in prayer to God against the king of Assyria, when he destroyed that great army in one night? And do the Romans commit such wickedness as did the king of Assyria, that you may have reason to hope for the like vengeance upon them? 5.405. Did not that king accept of money from our king on this condition, that he should not destroy the city, and yet, contrary to the oath he had taken, he came down to burn the temple? while the Romans do demand no more than that accustomed tribute which our fathers paid to their fathers; 5.406. and if they may but once obtain that, they neither aim to destroy this city, nor to touch this sanctuary; nay, they will grant you besides, that your posterity shall be free, and your possessions secured to you, and will preserve your holy laws inviolate to you. 5.407. And it is plain madness to expect that God should appear as well disposed towards the wicked as towards the righteous, since he knows when it is proper to punish men for their sins immediately; accordingly he brake the power of the Assyrians the very first night that they pitched their camp. 5.408. Wherefore, had he judged that our nation was worthy of freedom, or the Romans of punishment, he had immediately inflicted punishment upon those Romans, as he did upon the Assyrians, when Pompey began to meddle with our nation, or when after him Sosius came up against us, or when Vespasian laid waste Galilee, or, lastly, when Titus came first of all near to the city; 5.409. although Magnus and Sosius did not only suffer nothing, but took the city by force; as did Vespasian go from the war he made against you to receive the empire; and as for Titus, those springs that were formerly almost dried up when they were under your power since he is come, run more plentifully than they did before; 5.410. accordingly, you know that Siloam, as well as all the other springs that were without the city, did so far fail, that water was sold by distinct measures; whereas they now have such a great quantity of water for your enemies, as is sufficient not only for drink both for themselves and their cattle, but for watering their gardens also. 5.411. The same wonderful sign you had also experience of formerly, when the forementioned king of Babylon made war against us, and when he took the city, and burnt the temple; while yet I believe the Jews of that age were not so impious as you are. 5.412. Wherefore I cannot but suppose that God is fled out of his sanctuary, and stands on the side of those against whom you fight. 5.413. Now, even a man, if he be but a good man, will fly from an impure house, and will hate those that are in it; and do you persuade yourselves that God will abide with you in your iniquities, who sees all secret things, and hears what is kept most private? 5.414. Now, what crime is there, I pray you, that is so much as kept secret among you, or is concealed by you? nay, what is there that is not open to your very enemies? for you show your transgressions after a pompous manner, and contend one with another which of you shall be more wicked than another; and you make a public demonstration of your injustice, as if it were virtue. 5.415. However, there is a place left for your preservation, if you be willing to accept of it; and God is easily reconciled to those that confess their faults, and repent of them. 5.416. O hard-hearted wretches as you are! cast away all your arms, and take pity of your country already going to ruin; return from your wicked ways, and have regard to the excellency of that city which you are going to betray, to that excellent temple with the donations of so many countries in it. 5.417. Who could bear to be the first that should set that temple on fire? who could be willing that these things should be no more? and what is there that can better deserve to be preserved? O insensible creatures, and more stupid than are the stones themselves! 5.418. And if you cannot look at these things with discerning eyes, yet, however, have pity upon your families, and set before every one of your eyes your children, and wives, and parents, who will be gradually consumed either by famine or by war. 5.419. I am sensible that this danger will extend to my mother, and wife, and to that family of mine who have been by no means ignoble, and indeed to one that hath been very eminent in old time; and perhaps you may imagine that it is on their account only that I give you this advice; if that be all, kill them; nay, take my own blood as a reward, if it may but procure your preservation; for I am ready to die, in case you will but return to a sound mind after my death.” 5.443. Finally, they brought the Hebrew nation into contempt, that they might themselves appear comparatively less impious with regard to strangers. They confessed what was true, that they were the slaves, the scum, and the spurious and abortive offspring of our nation, 6.124. 4. Now Titus was deeply affected with this state of things, and reproached John and his party, and said to them, “Have not you, vile wretches that you are, by our permission, put up this partition-wall before your sanctuary? 6.125. Have not you been allowed to put up the pillars thereto belonging, at due distances, and on it to engrave in Greek, and in your own letters, this prohibition, that no foreigner should go beyond that wall. 6.126. Have not we given you leave to kill such as go beyond it, though he were a Roman? And what do you do now, you pernicious villains? Why do you trample upon dead bodies in this temple? and why do you pollute this holy house with the blood of both foreigners and Jews themselves? 6.236. 3. But then, on the next day, Titus commanded part of his army to quench the fire, and to make a road for the more easy marching up of the legions, while he himself gathered the commanders together. 6.237. of those there were assembled the six principal persons: Tiberius Alexander, the commander [under the general] of the whole army; with Sextus Cerealis, the commander of the fifth legion; and Larcius Lepidus, the commander of the tenth legion; and Titus Frigius, the commander of the fifteenth legion: 6.238. there was also with them Eternius, the leader of the two legions that came from Alexandria; and Marcus Antonius Julianus, procurator of Judea: after these came together all the rest of the procurators and tribunes. Titus proposed to these that they should give him their advice what should be done about the holy house. 6.239. Now, some of these thought it would be the best way to act according to the rules of war, [and demolish it,] because the Jews would never leave off rebelling while that house was standing; at which house it was that they used to get all together. 6.240. Others of them were of opinion, that in case the Jews would leave it, and none of them would lay their arms up in it, he might save it; but that in case they got upon it, and fought any more, he might burn it; because it must then be looked upon not as a holy house, but as a citadel; and that the impiety of burning it would then belong to those that forced this to be done, and not to them. 6.241. But Titus said, that “although the Jews should get upon that holy house, and fight us thence, yet ought we not to revenge ourselves on things that are iimate, instead of the men themselves;” and that he was not in any case for burning down so vast a work as that was, because this would be a mischief to the Romans themselves, as it would be an ornament to their government while it continued. 6.242. So Fronto, and Alexander, and Cerealis grew bold upon that declaration, and agreed to the opinion of Titus. 6.243. Then was this assembly dissolved, when Titus had given orders to the commanders that the rest of their forces should lie still; but that they should make use of such as were most courageous in this attack. So he commanded that the chosen men that were taken out of the cohorts should make their way through the ruins, and quench the fire. 6.282. They also burnt down the treasury chambers, in which was an immense quantity of money, and an immense number of garments, and other precious goods there reposited; and, to speak all in a few words, there it was that the entire riches of the Jews were heaped up together, while the rich people had there built themselves chambers [to contain such furniture]. 6.310. 4. Now, if anyone consider these things, he will find that God takes care of mankind, and by all ways possible foreshows to our race what is for their preservation; but that men perish by those miseries which they madly and voluntarily bring upon themselves; 6.358. 1. And now the seditious rushed into the royal palace, into which many had put their effects, because it was so strong, and drove the Romans away from it. They also slew all the people that had crowded into it, who were in number about eight thousand four hundred, and plundered them of what they had. 6.418. and as for the rest of the multitude that were above seventeen years old, he put them into bonds, and sent them to the Egyptian mines Titus also sent a great number into the provinces, as a present to them, that they might be destroyed upon their theatres, by the sword and by the wild beasts; but those that were under seventeen years of age were sold for slaves. 7.1. 1. Now, as soon as the army had no more people to slay or to plunder, because there remained none to be the objects of their fury (for they would not have spared any, had there remained any other such work to be done) Caesar gave orders that they should now demolish the entire city and temple, but should leave as many of the towers standing as were of the greatest eminency; that is, Phasaelus, and Hippicus, and Mariamne; and so much of the wall as enclosed the city on the west side. 7.2. This wall was spared, in order to afford a camp for such as were to lie in garrison, as were the towers also spared, in order to demonstrate to posterity what kind of city it was, and how well fortified, which the Roman valor had subdued; 7.3. but for all the rest of the wall, it was so thoroughly laid even with the ground by those that dug it up to the foundation, that there was left nothing to make those that came thither believe it had ever been inhabited. 7.5. 2. But Caesar resolved to leave there, as a guard, the tenth legion, with certain troops of horsemen, and companies of footmen. So, having entirely completed this war, he was desirous to commend his whole army, on account of the great exploits they had performed, and to bestow proper rewards on such as had signalized themselves therein. 7.17. And when he had staid three days among the principal commanders, and so long feasted with them, he sent away the rest of his army to the several places where they would be every one best situated; but permitted the tenth legion to stay, as a guard at Jerusalem, and did not send them away beyond Euphrates, where they had been before. 7.23. But as for Titus, he marched from that Caesarea which lay by the seaside, and came to that which is named Caesarea Philippi, and staid there a considerable time, and exhibited all sorts of shows there. 7.37. 1. While Titus was at Caesarea, he solemnized the birthday of his brother [Domitian] after a splendid manner, and inflicted a great deal of the punishment intended for the Jews in honor of him; 7.38. for the number of those that were now slain in fighting with the beasts, and were burnt, and fought with one another, exceeded two thousand five hundred. Yet did all this seem to the Romans, when they were thus destroyed ten thousand several ways, to be a punishment beneath their deserts. 7.47. and all men had taken up a great hatred against the Jews, then it was that a certain person, whose name was Antiochus, being one of the Jewish nation, and greatly respected on account of his father, who was governor of the Jews at Antioch came upon the theater at a time when the people of Antioch were assembled together, and became an informer against his father, and accused both him and others that they had resolved to burn the whole city in one night;; he also delivered up to them some Jews that were foreigners, as partners in their resolutions. 7.48. When the people heard this, they could not refrain their passion, but commanded that those who were delivered up to them should have fire brought to burn them, who were accordingly all burnt upon the theater immediately. 7.49. They did also fall violently upon the multitude of the Jews, as supposing that by punishing them suddenly they should save their own city. 7.50. As for Antiochus, he aggravated the rage they were in, and thought to give them a demonstration of his own conversion, and of his hatred of the Jewish customs, by sacrificing after the manner of the Greeks; 7.51. he persuaded the rest also to compel them to do the same, because they would by that means discover who they were that had plotted against them, since they would not do so; and when the people of Antioch tried the experiment, some few complied, but those that would not do so were slain. 7.52. As for Antiochus himself, he obtained soldiers from the Roman commander, and became a severe master over his own citizens, not permitting them to rest on the seventh day, but forcing them to do all that they usually did on other days; 7.53. and to that degree of distress did he reduce them in this matter, that the rest of the seventh day was dissolved not only at Antioch, but the same thing which took thence its rise was done in other cities also, in like manner, for some small time. 7.54. 4. Now, after these misfortunes had happened to the Jews at Antioch, a second calamity befell them, the description of which when we were going about we promised the account foregoing; 7.55. for upon this accident, whereby the foursquare marketplace was burnt down, as well as the archives, and the place where the public records were preserved, and the royal palaces (and it was not without difficulty that the fire was then put a stop to, which was likely, by the fury wherewith it was carried along, to have gone over the whole city), Antiochus accused the Jews as the occasion of all the mischief that was done. 7.56. Now this induced the people of Antioch, who were now under the immediate persuasion, by reason of the disorder they were in, that this calumny was true, and would have been under the same persuasion, even though they had not borne an ill will at the Jews before, to believe this man’s accusation, especially when they considered what had been done before, and this to such a degree, that they all fell violently upon those that were accused, 7.57. and this, like madmen, in a very furious rage also, even as if they had seen the Jews in a manner setting fire themselves to the city; 7.58. nor was it without difficulty that one Cneius Collegas, the legate, could prevail with them to permit the affairs to be laid before Caesar; 7.59. for as to Cesennius Petus, the president of Syria, Vespasian had already sent him away; and so it happened that he was not yet come back thither. 7.60. But when Collegas had made a careful inquiry into the matter, he found out the truth, and that not one of those Jews that were accused by Antiochus had any hand in it, 7.148. and for the other spoils, they were carried in great plenty. But for those that were taken in the temple of Jerusalem, they made the greatest figure of them all; that is, the golden table, of the weight of many talents; the candlestick also, that was made of gold, though its construction were now changed from that which we made use of; 7.149. for its middle shaft was fixed upon a basis, and the small branches were produced out of it to a great length, having the likeness of a trident in their position, and had every one a socket made of brass for a lamp at the tops of them. These lamps were in number seven, and represented the dignity of the number seven among the Jews; 7.150. and the last of all the spoils, was carried the Law of the Jews. 7.151. After these spoils passed by a great many men, carrying the images of Victory, whose structure was entirely either of ivory or of gold. 7.152. After which Vespasian marched in the first place, and Titus followed him; Domitian also rode along with them, and made a glorious appearance, and rode on a horse that was worthy of admiration. 7.158. 7. After these triumphs were over, and after the affairs of the Romans were settled on the surest foundations, Vespasian resolved to build a temple to Peace, which was finished in so short a time, and in so glorious a manner, as was beyond all human expectation and opinion: 7.159. for he having now by Providence a vast quantity of wealth, besides what he had formerly gained in his other exploits, he had this temple adorned with pictures and statues; 7.160. for in this temple were collected and deposited all such rarities as men aforetime used to wander all over the habitable world to see, when they had a desire to see one of them after another; 7.161. he also laid up therein, as ensigns of his glory, those golden vessels and instruments that were taken out of the Jewish temple. 7.162. But still he gave order that they should lay up their Law, and the purple veils of the holy place, in the royal palace itself, and keep them there. 7.253. It was one Eleazar, a potent man, and the commander of these Sicarii, that had seized upon it. He was a descendant from that Judas who had persuaded abundance of the Jews, as we have formerly related, not to submit to the taxation when Cyrenius was sent into Judea to make one; 7.421. who having in suspicion the restless temper of the Jews for innovation, and being afraid lest they should get together again, and persuade some others to join with them, gave orders to Lupus to demolish that Jewish temple which was in the region called Onion,
154. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.1-1.3, 1.33-1.35, 1.43, 1.50-1.53, 1.167, 1.199, 2.102-2.109, 2.145-2.295 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 102; Edwards (2023), In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus, 115, 147; Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 48, 49; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 148; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 29, 51; Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 3; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 160, 555; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 126
1.1. 1. I suppose that, by my books of the Antiquities of the Jews, most excellent Epaphroditus, I have made it evident to those who peruse them, that our Jewish nation is of very great antiquity, and had a distinct subsistence of its own originally; as also I have therein declared how we came to inhabit this country wherein we now live. Those Antiquities contain the history of five thousand years, and are taken out of our sacred books; but are translated by me into the Greek tongue. 1.2. However, since I observe a considerable number of people giving ear to the reproaches that are laid against us by those who bear ill will to us, and will not believe what I have written concerning the antiquity of our nation, while they take it for a plain sign that our nation is of a late date, because they are not so much as vouchsafed a bare mention by the most famous historiographers among the Grecians, 1.3. I therefore have thought myself under an obligation to write somewhat briefly about these subjects, in order to convict those that reproach us of spite and voluntary falsehood, and to correct the ignorance of others, and withal to instruct all those who are desirous of knowing the truth of what great antiquity we really are. 1.33. I mean at Egypt and at Babylon, or in any other place of the rest of the habitable earth, whithersoever our priests are scattered; for they send to Jerusalem the ancient names of their parents in writing, as well as those of their remoter ancestors, and signify who are the witnesses also; 1.34. but if any war falls out, such as have fallen out, a great many of them already, when Antiochus Epiphanes made an invasion upon our country, as also when Pompey the Great and Quintilius Varus did so also, and principally in the wars that have happened in our own times, 1.35. those priests that survive them compose new tables of genealogy out of the old records, and examine the circumstances of the women that remain; for still they do not admit of those that have been captives, as suspecting that they had conversation with some foreigners; 1.43. For it is no new thing for our captives, many of them in number, and frequently in time, to be seen to endure racks and deaths of all kinds upon the theatres, that they may not be obliged to say one word against our laws and the records that contain them; 1.50. Afterward I got leisure at Rome; and when all my materials were prepared for that work, I made use of some persons to assist me in learning the Greek tongue, and by these means I composed the history of those transactions; and I was so well assured of the truth of what I related, that I first of all appealed to those that had the supreme command in that war, Vespasian and Titus, as witnesses for me, 1.51. for to them I presented those books first of all, and after them to many of the Romans who had been in the war. I also sold them to many of our own men who understood the Greek philosophy; among whom were Julius Archelaus, Herod [king of Chalcis], a person of great gravity, and king Agrippa himself, a person that deserved the greatest admiration. 1.52. Now all these men bore their testimony to me, that I had the strictest regard to truth; who yet would not have dissembled the matter, nor been silent, if I, out of ignorance or out of favor to any side, either had given false colors to actions, or omitted any of them. /p 1.53. 10. There have been indeed some bad men who have attempted to calumniate my history, and took it to be a kind of scholastic performance for the exercise of young men. A strange sort of accusation and calumny this! since every one that undertakes to deliver the history of actions truly, ought to know them accurately himself in the first place, as either having been concerned in them himself, or been informed of them by such as knew them. 1.167. This is declared by Theophrastus, in his writings concerning laws; for he says that “the laws of the Tyrians forbid men to swear foreign oaths.” Among which he enumerates some others, and particularly that called Corban; which oath can only be found among the Jews, and declares what a man may call “A thing devoted to God.” 1.199. upon these there is a light that is never extinguished, neither by night nor by day. There is no image, nor any thing, nor any donations therein; nothing at all is there planted, neither grove, nor any thing of that sort. The priests abide therein both nights and days, performing certain purifications, and drinking not the least drop of wine while they are in the temple.” 2.102. But I leave this matter; for the proper way of confuting fools is not to use bare words, but to appeal to the things themselves that make against them. Now then, all such as ever saw the construction of our temple, of what nature it was, know well enough how the purity of it was never to be profaned; 2.103. for it had four several courts, encompassed with cloisters round about, every one of which had by our law a peculiar degree of separation from the rest. Into the first court every body was allowed to go, even foreigners; and none but women, during their courses, were prohibited to pass through it; 2.104. all the Jews went into the second court, as well as their wives, when they were free from all uncleanness; into the third went the Jewish men when they were clean and purified; into the fourth went the priests, having on their sacerdotal garments; 2.105. but for the most sacred place, none went in but the high priests, clothed in their peculiar garments. Now there is so great caution used about these offices of religion, that the priests are appointed to go into the temple but at certain hours: for, in the morning, at the opening of the inner temple, those that are to officiate receive the sacrifices, as they do again at noon, till the doors are shut. 2.106. Lastly, it is not so much as lawful to carry any vessel into the holy house; nor is there any thing therein, but the altar [of incense], the table [of show-bread], the censer, and the candlestick, which are all written in the law: 2.107. for there is nothing farther there, nor are there any mysteries performed that may not be spoken of; nor is there any feasting within the place. For what I have now said is publicly known, and supported by the testimony of the whole people, and their operations are very manifest; 2.108. for although there be four courses of the priests, and every one of them have above five thousand men in them, yet do they officiate on certain days only; and when those days are over, other priests succeed in the performance of their sacrifices, and assemble together at mid-day, and receive the keys of the temple, and the vessels by tale, without any thing relating to food or drink being carried into the temple; 2.109. nay, we are not allowed to offer such things at the altar, excepting what is prepared for the sacrifices. /p 9. What then can we say of Apion, but that he examined nothing that concerned these things, while still he uttered incredible words about them! But it is a great shame for a grammarian not to be able to write true history. 2.145. 15. But now, since Apollonius Molo, and Lysimachus, and some others, write treatises about our lawgiver Moses, and about our laws, which are neither just nor true, and this partly out of ignorance, but chiefly out of ill will to us, while they calumniate Moses as an impostor and deceiver, and pretend that our laws teach us wickedness, but nothing that is virtuous, I have a mind to discourse briefly, according to my ability, about our whole constitution of government, and about the particular branches of it; 2.146. for I suppose it will thence become evident that the laws we have given us are disposed after the best manner for the advancement of piety, for mutual communion with one another, for a general love of mankind, as also for justice, and for sustaining labors with fortitude, and for a contempt of death; 2.147. and I beg of those that shall peruse this writing of mine, to read it without partiality; for it is not my purpose to write an encomium upon ourselves, but I shall esteem this as a most just apology for us, and taken from those our laws, according to which we lead our lives, against the many and the lying objections that have been made against us. 2.148. Moreover, since this Apollonius does not do like Apion, and lay a continued accusation against us, but does it only by starts, and up and down his discourse, while he sometimes reproaches us as atheists, and man-haters, and sometimes hits us in the teeth with our want of courage, and yet sometimes, on the contrary, accuses us of too great boldness, and madness in our conduct; nay, he says that we are the weakest of all the barbarians, and that this is the reason why we are the only people who have made no improvements in human life; 2.149. now I think I shall have then sufficiently disproved all these his allegations, when it shall appear that our laws enjoin the very reverse of what he says, and that we very carefully observe those laws ourselves; 2.150. and if I be compelled to make mention of the laws of other nations, that are contrary to ours, those ought deservedly to thank themselves for it, who have pretended to depreciate our laws in comparison of their own; nor will there, I think, be any room after that for them to pretend, either that we have no such laws ourselves, an epitome of which I will present to the reader, or that we do not, above all men, continue in the observation of them. /p 2.151. 16. To begin then a good way backward, I would advance this, in the first place, that those who have been admirers of good order, and of living under common laws, and who began to introduce them, may well have this testimony that they are better than other men, both for moderation, and such virtue as is agreeable to nature. 2.152. Indeed, their endeavor was to have every thing they ordained believed to be very ancient, that they might not be thought to imitate others, but might appear to have delivered a regular way of living to others after them. 2.153. Since then this is the case, the excellency of a legislator is seen in providing for the people’s living after the best manner, and in prevailing with those that are to use the laws he ordains for them, to have a good opinion of them, and in obliging the multitude to persevere in them, and to make no changes in them, neither in prosperity nor adversity. 2.154. Now I venture to say, that our legislator is the most ancient of all the legislators whom we have any where heard of; for as for the Lycurguses, and Solons, and Zaleucus Locrensis, and all those legislators who are so admired by the Greeks, they seem to be of yesterday, if compared with our legislator, insomuch as the very name of a law was not so much as known in old times among the Grecians. 2.155. Homer is a witness to the truth of this observation, who never uses that term in all his poems; for indeed there was then no such thing among them, but the multitude was governed by wise maxims, and by the injunctions of their king. It was also a long time that they continued in the use of these unwritten customs, although they were always changing them upon several occasions; 2.156. but for our legislator, who was of so much greater antiquity than the rest (as even those that speak against us upon all occasions do always confess), he exhibited himself to the people as their best governor and counsellor, and included in his legislation the entire conduct of their lives, and prevailed with them to receive it, and brought it so to pass, that those that were made acquainted with his laws did most carefully observe them. /p 2.157. 17. But let us consider his first and greatest work: for when it was resolved on by our forefathers to leave Egypt and return to their own country, this Moses took the many ten thousands that were of the people, and saved them out of many desperate distresses, and brought them home in safety. And certainly it was here necessary to travel over a country without water, and full of sand, to overcome their enemies, and, during these battles, to preserve their children and their wives, and their prey; 2.158. on all which occasions he became an excellent general of an army, and a most prudent counsellor, and one that took the truest care of them all: he also so brought it about, that the whole multitude depended upon him; and while he had them always obedient to what he enjoined, he made no manner of use of his authority for his own private advantage, which is the usual time when governors gain great powers to themselves, and pave the way for tyranny, and accustom the multitude to live very dissolutely; 2.159. whereas, when our legislator was in so great authority, he on the contrary, thought he ought to have regard to piety, and to show his great good will to the people; and by this means he thought he might show the great degree of virtue that was in him, and might procure the most lasting security to those who had made him their governor. 2.160. When he had therefore come to such a good resolution, and had performed such wonderful exploits, we had just reason to look upon ourselves as having him for a divine governor and counsellor; and when he had first persuaded himself that his actions and designs were agreeable to God’s will, he thought it his duty to impress, above all things, that notion upon the multitude; for those who have once believed that God is the inspector of their lives, will not permit themselves in any sin; 2.161. and this is the character of our legislator; he was no impostor, no deceiver, as his revilers say, though unjustly, but such a one as they brag Minos to have been among the Greeks, and other legislators after him; 2.162. for some of them suppose that they had their laws from Jupiter, while Minos said that the revelation of his laws was to be referred to Apollo, and his oracle at Delphi, whether they really thought they were so derived, or supposed, however, that they could persuade the people easily that so it was; 2.163. but which of these it was who made the best laws, and which had the greatest reason to believe that God was their author, it will be easy, upon comparing those laws themselves together, to determine; for it is time that we come to that point. 2.164. Now there are innumerable differences in the particular customs and laws that are among all mankind, which a man may briefly reduce under the following heads:—Some legislators have permitted their governments to be under monarchies, others put them under oligarchies, and others under a republican form; 2.165. but our legislator had no regard to any of these forms, but he ordained our government to be what, by a strained expression, may be termed a Theocracy, by ascribing the authority and the power to God, 2.166. and by persuading all the people to have a regard to him, as the author of all the good things that were enjoyed either in common by all mankind, or by each one in particular, and of all that they themselves obtained by praying to him in their greatest difficulties. He informed them that it was impossible to escape God’s observation, even in any of our outward actions, or in any of our inward thoughts. 2.167. Moreover, he represented God as unbegotten, and immutable, through all eternity, superior to all mortal conceptions in pulchritude; and, though known to us by his power, yet unknown to us as to his essence. 2.168. I do not now explain how these notions of God are the sentiments of the wisest among the Grecians, and how they were taught them upon the principles that he afforded them. However, they testify, with great assurance, that these notions are just, and agreeable to the nature of God, and to his majesty; for Pythagoras, and Anaxagoras, and Plato, and the Stoic philosophers that succeeded them, and almost all the rest, are of the same sentiments, and had the same notions of the nature of God; 2.169. yet durst not these men disclose those true notions to more than a few, because the body of the people were prejudiced with other opinions beforehand. But our legislator, who made his actions agree to his laws, did not only prevail with those that were his contemporaries to agree with these his notions, but so firmly imprinted this faith in God upon all their posterity, that it never could be removed. 2.170. The reason why the constitution of this legislation was ever better directed to the utility of all than other legislations were, is this, that Moses did not make religion a part of virtue, but he saw and he ordained other virtues to be parts of religion; I mean justice, and fortitude, and temperance, and a universal agreement of the members of the community with one another; 2.171. for all our actions and studies, and all our words [in Moses’s settlement] have a reference to piety towards God; for he hath left none of these in suspense, or undetermined; for there are two ways of coming at any sort of learning and a moral conduct of life; the one is by instruction in words, the other by practical exercises. 2.172. Now, other lawgivers have separated these two ways in their opinions, and choosing one of those ways of instruction, or that which best pleased every one of them, neglected the other. Thus did the Lacedemonians and the Cretans teach by practical exercises, but not by words: while the Athenians, and almost all the other Grecians, made laws about what was to be done, or left undone, but had no regard to the exercising them thereto in practice. /p 2.173. 18. But for our legislator, he very carefully joined these two methods of instruction together; for he neither left these practical exercises to go on without verbal instruction, nor did he permit the hearing of the law to proceed without the exercises for practice; but beginning immediately from the earliest infancy, and the appointment of every one’s diet, he left nothing of the very smallest consequence to be done at the pleasure and disposal of the person himself. 2.174. Accordingly, he made a fixed rule of law what sorts of food they should abstain from, and what sorts they should make use of; as also, what communion they should have with others, what great diligence they should use in their occupations, and what times of rest should be interposed, that, by living under that law as under a father and a master, we might be guilty of no sin, neither voluntary nor out of ignorance; 2.175. for he did not suffer the guilt of ignorance to go on without punishment, but demonstrated the law to be the best and the most necessary instruction of all others, permitting the people to leave off their other employments, and to assemble together for the hearing of the law, and learning it exactly, and this not once or twice, or oftener, but every week; which thing all the other legislators seem to have neglected. /p 2.176. 19. And indeed, the greatest part of mankind are so far from living according to their own laws, that they hardly know them; but when they have sinned they learn from others that they have transgressed the law. 2.177. Those also who are in the highest and principal posts of the government, confess they are not acquainted with those laws, and are obliged to take such persons for their assessors in public administrations as profess to have skill in those laws; 2.178. but for our people, if any body do but ask any one of them about our laws, he will more readily tell them all than he will tell his own name, and this in consequence of our having learned them immediately as soon as ever we became sensible of any thing, and of our having them, as it were engraven on our souls. Our transgressors of them are but few; and it is impossible, when any do offend, to escape punishment. /p 2.179. 20. And this very thing it is that principally creates such a wonderful agreement of minds amongst us all; for this entire agreement of ours in all our notions concerning God, and our having no difference in our course of life and manners, procures among us the most excellent concord of these our manners that is any where among mankind; 2.180. for no other people but we Jews have avoided all discourses about God that any way contradict one another, which yet are frequent among other nations; and this is true not only among ordinary persons, according as every one is affected, but some of the philosophers have been insolent enough to indulge such contradictions, while some of them have undertaken to use such words as entirely take away the nature of God, as others of them have taken away his providence over mankind. 2.181. Nor can any one perceive amongst us any difference in the conduct of our lives; but all our works are common to us all. We have one sort of discourse concerning God, which is conformable to our law, and affirms that he sees all things; as also, we have but one way of speaking concerning the conduct of our lives, that all other things ought to have piety for their end; and this any body may hear from our women, and servants themselves. 2.182. 21. And indeed, hence hath arisen that accusation which some make against us, that we have not produced men that have been the inventors of new operations, or of new ways of speaking; for others think it a fine thing to persevere in nothing that has been delivered down from their forefathers, and these testify it to be an instance of the sharpest wisdom when these men venture to transgress those traditions; 2.183. whereas we, on the contrary, suppose it to be our only wisdom and virtue to admit no actions nor supposals that are contrary to our original laws; which procedure of ours is a just and sure sign that our law is admirably constituted; for such laws as are not thus well made, are convicted upon trial to want amendment. /p 2.184. 22. But while we are ourselves persuaded that our law was made agreeably to the will of God, it would be impious for us not to observe the same, for what is there in it that any body would change! and what can be invented that is better! or what can we take out of other people’s laws that will exceed it? Perhaps some would have the entire settlement of our government altered. 2.185. And where shall we find a better or more righteous constitution than ours, while this makes us esteem God to be the governor of the universe, and permits the priests in general to be the administrators of the principal affairs, and withal intrusts the government over the other priests to the chief high priest himself! 2.186. which priests our legislator, at their first appointment, did not advance to that dignity for their riches, or any abundance of other possessions, or any plenty they had as the gifts of fortune; but he intrusted the principal management of divine worship to those that exceeded others in an ability to persuade men, and in prudence of conduct. 2.187. These men had the main care of the law and of the other parts of the people’s conduct committed to them; for they were the priests who were ordained to be the inspectors of all, and the judges in doubtful cases, and the punishers of those that were condemned to suffer punishment. /p 2.188. 23. What form of government then can be more holy than this! what more worthy kind of worship can be paid to God than we pay, where the entire body of the people are prepared for religion, where an extraordinary degree of care is required in the priests, and where the whole polity is so ordered as if it were a certain religious solemnity! 2.189. For what things foreigners, when they solemnize such festivals, are not able to observe for a few days’ time, and call them Mysteries and Sacred Ceremonies, we observe with great pleasure and an unshaken resolution during our whole lives. 2.190. What are the things then that we are commanded or forbidden?—They are simply and easily known. The first command is concerning God, and affirms that God contains all things, and is a being every way perfect and happy, self-sufficient, and supplying all other beings; the beginning, the middle, and the end of all things. He is manifest in his works and benefits, and more conspicuous than any other being whatsoever, but as to his form and magnitude, he is most obscure. 2.191. All materials, let them be ever so costly, are unworthy to compose an image for him; and all arts are unartful to express the notion we ought to have of him. We can neither see nor think of any thing like him, nor is it agreeable to piety to form a resemblance of him. 2.192. We see his works, the light, the heaven, the earth, the sun and the moon, the waters, the generations of animals, the productions of fruits. These things hath God made, not with hands, nor with labor, nor as wanting the assistance of any to cooperate with him; but as his will resolved they should be made and be good also, they were made, and became good immediately. All men ought to follow this Being, and to worship him in the exercise of virtue; for this way of worship of God is the most holy of all others. /p 2.193. 24. There ought also to be but one temple for one God; for likeness is the constant foundation of agreement. This temple ought to be common to all men, because he is the common God of all men. His priests are to be continually about his worship, over whom he that is the first by his birth is to be their ruler perpetually. 2.194. His business must be to offer sacrifices to God, together with those priests that are joined with him, to see that the laws be observed, to determine controversies, and to punish those that are convicted of injustice; while he that does not submit to him shall be subject to the same punishment, as if he had been guilty of impiety towards God himself. 2.195. When we offer sacrifices to him we do it not in order to surfeit ourselves, or to be drunken; for such excesses are against the will of God, and would be an occasion of injuries and of luxury: but by keeping ourselves sober, orderly, and ready for our other occupations, and being more temperate than others. 2.196. And for our duty at the sacrifices themselves, we ought in the first place to pray for the common welfare of all, and after that our own; for we are made for fellowship one with another; and he who prefers the common good before what is peculiar to himself, is above all acceptable to God. 2.197. And let our prayers and supplications be made humbly to God, not [so much] that he would give us what is good (for he hath already given that of his own accord, and hath proposed the same publicly to all), as that we may duly receive it, and when we have received it, may preserve it. 2.198. Now the law has appointed several purifications at our sacrifices, whereby we are cleansed after a funeral after what sometimes happens to us in bed, and after accompanying with our wives, and upon many other occasions, which it would be too long now to set down. And this is our doctrine concerning God and his worship, and is the same that the law appoints for our practice. /p 2.199. 25. But then, what are our laws about marriage? That law owns no other mixture of sexes but that which nature hath appointed, of a man with his wife, and that this be used only for the procreation of children. But it abhors the mixture of a male with a male; and if any one do that, death is his punishment. 2.200. It commands us also, when we marry, not to have regard to portion, nor to take a woman by violence, nor to persuade her deceitfully and knavishly; but to demand her in marriage of him who hath power to dispose of her, and is fit to give her away by the nearness of his kindred; 2.201. for (says the scripture) “A woman is inferior to her husband in all things.” Let her, therefore, be obedient to him; not so, that he should abuse her, but that she may acknowledge her duty to her husband; for God hath given the authority to the husband. A husband, therefore, is to lie only with his wife whom he hath married; but to have to do with another man’s wife is a wicked thing; which, if any one ventures upon, death is inevitably his punishment: no more can he avoid the same who forces a virgin betrothed to another man, or entices another man’s wife. 2.202. The law, moreover enjoins us to bring up all our offspring, and forbids women to cause abortion of what is begotten, or to destroy it afterward; and if any woman appears to have so done, she will be a murderer of her child, by destroying a living creature, and diminishing human kind: if any one, therefore, proceeds to such fornication or murder, he cannot be clean. 2.203. Moreover, the law enjoins, that after the man and wife have lain together in a regular way, they shall bathe themselves; for there is a defilement contracted thereby, both in soul and body, as if they had gone into another country; for indeed the soul, by being united to the body, is subject to miseries, and is not freed therefrom again but by death; on which account the law requires this purification to be entirely performed. 26. 2.204. Nay, indeed, the law does not permit us to make festivals at the births of our children, and thereby afford occasion of drinking to excess; but it ordains that the very beginning of our education should be immediately directed to sobriety. It also commands us to bring those children up in learning and to exercise them in the laws, and make them acquainted with the acts of their predecessors, in order to their imitation of them, and that they might be nourished up in the laws from their infancy, and might neither transgress them, nor have any pretense for their ignorance of them. /p 2.205. 27. Our law hath also taken care of the decent burial of the dead, but without any extravagant expenses for their funerals, and without the erection of any illustrious monuments for them; but hath ordered that their nearest relations should perform their obsequies; and hath shown it to be regular, that all who pass by when any one is buried, should accompany the funeral, and join in the lamentation. It also ordains, that the house and its inhabitants should be purified after the funeral is over, that every one may thence learn to keep at a great distance from the thoughts of being pure, if he hath been once guilty of murder. /p 2.206. 28. The law ordains also, that parents should be honored immediately after God himself, and delivers that son who does not requite them for the benefits he hath received from them, but is deficient on any such occasion, to be stoned. It also says, that the young men should pay due respect to every elder, since God is the eldest of all beings. 2.207. It does not give leave to conceal any thing from our friends, because that is not true friendship which will not commit all things to their fidelity: it also forbids the revelation of secrets even though an enmity arise between them. If any judge takes bribes, his punishment is death: he that overlooks one that offers him a petition, and this when he is able to relieve him, he is a guilty person. 2.208. What is not by any one intrusted to another, ought not to be required back again. No one is to touch another’s goods. He that lends money must not demand usury for its loan. These, and many more of the like sort, are the rules that unite us in the bands of society one with another. /p 2.209. 29. It will be also worth our while to see what equity our legislator would have us exercise in our intercourse with strangers; for it will thence appear that he made the best provision he possibly could, both that we should not dissolve our own constitution, nor show any envious mind towards those that would cultivate a friendship with us. 2.210. Accordingly our legislator admits all those that have a mind to observe our laws, so to do; and this after a friendly manner, as esteeming that a true union, which not only extends to our own stock, but to those that would live after the same manner with us; yet does he not allow those that come to us by accident only to be admitted into communion with us. /p 2.211. 30. However, there are other things which our legislator ordained for us beforehand, which of necessity we ought to do in common to all men; as to afford fire, and water, and food to such as want it; to show them the roads; nor to let any one lie unburied. He also would have us treat those that are esteemed our enemies with moderation: 2.212. for he doth not allow us to set their country on fire, nor permit us to cut down those trees that bear fruit: nay, farther, he forbids us to spoil those that have been slain in war. He hath also provided for such as are taken captive, that they may not be injured, and especially that the women may not be abused. 2.213. Indeed he hath taught us gentleness and humanity so effectually, that he hath not despised the care of brute beasts, by permitting no other than a regular use of them, and forbidding any other; and if any of them come to our houses, like supplicants, we are forbidden to slay them: nor may we kill the dams, together with their young ones; but we are obliged, even in an enemy’s country, to spare and not kill those creatures that labor for mankind. 2.214. Thus hath our lawgiver contrived to teach us an equitable conduct every way, by using us to such laws as instruct us therein; while at the same time he hath ordained, that such as break these laws should be punished, without the allowance of any excuse whatsoever. /p 2.215. 31. Now the greatest part of offenses with us are capital, as if any one be guilty of adultery; if any one force a virgin; if any one be so impudent as to attempt sodomy with a male; or if, upon another’s making an attempt upon him, he submits to be so used. There is also a law for slaves of the like nature that can never be avoided. 2.216. Moreover, if any one cheats another in measures or weights, or makes a knavish bargain and sale, in order to cheat another; if any one steals what belongs to another, and takes what he never deposited; all these have punishments allotted them, not such as are met with among other nations, but more severe ones. 2.217. And as for attempts of unjust behavior towards parents, or for impiety against God, though they be not actually accomplished, the offenders are destroyed immediately. However, the reward for such as live exactly according to the laws, is not silver or gold; it is not a garland of olive branches or of small age, nor any such public sign of commendation; 2.218. but every good man hath his own conscience bearing witness to himself, and by virtue of our legislator’s prophetic spirit, and of the firm security God himself affords such a one, he believes that God hath made this grant to those that observe these laws, even though they be obliged readily to die for them, that they shall come into being again, and at a certain revolution of things shall receive a better life than they had enjoyed before. 2.219. Nor would I venture to write thus at this time, were it not well known to all by our actions that many of our people have many a time bravely resolved to endure any sufferings, rather than speak one word against our law. /p 2.220. 32. Nay, indeed, in case it had so fallen out, that our nation had not been so thoroughly known among all men as they are, and our voluntary submission to our laws had not been so open and manifest as it is 2.221. but that somebody had pretended to have written these laws himself, and had read them to the Greeks, or had pretended that he had met with men out of the limits of the known world, that had such reverent notions of God, and had continued a long time in the firm observance of such laws as ours, I cannot but suppose that all men would admire them on a reflection upon the frequent changes they had therein been themselves subject to; 2.222. and this while those that have attempted to write somewhat of the same kind for politic government, and for laws, are accused as composing monstrous things, and are said to have undertaken an impossible task upon them. And here I will say nothing of those other philosophers who have undertaken any thing of this nature in their writings. 2.223. But even Plato himself, who is so admired by the Greeks on account of that gravity in his manners, and force in his words, and that ability he had to persuade men beyond all other philosophers, is little better than laughed at and exposed to ridicule on that account, by those that pretend to sagacity in political affairs; 2.224. although he that shall diligently peruse his writings, will find his precepts to be somewhat gentle, and pretty near to the customs of the generality of mankind. Nay, Plato himself confesseth that it is not safe to publish the true notion concerning God among the ignorant multitude. 2.225. Yet do some men look upon Plato’s discourses as no better than certain idle words set off with great artifice. However, they admire Lycurgus as the principal lawgiver; and all men celebrate Sparta for having continued in the firm observance of his laws for a very long time. 2.226. So far then we have gained, that it is to be confessed a mark of virtue to submit to laws. But then let such as admire this in the Lacedemonians compare that duration of theirs with more than two thousand years which our political government hath continued; 2.227. and let them farther consider, that though the Lacedemonians did seem to observe their laws exactly while they enjoyed their liberty, yet that when they underwent a change of their fortune, they forgot almost all those laws; 2.228. while we, having been under ten thousand changes in our fortune by the changes that happened among the kings of Asia, have never betrayed our laws under the most pressing distresses we have been in; nor have we neglected them either out of sloth or for a livelihood. Nay, if any one will consider it, the difficulties and labors laid upon us have been greater than what appears to have been borne by the Lacedemonian fortitude, 2.229. while they neither ploughed their land nor exercised any trades, but lived in their own city, free from all such painstaking, in the enjoyment of plenty, and using such exercises as might improve their bodies, 2.230. while they made use of other men as their servants for all the necessaries of life, and had their food prepared for them by the others: and these good and humane actions they do for no other purpose but this, that by their actions and their sufferings they may be able to conquer all those against whom they make war. 2.231. I need not add this, that they have not been fully able to observe their laws; for not only a few single persons, but multitudes of them, have in heaps neglected those laws, and have delivered themselves, together with their arms, into the hands of their enemies. /p 2.232. 33. Now as for ourselves, I venture to say, that no one can tell of so many; nay, not of more than one or two that have betrayed our laws, no, not out of fear of death itself; I do not mean such an easy death as happens in battles, but that which comes with bodily torments, and seems to be the severest kind of death of all others. 2.233. Now I think, those that have conquered us have put us to such deaths, not out of their hatred to us when they had subdued us, but rather out of their desire of seeing a surprising sight, which is this, whether there be such men in the world who believe that no evil is to them so great as to be compelled to do or to speak any thing contrary to their own laws. 2.234. Nor ought men to wonder at us, if we are more courageous in dying for our laws than all other men are; for other men do not easily submit to the easier things in which we are instituted; I mean, working with our hands, and eating but little, and being contented to eat and drink, not at random, or at every one’s pleasure, or being under inviolable rules in lying with our wives, in magnificent furniture, and again in the observation of our times of rest; 2.235. while those that can use their swords in war, and can put their enemies to flight when they attack them, cannot bear to submit to such laws about their way of living: whereas our being accustomed willingly to submit to laws in these instances, renders us fit to show our fortitude upon other occasions also. /p 2.236. 34. Yet do the Lysimachi and the Molones, and some other writers (unskilful sophists as they are, and the deceivers of young men) reproach us as the vilest of all mankind. 2.237. Now I have no mind to make an inquiry into the laws of other nations; for the custom of our country is to keep our own laws, but not to bring accusations against the laws of others. And indeed, our legislator hath expressly forbidden us to laugh at and revile those that are esteemed gods by other people, on account of the very name of God ascribed to them. 2.238. But since our antagonists think to run us down upon the comparison of their religion and ours, it is not possible to keep silence here, especially while what I shall say to confute these men will not be now first said, but hath been already said by many, and these of the highest reputation also; 2.239. for who is there among those that have been admired among the Greeks for wisdom, who hath not greatly blamed both the most famous poets and most celebrated legislators, for spreading such notions originally among the body of the people concerning the gods? 2.240. uch as these, that they may be allowed to be as numerous as they have a mind to have them; that they are begotten one by another, and that after all the kinds of generation you can imagine. They also distinguish them in their places and ways of living, as they would distinguish several sorts of animals: as some to be under the earth; as some to be in the sea; and the ancientest of them all to be bound in hell; 2.241. and for those to whom they have allotted heaven, they have set over them one, who in title is their father, but in his actions a tyrant and a lord; whence it came to pass that his wife, and brother, and daughter (which daughter he brought forth from his own head), made a conspiracy against him to seize upon him and confine him, as he had himself seized upon and confined his own father before. /p 2.242. 35. And justly have the wisest men thought these notions deserved severe rebukes; they also laugh at them for determining that we ought to believe some of the gods to be beardless and young, and others of them to be old, and to have beards accordingly; that some are set to trades; that one god is a smith, and another goddess is a weaver; that one god is a warrior, and fights with men; 2.243. that some of them are harpers, or delight in archery; and besides, that mutual seditions arise among them, and that they quarrel about men, and this so far that they not only lay hands upon one another, but that they are wounded by men, and lament, and take on for such their afflictions; 2.244. but what is the grossest of all in point of lasciviousness, are those unbounded lusts ascribed to almost all of them, and their amours; which how can it be other than a most absurd supposal, especially when it reaches to the male gods, and to the female goddesses also? 2.245. Moreover, the chief of all their gods, and their first father himself, overlooks those goddesses whom he hath deluded and begotten with child, and suffers them to be kept in prison, or drowned in the sea. He is also so bound up by fate, that he cannot save his own offspring, nor can he bear their deaths without shedding of tears.— 2.246. These are fine things indeed! as are the rest that follow. Adulteries truly are so impudently looked on in heaven by the gods, that some of them have confessed they envied those that were found in the very act; and why should they not do so, when the eldest of them, who is their king also, hath not been able to restrain himself in the violence of his lust, from lying with his wife, so long as they might get into their bed-chamber? 2.247. Now, some of the gods are servants to men, and will sometimes be builders for a reward, and sometimes will be shepherds; while others of them, like malefactors, are bound in a prison of brass; and what sober person is there who would not be provoked at such stories, and rebuke those that forged them, and condemn the great silliness of those that admit them for true! 2.248. Nay, others there are that have advanced a certain timorousness and fear, as also madness and fraud, and any other of the vilest passions, into the nature and form of gods, and have persuaded whole cities to offer sacrifices to the better sort of them; 2.249. on which account they have been absolutely forced to esteem some gods as the givers of good things, and to call others of them averters of evil. They also endeavor to move them, as they would the vilest of men, by gifts and presents, as looking for nothing else than to receive some great mischief from them, unless they pay them such wages. /p 2.250. 36. Wherefore it deserves our inquiry what should be the occasion of this unjust management, and of these scandals about the Deity. And truly I suppose it to be derived from the imperfect knowledge the heathen legislators had at first of the true nature of God; nor did they explain to the people even so far as they did comprehend of it: nor did they compose the other parts of their political settlements according to it, 2.251. but omitted it as a thing of very little consequence, and gave leave both to the poets to introduce what gods they pleased, and those subject to all sorts of passions, and to the orators to procure political decrees from the people for the admission of such foreign gods as they thought proper. 2.252. The painters also, and statuaries of Greece, had herein great power, as each of them could contrive a shape [proper for a god]; the one to be formed out of clay, and the other by making a bare picture of such a one; but those workmen that were principally admired, had the use of ivory and of gold as the constant materials for their new statues; 2.253. [whereby it comes to pass that some temples are quite deserted, while others are in great esteem, and adorned with all the rites of all kinds of purification]. Besides this, the first gods, who have long flourished in the honors done them, are now grown old [while those that flourished after them are come in their room as a second rank, that I may speak the most honorably of them that I can]: 2.254. nay, certain other gods there are who are newly introduced, and newly worshipped [as we, by way of digression have said already, and yet have left their places of worship desolate]; and for their temples, some of them are already left desolate, and others are built anew, according to the pleasure of men; whereas they ought to have preserved their opinion about God, and that worship which is due to him, always and immutably the same. /p 2.255. 37. But now, this Apollonius Molo was one of these foolish and proud men. However, nothing that I have said was unknown to those that were real philosophers among the Greeks, nor were they unacquainted with those frigid pretenses of allegories [which had been alleged for such things]: on which account they justly despised them, but have still agreed with us as to the true and becoming notions of God; 2.256. whence it was that Plato would not have political settlements admit of any one of the other poets, and dismisses even Homer himself, with a garland on his head, and with ointment poured upon him, and this because he should not destroy the right notions of God with his fables. 2.257. Nay, Plato principally imitated our legislator in this point, that he enjoined his citizens to have the main regard to this precept, “That every one of them should learn their laws accurately.” He also ordained, that they should not admit of foreigners intermixing with their own people at random; and provided that the commonwealth should keep itself pure, and consist of such only as persevered in their own laws. 2.258. Apollonius Molo did no way consider this, when he made it one branch of his accusation against us, that we do not admit of such as have different notions about God, nor will we have fellowship with those that choose to observe a way of living different from ourselves; 2.259. yet is not this method peculiar to us, but common to all other men; not among the ordinary Grecians only, but among such of those Grecians as are of the greatest reputation among them. Moreover, the Lacedemonians continued in their way of expelling foreigners, and would not, indeed, give leave to their own people to travel abroad, as suspecting that those two things would introduce a dissolution of their own laws: 2.260. and perhaps there may be some reason to blame the rigid severity of the Lacedemonians, for they bestowed the privilege of their city on no foreigners, nor indeed would give leave to them to stay among them; 2.261. whereas we, though we do not think fit to imitate other institutions, yet do we willingly admit of those that desire to partake of ours, which I think I may reckon to be a plain indication of our humanity, and at the same time of our magimity also. /p 2.262. 38. But I shall say no more of the Lacedemonians. As for the Athenians, who glory in having made their city to be common to all men, what their behavior was, Apollonius did not know, while they punished those that did but speak one word contrary to their laws about the gods, without any mercy; 2.263. for on what other account was it that Socrates was put to death by them? For certainly, he neither betrayed their city to its enemies, nor was he guilty of any sacrilege with regard to any of their temples; but it was on this account, that he swore certain new oaths, and that he affirmed, either in earnest, or, as some say, only in jest, that a certain demon used to make signs to him [what he should not do]. For these reasons he was condemned to drink poison, and kill himself. 2.264. His accuser also complained that he corrupted the young men, by inducing them to despise the political settlement and laws of their city: and thus was Socrates, the citizen of Athens, punished. 2.265. There was also Anaxagoras, who although he was of Clazomenae, was within a few suffrages of being condemned to die, because he said the sun, which the Athenians thought to be a god, was a ball of fire. 2.266. They also made this public proclamation, that they would give a talent to any one who would kill Diagoras of Melos, because it was reported of him that he laughed at their mysteries. Portagoras also, who was thought to have written somewhat that was not owned for truth by the Athenians about the gods, had been seized upon, and put to death, if he had not fled immediately away. 2.267. Nor need we at all wonder that they thus treated such considerable men, when they did not spare even women also; for they very lately slew a certain priestess, because she was accused by somebody that she initiated people into the worship of strange gods, it having been forbidden so to do by one of their laws; and a capital punishment had been decreed to such as introduced a strange god; 2.268. it being manifest, that they who make use of such a law do not believe those of other nations to be really gods, otherwise they had not envied themselves the advantage of more gods than they already had; 2.269. and this was the happy administration of the affairs of the Athenians? Now, as to the Scythians, they take a pleasure in killing men, and differ little from brute beasts; yet do they think it reasonable to have their institutions observed. They also slew Anacharsis a person greatly admired for his wisdom among the Greeks, when he returned to them, because he appeared to come fraught with Grecian customs; One may also find many to have been punished among the Persians, on the very same account. 2.270. And to be sure Apollonius was greatly pleased with the laws of the Persians, and was an admirer of them, because the Greeks enjoyed the advantage of their courage, and had the very same opinion about the gods which they had. This last was exemplified in the temples which they burnt, and their courage in coming, and almost entirely enslaving the Grecians. However, Apollonius has imitated all the Persian institutions, and that by his offering violence to other men’s wives, and castrating his own sons. 2.271. Now, with us, it is a capital crime, if any one does thus abuse even a brute beast; and as for us, neither hath the fear of our governors, nor a desire of following what other nations have in so great esteem, been able to withdraw us from our own laws; 2.272. nor have we exerted our courage in raising up wars to increase our wealth, but only for the observation of our laws; and when we with patience bear other losses, yet when any persons would compel us to break our laws, then it is that we choose to go to war, though it be beyond our ability to pursue it, and bear the greatest calamities to the last with much fortitude. 2.273. And, indeed, what reason can there be why we should desire to imitate the laws of other nations, while we see they are not observed by their own legislators? And why do not the Lacedemonians think of abolishing that form of their government which suffers them not to associate with any others, as well as their contempt of matrimony? And why do not the Eleans and Thebans abolish that unnatural and impudent lust, which makes them lie with males? 2.274. For they will not show a sufficient sign of their repentance of what they of old thought to be very excellent, and very advantageous in their practices, unless they entirely avoid all such actions for the time to come: 2.275. nay, such things are inserted into the body of their laws, and had once such a power among the Greeks, that they ascribed these sodomitical practices to the gods themselves, as a part of their good character; and indeed it was according to the same manner that the gods married their own sisters. This the Greeks contrived as an apology for their own absurd and unnatural pleasures. /p 2.276. 39. I omit to speak concerning punishments, and how many ways of escaping them the greatest part of the legislators have afforded malefactors, by ordaining that, for adulteries, fines in money should be allowed, and for corrupting [virgins] they need only marry them; as also what excuses they may have in denying the facts, if any one attempts to inquire into them; for amongst most other nations it is a studied art how men may transgress their laws; 2.277. but no such thing is permitted amongst us; for though we be deprived of our wealth, of our cities, or of the other advantages we have, our law continues immortal; nor can any Jew go so far from his own country, nor be so affrighted at the severest lord, as not to be more affrighted at the law than at him. 2.278. If, therefore, this be the disposition we are under, with regard to the excellency of our laws, let our enemies make us this concession, that our laws are most excellent; and if still they imagine that though we so firmly adhere to them, yet are they bad laws notwithstanding, what penalties then do they deserve to undergo who do not observe their own laws, which they esteem so far superior to them? 2.279. Whereas, therefore, length of time is esteemed to be the truest touchstone in all cases. I would make that a testimonial of the excellency of our laws, and of that belief thereby delivered to us concerning God; for as there hath been a very long time for this comparison, if any one will but compare its duration with the duration of the laws made by other legislators, he will find our legislator to have been the ancientest of them all. /p 2.280. 40. We have already demonstrated that our laws have been such as have always inspired admiration and imitation into all other men; 2.281. nay, the earliest Grecian philosophers, though in appearance they observed the laws of their own countries, yet did they, in their actions and their philosophic doctrines, follow our legislator, and instructed men to live sparingly, and to have friendly communication one with another. 2.282. Nay, farther, the multitude of mankind itself have had a great inclination of a long time to follow our religious observances; for there is not any city of the Grecians, nor any of the barbarians, nor any nation whatsoever, whither our custom of resting on the seventh day hath not come, and by which our fasts and lighting up lamps, and many of our prohibitions as to our food, are not observed; 2.283. they also endeavor to imitate our mutual concord with one another, and the charitable distribution of our goods, and our diligence in our trades, and our fortitude in undergoing the distresses we are in, on account of our laws; 2.284. and, what is here matter of the greatest admiration, our law hath no bait of pleasure to allure men to it, but it prevails by its own force; and as God himself pervades all the world, so hath our law passed through all the world also. So that if any one will but reflect on his own country, and his own family, he will have reason to give credit to what I say. 2.285. It is therefore but just, either to condemn all mankind of indulging a wicked disposition, when they have been so desirous of imitating laws that are to them foreign and evil in themselves, rather than following laws of their own that are of a better character, or else our accusers must leave off their spite against us; 2.286. nor are we guilty of any envious behavior towards them, when we honor our own legislator, and believe what he, by his prophetic authority, hath taught us concerning God; for though we should not be able ourselves to understand the excellency of our own laws, yet would the great multitude of those that desire to imitate them, justify us, in greatly valuing ourselves upon them. /p 2.287. 41. But, as for the [distinct] political laws by which we are governed, I have delivered them accurately in my books of Antiquities: and have only mentioned them now, so far as was necessary to my present purpose, without proposing to myself either to blame the laws of other nations, or to make an encomium upon our own,—but in order to convict those that have written about us unjustly, and in an impudent affectation of disguising the truth:— 2.288. and now I think I have sufficiently completed what I proposed in writing these books; for whereas our accusers have pretended that our nation are a people of very late original, I have demonstrated that they are exceeding ancient; for I have produced as witnesses thereto many ancient writers, who have made mention of us in their books, while they had said no such writer had so done. 2.289. Moreover, they had said that we were sprung from the Egyptians, while I have proved that we came from another country into Egypt: while they had told lies of us, as if we were expelled thence on account of diseases on our bodies, it has appeared on the contrary, that we returned to our country by our own choice, and with sound and strong bodies. 2.290. Those accusers reproached our legislator as a vile fellow; whereas God in old time bare witness to his virtuous conduct; and since that testimony of God, time itself hath been discovered to have borne witness to the same thing. /p 2.291. 42. As to the laws themselves, more words are unnecessary, for they are visible in their own nature, and appear to teach not impiety, but the truest piety in the world. They do not make men hate one another, but encourage people to communicate what they have to one another freely; they are enemies to injustice, they take care of righteousness, they banish idleness and expensive living, and instruct men to be content with what they have and to be laborious in their callings; 2.292. they forbid men to make war from a desire of getting more, but make men courageous in defending the laws; they are inexorable in punishing malefactors; they admit no sophistry of words, but are always established by actions themselves, which actions we ever propose as surer demonstrations than what is contained in writing only; 2.293. on which account I am so bold as to say that we are become the teachers of other men, in the greatest number of things, and those of the most excellent nature only; for what is more excellent than inviolable piety? what is more just than submission to laws? 2.294. and what is more advantageous than mutual love and concord? and this so far that we are to be neither divided by calamities, nor to become injurious and seditious in prosperity; but to condemn death when we are in war, and in peace to apply ourselves to our mechanical occupations, or to our tillage of the ground; while we in all things and all ways are satisfied that God is the inspector and governor of our actions. 2.295. If these precepts had either been written at first, or more exactly kept by any others before us, we should have owed them thanks as disciples owe to their masters; but if it be visible that we have made use of them more than any other men, and if we have demonstrated that the original invention of them is our own, let the Apions, and the Molones, with all the rest of those that delight in lies and reproaches, stand confuted;
155. Josephus Flavius, Life, 100, 113, 124, 126, 128, 134-135, 155-159, 16, 160-169, 17, 170-173, 175-178, 18, 180-184, 188, 19, 190-199, 203, 220-228, 25-26, 264-265, 27, 271, 278, 28-29, 294, 296, 30-32, 321, 33, 331, 336-339, 34, 340-349, 35, 350-359, 36, 360-367, 37, 373, 376-377, 38, 381-384, 389-410, 412-414, 42, 422, 43, 430, 44-59, 6, 60-61, 65-67, 69, 74-76, 91, 179 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 201
156. Juvenal, Satires, 3.14, 6.121-6.124, 6.156-6.160, 6.542 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of •agrippa (m. iulius agrippa i, king of judaea) •agrippa i •agrippa ii •berenice, agrippa ii’s sister Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 173; Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 165; McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 86; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 543
157. New Testament, Matthew, 1.19, 5.22, 5.39, 10.17-10.20, 12.14, 14.20, 16.9, 22.34-22.40, 26.59, 27.3-27.10, 27.26-27.31 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 173; Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 94; Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 182; Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 177; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 21, 36, 299, 317; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 549, 551
1.19. Ἰωσὴφ δὲ ὁ ἀνὴρ αὐτῆς, δίκαιος ὢν καὶ μὴ θέλων αὐτὴν δειγματίσαι, ἐβουλήθη λάθρᾳ ἀπολῦσαι αὐτήν. 5.22. Ἐγὼ δὲ λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι πᾶς ὁ ὀργιζόμενος τῷ ἀδελφῷ αὐτοῦ ἔνοχος ἔσται τῇ κρίσει· ὃς δʼ ἂν εἴπῃ τῷ ἀδελφῷ αὐτοῦ Ῥακά, ἔνοχος ἔσται τῷ συνεδρίῳ· ὃς δʼ ἂν εἴπῃ Μωρέ, ἔνοχος ἔσται εἰς τὴν γέενναν τοῦ πυρός. 5.39. Ἐγὼ δὲ λέγω ὑμῖν μὴ ἀντιστῆναι τῷ πονηρῷ· ἀλλʼ ὅστις σε ῥαπίζει εἰς τὴν δεξιὰν σιαγόνα [σου], στρέψον αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν ἄλλην· 10.17. προσέχετε δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων· παραδώσουσιν γὰρ ὑμᾶς εἰς συνέδρια, καὶ ἐν ταῖς συναγωγαῖς αὐτῶν μαστιγώσουσιν ὑμᾶς· 10.18. καὶ ἐπὶ ἡγεμόνας δὲ καὶ βασιλεῖς ἀχθήσεσθε ἕνεκεν ἐμοῦ εἰς μαρτύριον αὐτοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἔθνεσιν. 10.19. ὅταν δὲ παραδῶσιν ὑμᾶς, μὴ μεριμνήσητε πῶς ἢ τί λαλήσητε· δοθήσεται γὰρ ὑμῖν ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ ὥρᾳ τί λαλήσητε· 10.20. οὐ γὰρ ὑμεῖς ἐστὲ οἱ λαλοῦντες ἀλλὰ τὸ πνεῦμα τοῦ πατρὸς ὑμῶν τὸ λαλοῦν ἐν ὑμῖν. 12.14. Ἐξελθόντες δὲ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι συμβούλιον ἔλαβον κατʼ αὐτοῦ ὅπως αὐτὸν ἀπολέσωσιν. 14.20. καὶ ἔφαγον πάντες καὶ ἐχορτάσθησαν, καὶ ἦραν τὸ περισσεῦον τῶν κλασμάτων δώδεκα κοφίνους πλήρεις. 16.9. οὔπω νοεῖτε, οὐδὲ μνημονεύετε τοὺς πέντε ἄρτους τῶν πεντακισχιλίων καὶ πόσους κοφίνους ἐλάβετε; 22.34. Οἱ δὲ Φαρισαῖοι ἀκούσαντες ὅτι ἐφίμωσεν τοὺς Σαδδουκαίους συνήχθησαν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτό. 22.35. καὶ ἐπηρώτησεν εἷς ἐξ αὐτῶν νομικὸς πειράζων αὐτόν 22.36. Διδάσκαλε, ποία ἐντολὴ μεγάλη ἐν τῷ νόμῳ; 22.37. ὁ δὲ ἔφη αὐτῷ Ἀγαπήσεις Κύριον τὸν θεόν σου ἐν ὅλῃ καρδίᾳ σου καὶ ἐν ὅλῃ τῇ ψυχῇ σου καὶ ἐν ὅλῃ τῇ διανοίᾳ σου· 22.38. αὕτη ἐστὶν ἡ μεγάλη καὶ πρώτη ἐντολή. 22.39. δευτέρα ὁμοία αὕτη Ἀγαπήσεις τὸν πλησίον σου ὡς σεαυτόν. 22.40. ἐν ταύταις ταῖς δυσὶν ἐντολαῖς ὅλος ὁ νόμος κρέμαται καὶ οἱ προφῆται. 26.59. οἱ δὲ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ τὸ συνέδριον ὅλον ἐζήτουν ψευδομαρτυρίαν κατὰ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ ὅπως αὐτὸν θανατώσωσιν, 27.3. Τότε ἰδὼν Ἰούδας ὁ παραδοὺς αὐτὸν ὅτι κατεκρίθη μεταμεληθεὶς ἔστρεψεν τὰ τριάκοντα ἀργύρια τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν καὶ πρεσβυτέροις λέγων Ἥμαρτον παραδοὺς αἷμα δίκαιον. 27.4. οἱ δὲ εἶπαν Τί πρὸς ἡμᾶς; σὺ ὄψῃ. 27.5. καὶ ῥίψας τὰ ἀργύρια εἰς τὸν ναὸν ἀνεχώρησεν, καὶ ἀπελθὼν ἀπήγξατο. 27.6. Οἱ δὲ ἀρχιερεῖς λαβόντες τὰ ἀργύρια εἶπαν Οὐκ ἔξεστιν βαλεῖν αὐτὰ εἰς τὸν κορβανᾶν, ἐπεὶ τιμὴ αἵματός ἐστιν· 27.7. συμβούλιον δὲ λαβόντες ἠγόρασαν ἐξ αὐτῶν τὸν Ἀγρὸν τοῦ Κεραμέως εἰς ταφὴν τοῖς ξένοις. 27.8. διὸ ἐκλήθη ὁ ἀγρὸς ἐκεῖνος Ἀγρὸς Αἵματος ἕως τῆς σήμερον. 27.9. Τότε ἐπληρώθη τὸ ῥηθὲν διὰ Ἰερεμίου τοῦ προφήτου λέγοντος Καὶ ἔλαβον τὰ τριάκοντα ἀργύρια, τὴν τιμὴν τοῦ τετιμημένου ὃν ἐτιμήσαντο ἀπὸ υἱῶν Ἰσραήλ, 27.10. καὶ ἔδωκαν αὐτὰ εἰς τὸν ἀγρὸν τοῦ κεραμέως, καθὰ συνέταξέν μοι Κύριος. 27.26. τότε ἀπέλυσεν αὐτοῖς τὸν Βαραββᾶν, τὸν δὲ Ἰησοῦν φραγελλώσας παρέδωκεν ἵνα σταυρωθῇ. 27.27. Τότε οἱ στρατιῶται τοῦ ἡγεμόνος παραλαβόντες τὸν Ἰησοῦν εἰς τὸ πραιτώριον συνήγαγον ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ὅλην τὴν σπεῖραν. 27.28. καὶ ἐκδύσαντες αὐτὸν χλαμύδα κοκκίνην περιέθηκαν αὐτῷ, 27.29. καὶ πλέξαντες στέφανον ἐξ ἀκανθῶν ἐπέθηκαν ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς αὐτοῦ καὶ κάλαμον ἐν τῇ δεξιᾷ αὐτοῦ, καὶ γονυπετήσαντες ἔμπροσθεν αὐτοῦ ἐνέπαιξαν αὐτῷ λέγοντες Χαῖρε, βασιλεῦ τῶν Ἰουδαίων, 27.30. καὶ ἐμπτύσαντες εἰς αὐτὸν ἔλαβον τὸν κάλαμον καὶ ἔτυπτον εἰς τὴν κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ. 27.31. καὶ ὅτε ἐνέπαιξαν αὐτῷ, ἐξέδυσαν αὐτὸν τὴν χλαμύδα καὶ ἐνέδυσαν αὐτὸν τὰ ἱμάτια αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἀπήγαγον αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ σταυρῶσαι. 1.19. Joseph, her husband, being a righteous man, and not willing to make her a public example, intended to put her away secretly. 5.22. But I tell you, that everyone who is angry with his brother without a cause shall be in danger of the judgment; and whoever shall say to his brother, 'Raca!' shall be in danger of the council; and whoever shall say, 'You fool!' shall be in danger of the fire of Gehenna. 5.39. But I tell you, don't resist him who is evil; but whoever strikes you on your right cheek, turn to him the other also. 10.17. But beware of men: for they will deliver you up to councils, and in their synagogues they will scourge you. 10.18. Yes, and you will be brought before governors and kings for my sake, for a testimony to them and to the Gentiles. 10.19. But when they deliver you up, don't be anxious how or what you will say, for it will be given you in that hour what you will say. 10.20. For it is not you who speak, but the Spirit of your Father who speaks in you. 12.14. But the Pharisees went out, and conspired against him, how they might destroy him. 14.20. They all ate, and were filled. They took up twelve baskets full of that which remained left over from the broken pieces. 16.9. Don't you yet perceive, neither remember the five loaves for the five thousand, and how many baskets you took up? 22.34. But the Pharisees, when they heard that he had put the Sadducees to silence, gathered themselves together. 22.35. One of them, a lawyer, asked him a question, testing him. 22.36. "Teacher, which is the greatest commandment in the law?" 22.37. Jesus said to him, "'You shall love the Lord your God with all your heart, and with all your soul, and with all your mind.' 22.38. This is the first and great commandment. 22.39. A second likewise is this, 'You shall love your neighbor as yourself.' 22.40. The whole law and the prophets depend on these two commandments." 26.59. Now the chief priests, the elders, and the whole council sought false testimony against Jesus, that they might put him to death; 27.3. Then Judas, who betrayed him, when he saw that Jesus was condemned, felt remorse, and brought back the thirty pieces of silver to the chief priests and elders, 27.4. saying, "I have sinned in that I betrayed innocent blood."But they said, "What is that to us? You see to it." 27.5. He threw down the pieces of silver in the sanctuary, and departed. He went away and hanged himself. 27.6. The chief priests took the pieces of silver, and said, "It's not lawful to put them into the treasury, since it is the price of blood." 27.7. They took counsel, and bought the potter's field with them, to bury strangers in. 27.8. Therefore that field was called "The Field of Blood" to this day. 27.9. Then that which was spoken through Jeremiah the prophet was fulfilled, saying, "They took the thirty pieces of silver, The price of him upon whom a price had been set, Whom some of the children of Israel priced, 27.10. And they gave them for the potter's field, As the Lord commanded me." 27.26. Then he released to them Barabbas, but Jesus he flogged and delivered to be crucified. 27.27. Then the governor's soldiers took Jesus into the Praetorium, and gathered the whole garrison together against him. 27.28. They stripped him, and put a scarlet robe on him. 27.29. They braided a crown of thorns and put it on his head, and a reed in his right hand; and they kneeled down before him, and mocked him, saying, "Hail, King of the Jews!" 27.30. They spat on him, and took the reed and struck him on the head. 27.31. When they had mocked him, they took the robe off of him, and put his clothes on him, and led him away to crucify him.
158. New Testament, Mark, 1.4, 3.6, 5.1-5.20, 6.17-6.29, 6.32-6.52, 8.19, 9.5, 10.46-10.52, 12.13-12.17, 12.28-12.34, 14.55, 15.1, 15.15-15.20, 15.22-15.46 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 93, 173; Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 94; Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 182, 199; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 21, 36, 299, 375, 380; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 536, 538, 541, 542, 543, 544, 545, 546, 547, 548, 549, 550, 551, 552, 553, 554, 555, 556, 571, 576, 584
1.4. ἐγένετο Ἰωάνης ὁ βαπτίζων ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ κηρύσσων βάπτισμα μετανοίας εἰς ἄφεσιν ἁμαρτιῶν. 3.6. Καὶ ἐξελθόντες οἱ Φαρισαῖοι εὐθὺς μετὰ τῶν Ἡρῳδιανῶν συμβούλιον ἐδίδουν κατʼ αὐτοῦ ὅπως αὐτὸν ἀπολέσωσιν. 5.1. Καὶ ἦλθον εἰς τὸ πέραν τῆς θαλάσσης εἰς τὴν χώραν τῶν Γερασηνῶν. 5.2. καὶ ἐξελθόντος αὐτοῦ ἐκ τοῦ πλοίου [εὐθὺς] ὑπήντησεν αὐτῷ ἐκ τῶν μνημείων ἄνθρωπος ἐν πνεύματι ἀκαθάρτῳ, 5.3. ὃς τὴν κατοίκησιν εἶχεν ἐν τοῖς μνήμασιν, καὶ οὐδὲ ἁλύσει οὐκέτι οὐδεὶς ἐδύνατο αὐτὸν δῆσαι 5.4. διὰ τὸ αὐτὸν πολλάκις πέδαις καὶ ἁλύσεσι δεδέσθαι καὶ διεσπάσθαι ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ τὰς ἁλύσεις καὶ τὰς πέδας συντετρίφθαι, καὶ οὐδεὶς ἴσχυεν αὐτὸν δαμάσαι· 5.5. καὶ διὰ παντὸς νυκτὸς καὶ ἡμέρας ἐν τοῖς μνήμασιν καὶ ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσιν ἦν κράζων καὶ κατακόπτων ἑαυτὸν λίθοις. 5.6. καὶ ἰδὼν τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἀπὸ μακρόθεν ἔδραμεν καὶ προσεκύνησεν αὐτόν, 5.7. καὶ κράξας φωνῇ μεγάλῃ λέγει Τί ἐμοὶ καὶ σοί, Ἰησοῦ υἱὲ τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ὑψίστου; ὁρκίζω δε τὸν θεόν, μή με βασανίσῃς. 5.8. ἔλεγεν γὰρ αὐτῷ Ἔξελθε τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἀκάθαρτον ἐκ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου. 5.9. καὶ ἐπηρώτα αὐτόν Τί ὄνομά σοι; καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ Λεγιὼν ὄνομά μοι, ὅτι πολλοί ἐσμεν· 5.10. καὶ παρεκάλει αὐτὸν πολλὰ ἵνα μὴ αὐτὰ ἀποστείλῃ ἔξω τῆς χώρας. 5.11. Ἦν δὲ ἐκεῖ πρὸς τῷ ὄρει ἀγέλη χοίρων μεγάλη βοσκομένη· 5.12. καὶ παρεκάλεσαν αὐτὸν λέγοντες Πέμψον ἡμᾶς εἰς τοὺς χοίρους, ἵνα εἰς αὐτοὺς εἰσέλθωμεν. 5.13. καὶ ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτοῖς. καὶ ἐξελθόντα τὰ πνεύματα τὰ ἀκάθαρτα εἰσῆλθον εἰς τοὺς χοίρους, καὶ ὥρμησεν ἡ ἀγέλη κατὰ τοῦ κρημνοῦ εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν, ὡς δισχίλιοι, καὶ ἐπνίγοντο ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ. 5.14. Καὶ οἱ βόσκοντες αὐτοὺς ἔφυγον καὶ ἀπήγγειλαν εἰς τὴν πόλιν καὶ εἰς τοὺς ἀγρούς· καὶ ἦλθον ἰδεῖν τί ἐστιν τὸ γεγονός. 5.15. καὶ ἔρχονται πρὸς τὸν Ἰησοῦν, καὶ θεωροῦσιν τὸν δαιμονιζόμενον καθήμενον ἱματισμένον καὶ σωφρονοῦντα, τὸν ἐσχηκότα τὸν λεγιῶνα, καὶ ἐφοβήθησαν. 5.16. καὶ διηγήσαντο αὐτοῖς οἱ ἰδόντες πῶς ἐγένετο τῷ δαιμονιζομένῳ καὶ περὶ τῶν χοίρων. 5.17. καὶ ἤρξαντο παρακαλεῖν αὐτὸν ἀπελθεῖν ἀπὸ τῶν ὁρίων αὐτῶν. 5.18. Καὶ ἐμβαίνοντος αὐτοῦ εἰς τὸ πλοῖον παρεκάλει αὐτὸν ὁ δαιμονισθεὶς ἵνα μετʼ αὐτοῦ ᾖ. 5.19. καὶ οὐκ ἀφῆκεν αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ λέγει αὐτῷ Ὕπαγε εἰς τὸν οἶκόν σου πρὸς τοὺς σούς, καὶ ἀπάγγειλον αὐτοῖς ὅσα ὁ κύριός σοι πεποίηκεν καὶ ἠλέησέν σε. 5.20. καὶ ἀπῆλθεν καὶ ἤρξατο κηρύσσειν ἐν τῇ Δεκαπόλει ὅσα ἐποίησεν αὐτῷ ὁ Ἰησοῦς, καὶ πάντες ἐθαύμαζον. 6.17. Αὐτὸς γὰρ ὁ Ἡρῴδης ἀποστείλας ἐκράτησεν τὸν Ἰωάνην καὶ ἔδησεν αὐτὸν ἐν φυλακῇ διὰ Ἡρῳδιάδα τὴν γυναῖκα Φιλίππου τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ, ὅτι αὐτὴν ἐγάμησεν· 6.18. ἔλεγεν γὰρ ὁ Ἰωάνης τῷ Ἡρῴδῃ ὅτι Οὐκ ἔξεστίν σοι ἔχειν τὴν γυναῖκα τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ σου. 6.19. ἡ δὲ Ἡρῳδιὰς ἐνεῖχεν αὐτῷ καὶ ἤθελεν αὐτὸν ἀποκτεῖναι, καὶ οὐκ ἠδυνατο· 6.20. ὁ γὰρ Ἡρῴδης ἐφοβεῖτο τὸν Ἰωάνην, εἰδὼς αὐτὸν ἄνδρα δίκαιον καὶ ἅγιον, καὶ συνετήρει αὐτόν, καὶ ἀκούσας αὐτοῦ πολλὰ ἠπόρει, καὶ ἡδέως αὐτοῦ ἤκουεν. 6.21. Καὶ γενομένης ἡμέρας εὐκαίρου ὅτε Ἡρῴδης τοῖς γενεσίοις αὐτοῦ δεῖπνον ἐποίησεν τοῖς μεγιστᾶσιν αὐτοῦ καὶ τοῖς χιλιάρχοις καὶ τοῖς πρώτοις τῆς Γαλιλαίας, 6.22. καὶ εἰσελθούσης τῆς θυγατρὸς αὐτοῦ Ἡρῳδιάδος καὶ ὀρχησαμένης, ἤρεσεν τῷ Ἡρῴδῃ καὶ τοῖς συνανακειμένοις. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς εἶπεν τῷ κορασίῳ Αἴτησόν με ὃ ἐὰν θέλῃς, καὶ δώσω σοι· 6.23. καὶ ὤμοσεν αὐτῇ Ὅτι ἐάν με αἰτήσῃς δώσω σοι ἕως ἡμίσους τῆς βασιλείας μου. 6.24. καὶ ἐξελθοῦσα εἶπεν τῇ μητρὶ αὐτῆς Τί αἰτήσωμαι; ἡ δὲ εἶπεν Τὴν κεφαλὴν Ἰωάνου τοῦ βαπτίζοντος. 6.25. καὶ εἰσελθοῦσα εὐθὺς μετὰ σπουδῆς πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα ᾐτήσατο λέγουσα Θέλω ἵνα ἐξαυτῆς δῷς μοι ἐπὶ πίνακι τὴν κεφαλὴν Ἰωάνου τοῦ βαπτιστοῦ. 6.26. καὶ περίλυπος γενόμενος ὁ βασιλεὺς διὰ τοὺς ὅρκους καὶ τοὺς ἀνακειμένους οὐκ ἠθέλησεν ἀθετῆσαι αὐτήν· 6.27. καὶ εὐθὺς ἀποστείλας ὁ βασιλεὺς σπεκουλάτορα ἐπέταξεν ἐνέγκαι τὴν κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ. καὶ ἀπελθὼν ἀπεκεφάλισεν αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ φυλακῇ 6.28. καὶ ἤνεγκεν τὴν κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ πίνακι καὶ ἔδωκεν αὐτὴν τῷ κορασίῳ, καὶ τὸ κοράσιον ἔδωκεν αὐτὴν τῇ μητρὶ αὐτῆς. 6.29. καὶ ἀκούσαντες οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ ἦλθαν καὶ ἦραν τὸ πτῶμα αὐτοῦ καὶ ἔθηκαν αὐτὸ ἐν μνημείῳ. 6.32. καὶ ἀπῆλθον ἐν τῷ πλοίῳ εἰς ἔρημον τόπον κατʼ ἰδίαν. 6.33. καὶ εἶδαν αὐτοὺς ὑπάγοντας καὶ ἔγνωσαν πολλοί, καὶ πεζῇ ἀπὸ πασῶν τῶν πόλεων συνέδραμον ἐκεῖ καὶ προῆλθον αὐτούς. 6.34. Καὶ ἐξελθὼν εἶδεν πολὺν ὄχλον, καὶ ἐσπλαγχνίσθη ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς ὅτι ἦσαν ὡς πρόβατα μὴ ἔχοντα ποιμένα, καὶ ἤρξατο διδάσκειν αὐτοὺς πολλά. 6.35. Καὶ ἤδη ὥρας πολλῆς γενομένης προσελθόντες αὐτῷ οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ ἔλεγον ὅτι Ἔρημός ἐστιν ὁ τόπος, καὶ ἤδη ὥρα πολλή· 6.36. ἀπόλυσον αὐτούς, ἵνα ἀπελθόντες εἰς τοὺς κύκλῳ ἀγροὺς καὶ κώμας ἀγοράσωσιν ἑαυτοῖς τί φάγωσιν. 6.37. ὁ δὲ ἀποκριθεὶς εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Δότε αὐτοῖς ὑμεῖς φαγεῖν. καὶ λέγουσιν αὐτῷ Ἀπελθόντες ἀγοράσωμεν δηναρίων διακοσίων ἄρτους καὶ δώσομεν αὐτοῖς φαγεῖν; 6.38. ὁ δὲ λέγει αὐτοῖς Πόσους ἔχετε ἄρτους; ὑπάγετε ἴδετε. καὶ γνόντες λέγουσιν Πέντε, καὶ δύο ἰχθύας. 6.39. καὶ ἐπέταξεν αὐτοῖς ἀνακλιθῆναι πάντας συμπόσια συμπόσια ἐπὶ τῷ χλωρῷ χόρτῳ. 6.40. καὶ ἀνέπεσαν πρασιαὶ πρασιαὶ κατὰ ἑκατὸν καὶ κατὰ πεντήκοντα. 6.41. καὶ λαβὼν τοὺς πέντε ἄρτους καὶ τοὺς δύο ἰχθύας ἀναβλέψας εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν εὐλόγησεν καὶ κατέκλασεν τοὺς ἄρτους καὶ ἐδίδου τοῖς μαθηταῖς ἵνα παρατιθῶσιν αὐτοῖς, καὶ τοὺς δύο ἰχθύας ἐμέρισεν πᾶσιν. 6.42. καὶ ἔφαγον πάντες καὶ ἐχορτάσθησαν· 6.43. καὶ ἦραν κλάσματα δώδεκα κοφίνων πληρώματα καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν ἰχθύων. 6.44. καὶ ἦσαν οἱ φαγόντες τοὺς ἄρτους πεντακισχίλιοι ἄνδρες. 6.45. Καὶ εὐθὺς ἠνάγκασεν τοὺς μαθητὰς αὐτοῦ ἐμβῆναι εἰς τὸ πλοῖον καὶ προάγειν εἰς τὸ πέραν πρὸς Βηθσαιδάν, ἕως αὐτὸς ἀπολύει τὸν ὄχλον. 6.46. καὶ ἀποταξάμενος αὐτοῖς ἀπῆλθεν εἰς τὸ ὄρος προσεύξασθαι. 6.47. καὶ ὀψίας γενομένης ἦν τὸ πλοῖον ἐν μέσῳ τῆς θαλάσσης, καὶ αὐτὸς μόνος ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς. 6.48. καὶ ἰδὼν αὐτοὺς βασανιζομένους ἐν τῷ ἐλαύνειν, ἦν γὰρ ὁ ἄνεμος ἐναντίος αὐτοῖς, περὶ τετάρτην φυλακὴν τῆς νυκτὸς ἔρχεται πρὸς αὐτοὺς περιπατῶν ἐπὶ τῆς θαλάσσης· καὶ ἤθελεν παρελθεῖν αὐτούς. 6.49. οἱ δὲ ἰδόντες αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῆς θαλάσσης περιπατοῦντα ἔδοξαν ὅτι φάντασμά ἐστιν καὶ ἀνέκραξαν, 6.50. πάντες γὰρ αὐτὸν εἶδαν καὶ ἐταράχθησαν. ὁ δὲ εὐθὺς ἐλάλησεν μετʼ αὐτῶν, καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς Θαρσεῖτε, ἐγώ εἰμι, μὴ φοβεῖσθε. 6.51. καὶ ἀνέβη πρὸς αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸ πλοῖον, καὶ ἐκόπασεν ὁ ἄνεμος. 6.52. καὶ λίαν ἐν ἑαυτοῖς ἐξίσταντο, οὐ γὰρ συνῆκαν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἄρτοις, ἀλλʼ ἦν αὐτῶν ἡ καρδία πεπωρωμένη. 8.19. ὅτε τοὺς πέντε ἄρτους ἔκλασα εἰς τοὺς πεντακισχιλίους, πόσους κοφίνους κλασμάτων πλήρεις ἤρατε; λέγουσιν αὐτῷ Δώδεκα. 9.5. καὶ ἀποκριθεὶς ὁ Πέτρος λέγει τῷ Ἰησοῦ Ῥαββεί, καλόν ἐστιν ἡμᾶς ὧδε εἶναι, καὶ ποιήσωμεν τρεῖς σκηνάς, σοὶ μίαν καὶ Μωυσεῖ μίαν καὶ Ἠλείᾳ μίαν. 10.46. Καὶ ἔρχονται εἰς Ἰερειχώ. Καὶ ἐκπορευομένου αὐτοῦ ἀπὸ Ἰερειχὼ καὶ τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ καὶ ὄχλου ἱκανοῦ ὁ υἱὸς Τιμαίου Βαρτίμαιος τυφλὸς προσαίτης ἐκάθητο παρὰ τὴν ὁδόν. 10.47. καὶ ἀκούσας ὅτι Ἰησοῦς ὁ Ναζαρηνός ἐστιν ἤρξατο κράζειν καὶ λέγειν Υἱὲ Δαυεὶδ Ἰησοῦ, ἐλέησόν με. 10.48. καὶ ἐπετίμων αὐτῷ πολλοὶ ἵνα σιωπήσῃ· ὁ δὲ πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἔκραζεν Υἱὲ Δαυείδ, ἐλέησόν με. 10.49. καὶ στὰς ὁ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν Φωνήσατε αὐτόν. καὶ φωνοῦσι τὸν τυφλὸν λέγοντες αὐτῷ Θάρσει, ἔγειρε, φωνεῖ σε. 10.50. ὁ δὲ ἀποβαλὼν τὸ ἱμάτιον αὐτοῦ ἀναπηδήσας ἦλθεν πρὸς τὸν Ἰησοῦν. 10.51. καὶ ἀποκριθεὶς αὐτῷ ὁ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν Τί σοι θέλεις ποιήσω; ὁ δὲ τυφλὸς εἶπεν αὐτῷ Ῥαββουνεί, ἵνα ἀναβλέψω. 10.52. καὶ ὁ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτῷ Ὕπαγε, ἡ πίστις σου σέσωκέν σε. καὶ εὐθὺς ἀνέβλεψεν, καὶ ἠκολούθει αὐτῷ ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ. 12.13. Καὶ ἀποστέλλουσιν πρὸς αὐτόν τινας τῶν Φαρισαίων καὶ τῶν Ἡρῳδιανῶν ἵνα αὐτὸν ἀγρεύσωσιν λόγῳ. 12.14. καὶ ἐλθόντες λέγουσιν αὐτῷ Διδάσκαλε, οἴδαμεν ὅτι ἀληθὴς εἶ καὶ οὐ μέλει σοι περὶ οὐδενός, οὐ γὰρ βλέπεις εἰς πρόσωπον ἀνθρώπων, ἀλλʼ ἐπʼ ἀληθείας τὴν ὁδὸν τοῦ θεοῦ διδάσκεις· ἔξεστιν δοῦναι κῆνσον Καίσαρι ἢ οὔ; δῶμεν ἢ μὴ δῶμεν; 12.15. ὁ δὲ εἰδὼς αὐτῶν τὴν ὑπόκρισιν εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Τί με πειράζετε; φέρετέ μοι δηνάριον ἵνα ἴδω. 12.16. οἱ δὲ ἤνεγκαν. καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς Τίνος ἡ εἰκὼν αὕτη καὶ ἡ ἐπιγραφή; οἱ δὲ εἶπαν αὐτῷ Καίσαρος. 12.17. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν Τὰ Καίσαρος ἀπόδοτε Καίσαρι καὶ τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τῷ θεῷ. καὶ ἐξεθαύμαζον ἐπʼ αὐτῷ. 12.28. Καὶ προσελθὼν εἷς τῶν γραμματέων ἀκούσας αὐτῶν συνζητούντων, εἰδὼς ὅτι καλῶς ἀπεκρίθη αὐτοῖς, ἐπηρώτησεν αὐτόν Ποία ἐστὶν ἐντολὴ πρώτη πάντων; 12.29. ἀπεκρίθη ὁ Ἰησοῦς ὅτι Πρώτη ἐστίν Ἄκουε, Ἰσραήλ, Κύριος ὁ θεὸς ἡμῶν κύριος εἷς ἐστίν, 12.30. καὶ ἀγαπήσεις Κύριον τὸν θεόν σου ἐξ ὅλης καρδίας σου καὶ ἐξ ὅλης τῆς ψυχῆς σου καὶ ἐξ ὅλης τῆς διανοίας σου καὶ ἐξ ὅλης τῆς ἰσχύος σου. 12.31. δευτέρα αὕτη Ἀγαπήσεις τὸν πλησίον σου ὡς σεαυτόν. μείζων τούτων ἄλλη ἐντολὴ οὐκ ἔστιν. 12.32. Εἶπεν αὐτῷ ὁ γραμματεύς Καλῶς, διδάσκαλε, ἐπʼ ἀληθείας εἶπες ὅτι εἷς ἐστὶν καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν ἄλλος πλὴν αὐτοῦ· 12.33. καὶ τὸ ἀγαπᾷν αὐτὸν ἐξ ὅλης καρδίας καὶ ἐξ ὅλης τῆς συνέσεως καὶ ἐξ ὅλης τῆς ἰσχύος καὶ τὸ ἀγαπᾷν τὸν πλησίον ὡς ἑαυτὸν περισσότερόν ἐστιν πάντων τῶν ὁλοκαυτωμάτων καὶ θυσιῶν. 12.34. καὶ ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἰδὼν αὐτὸν ὅτι νουνεχῶς ἀπεκρίθη εἶπεν αὐτῷ Οὐ μακρὰν [εἶ] ἀπὸ τῆς βασιλείας τοῦ θεοῦ. Καὶ οὐδεὶς οὐκέτι ἐτόλμα αὐτὸν ἐπερωτῆσαι. 14.55. οἱ δὲ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ ὅλον τὸ συνέδριον ἐζήτουν κατὰ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ μαρτυρίαν εἰς τὸ θανατῶσαι αὐτόν, καὶ οὐχ ηὕρισκον· 15.1. Καὶ εὐθὺς πρωὶ συμβούλιον ποιήσαντες οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς μετὰ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων καὶ γραμματέων καὶ ὅλον τὸ συνέδριον δήσαντες τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἀπήνεγκαν καὶ παρέδωκαν Πειλάτῳ. 15.15. ὁ δὲ Πειλᾶτος βουλόμενος τῷ ὄχλῳ τὸ ἱκανὸν ποιῆσαι ἀπέλυσεν αὐτοῖς τὸν Βαραββᾶν, καὶ παρέδωκεν τὸν Ἰησοῦν φραγελλώσας ἵνα σταυρωθῇ. 15.16. Οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται ἀπήγαγον αὐτὸν ἔσω τῆς αὐλῆς, ὅ ἐστιν πραιτώριον, καὶ συνκαλοῦσιν ὅλην τὴν σπεῖραν. 15.17. καὶ ἐνδιδύσκουσιν αὐτὸν πορφύραν καὶ περιτιθέασιν αὐτῷ πλέξαντες ἀκάνθινον στέφανον· 15.18. καὶ ἤρξαντο ἀσπάζεσθαι αὐτόν Χαῖρε βασιλεῦ τῶν Ἰουδαίων· 15.19. καὶ ἔτυπτον αὐτοῦ τὴν κεφαλὴν καλάμῳ καὶ ἐνέπτυον αὐτῷ, καὶ τιθέντες τὰ γόνατα προσεκύνουν αὐτῷ. 15.20. καὶ ὅτε ἐνέπαιξαν αὐτῷ, ἐξέδυσαν αὐτὸν τὴν πορφύραν καὶ ἐνέδυσαν αὐτὸν τὰ ἱμάτια αὐτοῦ. Καὶ ἐξάγουσιν αὐτὸν ἵνα σταυρώσωσιν αὐτόν· 15.22. καὶ φέρουσιν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὸν Γολγοθὰν τόπον, ὅ ἐστιν μεθερμηνευόμενος Κρανίου Τόπος. 15.23. καὶ ἐδίδουν αὐτῷ ἐσμυρνισμένον οἶνον, ὃς δὲ οὐκ ἔλαβεν. 15.24. καὶ σταυροῦσιν αὐτὸν καὶ διαμερίζονται τὰ ἱμάτια αὐτοῦ, βάλλοντες κλῆρον ἐπʼ αὐτὰ τίς τί ἄρῃ. 15.25. ἦν δὲ ὥρα τρίτη καὶ ἐσταύρωσαν αὐτόν. 15.26. καὶ ἦν ἡ ἐπιγραφὴ τῆς αἰτίας αὐτοῦ ἐπιγεγραμμένη Ο ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ ΤΩΝ ΙΟΥΔΑΙΩΝ. 15.27. Καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ σταυροῦσιν δύο λῃστάς, ἕνα ἐκ δεξιῶν καὶ ἕνα ἐξ εὐωνύμων αὐτοῦ. 15.29. Καὶ οἱ παραπορευόμενοι ἐβλασφήμουν αὐτὸν κινοῦντες τὰς κεφαλὰς αὐτῶν καὶ λέγοντες Οὐὰ ὁ καταλύων τὸν ναὸν καὶ οἰκοδομῶν [ἐν] τρισὶν ἡμέραις, 15.30. σῶσον σεαυτὸν καταβὰς ἀπὸ τοῦ σταυροῦ. 15.31. ὁμοίως καὶ οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς ἐμπαίζοντες πρὸς ἀλλήλους μετὰ τῶν γραμματέων ἔλεγον Ἄλλους ἔσωσεν, ἑαυτὸν οὐ δύναται σῶσαι· 15.32. ὁ χριστὸς ὁ βασιλεὺς Ἰσραὴλ καταβάτω νῦν ἀπὸ τοῦ σταυροῦ, ἵνα ἴδωμεν καὶ πιστεύσωμεν. καὶ οἱ συνεσταυρωμένοι σὺν αὐτῷ ὠνείδιζον αὐτόν. 15.33. Καὶ γενομένης ὥρας ἕκτης σκότος ἐγένετο ἐφʼ ὅλην τὴν γῆν ἕως ὥρας ἐνάτης. 15.34. καὶ τῇ ἐνάτῃ ὥρᾳ ἐβόησεν ὁ Ἰησοῦς φωνῇ μεγάλῃ Ἐλωί ἐλωί λαμὰ σαβαχθανεί; ὅ ἐστιν μεθερμηνευόμενον Ὁ θεός μου [ὁ θεός μου], εἰς τί ἐγκατέλιπές με; 15.35. καί τινες τῶν παρεστηκότων ἀκούσαντες ἔλεγον Ἴδε Ἠλείαν φωνεῖ. 15.36. δραμὼν δέ τις γεμίσας σπόγγον ὄξους περιθεὶς καλάμῳ ἐπότιζεν αὐτόν, λέγων Ἄφετε ἴδωμεν εἰ ἔρχεται Ἠλείας καθελεῖν αὐτόν. 15.37. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς ἀφεὶς φωνὴν μεγάλην ἐξέπνευσεν. 15.38. Καὶ τὸ καταπέτασμα τοῦ ναοῦ ἐσχίσθη εἰς δύο ἀπʼ ἄνωθεν ἕως κάτω. 15.39. Ἰδὼν δὲ ὁ κεντυρίων ὁ παρεστηκὼς ἐξ ἐναντίας αὐτοῦ ὅτι οὕτως ἐξέπνευσεν εἶπεν Ἀληθῶς οὗτος ὁ ἄνθρωπος υἱὸς θεοῦ ἦν. 15.40. Ἦσαν δὲ καὶ γυναῖκες ἀπὸ μακρόθεν θεωροῦσαι, ἐν αἷς καὶ Μαριὰμ ἡ Μαγδαληνὴ καὶ Μαρία ἡ Ἰακώβου τοῦ μικροῦ καὶ Ἰωσῆτος μήτηρ καὶ Σαλώμη, 15.41. αἳ ὅτε ἦν ἐν τῇ Γαλιλαίᾳ ἠκολούθουν αὐτῷ καὶ διηκόνουν αὐτῷ καὶ ἄλλαι πολλαὶ αἱ συναναβᾶσαι αὐτῷ εἰς Ἰεροσόλυμα. 15.42. Καὶ ἤδη ὀψίας γενομένης, ἐπεὶ ἦν παρασκευή, ὅ ἐστιν προσάββατον, 15.43. ἐλθὼν Ἰωσὴφ ἀπὸ Ἁριμαθαίας εὐσχήμων βουλευτής, ὃς καὶ αὐτὸς ἦν προσδεχόμενος τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ, τολμήσας εἰσῆλθεν πρὸς τὸν Πειλᾶτον καὶ ᾐτήσατο τὸ σῶμα τοῦ Ἰησοῦ. 15.44. ὁ δὲ Πειλᾶτος ἐθαύμασεν εἰ ἤδη τέθνηκεν, καὶ προσκαλεσάμενος τὸν κεντυρίωνα ἐπη ρώτησεν αὐτὸν εἰ ἤδη ἀπέθανεν· 15.45. καὶ γνοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ κεντυρίωνος ἐδωρήσατο τὸ πτῶμα τῷ Ἰωσήφ. 15.46. καὶ ἀγοράσας σινδόνα καθελὼν αὐτὸν ἐνείλησεν τῇ σινδόνι καὶ ἔθηκεν αὐτὸν ἐν μνήματι ὃ ἦν λελατομημένον ἐκ πέτρας, καὶ προσεκύλισεν λίθον ἐπὶ τὴν θύραντοῦ μνημείου. 1.4. John came baptizing in the wilderness and preaching the baptism of repentance for forgiveness of sins. 3.6. The Pharisees went out, and immediately conspired with the Herodians against him, how they might destroy him. 5.1. They came to the other side of the sea, into the country of the Gadarenes. 5.2. When he had come out of the boat, immediately there met him out of the tombs a man with an unclean spirit, 5.3. who had his dwelling in the tombs. Nobody could bind him any more, not even with chains, 5.4. because he had been often bound with fetters and chains, and the chains had been torn apart by him, and the fetters broken in pieces. Nobody had the strength to tame him. 5.5. Always, night and day, in the tombs and in the mountains, he was crying out, and cutting himself with stones. 5.6. When he saw Jesus from afar, he ran and bowed down to him, 5.7. and crying out with a loud voice, he said, "What have I to do with you, Jesus, you Son of the Most High God? I adjure you by God, don't torment me." 5.8. For he said to him, "Come out of the man, you unclean spirit!" 5.9. He asked him, "What is your name?"He said to him, "My name is Legion, for we are many." 5.10. He begged him much that he would not send them away out of the country. 5.11. Now there was on the mountainside a great herd of pigs feeding. 5.12. All the demons begged him, saying, "Send us into the pigs, that we may enter into them." 5.13. At once Jesus gave them permission. The unclean spirits came out and entered into the pigs. The herd of about two thousand rushed down the steep bank into the sea, and they were drowned in the sea. 5.14. Those who fed them fled, and told it in the city and in the country. The people came to see what it was that had happened. 5.15. They came to Jesus, and saw him who had been possessed by demons sitting, clothed, and in his right mind, even him who had the legion; and they were afraid. 5.16. Those who saw it declared to them how it happened to him who was possessed by demons, and about the pigs. 5.17. They began to beg him to depart from their region. 5.18. As he was entering into the boat, he who had been possessed by demons begged him that he might be with him. 5.19. He didn't allow him, but said to him, "Go to your house, to your friends, and tell them what great things the Lord has done for you, and how he had mercy on you." 5.20. He went his way, and began to proclaim in Decapolis how Jesus had done great things for him, and everyone marveled. 6.17. For Herod himself had sent out and arrested John, and bound him in prison for the sake of Herodias, his brother Philip's wife, for he had married her. 6.18. For John said to Herod, "It is not lawful for you to have your brother's wife." 6.19. Herodias set herself against him, and desired to kill him, but she couldn't, 6.20. for Herod feared John, knowing that he was a righteous and holy man, and kept him safe. When he heard him, he did many things, and he heard him gladly. 6.21. Then a convenient day came, that Herod on his birthday made a supper for his nobles, the high officers, and the chief men of Galilee. 6.22. When the daughter of Herodias herself came in and danced, she pleased Herod and those sitting with him. The king said to the young lady, "Ask me whatever you want, and I will give it to you." 6.23. He swore to her, "Whatever you shall ask of me, I will give you, up to half of my kingdom." 6.24. She went out, and said to her mother, "What shall I ask?"She said, "The head of John the Baptizer." 6.25. She came in immediately with haste to the king, and asked, "I want you to give me right now the head of John the Baptizer on a platter." 6.26. The king was exceedingly sorry, but for the sake of his oaths, and of his dinner guests, he didn't wish to refuse her. 6.27. Immediately the king sent out a soldier of his guard, and commanded to bring John's head, and he went and beheaded him in the prison, 6.28. and brought his head on a platter, and gave it to the young lady; and the young lady gave it to her mother. 6.29. When his disciples heard this, they came and took up his corpse, and laid it in a tomb. 6.32. They went away in the boat to a desert place by themselves. 6.33. They saw them going, and many recognized him and ran there on foot from all the cities. They arrived before them and came together to him. 6.34. Jesus came out, saw a great multitude, and he had compassion on them, because they were like sheep without a shepherd, and he began to teach them many things. 6.35. When it was late in the day, his disciples came to him, and said, "This place is deserted, and it is late in the day. 6.36. Send them away, that they may go into the surrounding country and villages, and buy themselves bread, for they have nothing to eat." 6.37. But he answered them, "You give them something to eat."They asked him, "Shall we go and buy two hundred denarii worth of bread, and give them something to eat?" 6.38. He said to them, "How many loaves do you have? Go see."When they knew, they said, "Five, and two fish." 6.39. He commanded them that everyone should sit down in groups on the green grass. 6.40. They sat down in ranks, by hundreds and by fifties. 6.41. He took the five loaves and the two fish, and looking up to heaven, he blessed and broke the loaves, and he gave to his disciples to set before them, and he divided the two fish among them all. 6.42. They all ate, and were filled. 6.43. They took up twelve baskets full of broken pieces and also of the fish. 6.44. Those who ate the loaves were five thousand men. 6.45. Immediately he made his disciples get into the boat, and to go ahead to the other side, to Bethsaida, while he himself sent the multitude away. 6.46. After he had taken leave of them, he went up the mountain to pray. 6.47. When evening had come, the boat was in the midst of the sea, and he was alone on the land. 6.48. Seeing them distressed in rowing, for the wind was contrary to them, about the fourth watch of the night he came to them, walking on the sea, and he would have passed by them, 6.49. but they, when they saw him walking on the sea, supposed that it was a ghost, and cried out; 6.50. for they all saw him, and were troubled. But he immediately spoke with them, and said to them, "Cheer up! It is I! Don't be afraid." 6.51. He got into the boat with them; and the wind ceased, and they were very amazed among themselves, and marveled; 6.52. for they hadn't understood about the loaves, but their hearts were hardened. 8.19. When I broke the five loaves among the five thousand, how many baskets full of broken pieces did you take up?"They told him, "Twelve." 9.5. Peter answered Jesus, "Rabbi, it is good for us to be here. Let's make three tents: one for you, one for Moses, and one for Elijah." 10.46. They came to Jericho. As he went out from Jericho, with his disciples and a great multitude, the son of Timaeus, Bartimaeus, a blind beggar, was sitting by the road. 10.47. When he heard that it was Jesus the Nazarene, he began to cry out, and say, "Jesus, you son of David, have mercy on me!" 10.48. Many rebuked him, that he should be quiet, but he cried out much more, "You son of David, have mercy on me!" 10.49. Jesus stood still, and said, "Call him."They called the blind man, saying to him, "Cheer up! Get up. He is calling you!" 10.50. He, casting away his cloak, sprang up, and came to Jesus. 10.51. Jesus asked him, "What do you want me to do for you?"The blind man said to him, "Rhabboni, that I may see again." 10.52. Jesus said to him, "Go your way. Your faith has made you well." Immediately he received his sight, and followed Jesus in the way. 12.13. They sent some of the Pharisees and of the Herodians to him, that they might trap him with words. 12.14. When they had come, they asked him, "Teacher, we know that you are honest, and don't defer to anyone; for you aren't partial to anyone, but truly teach the way of God. Is it lawful to pay taxes to Caesar, or not? 12.15. Shall we give, or shall we not give?"But he, knowing their hypocrisy, said to them, "Why do you test me? Bring me a denarius, that I may see it." 12.16. They brought it. He said to them, "Whose is this image and inscription?"They said to him, "Caesar's." 12.17. Jesus answered them, "Render to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and to God the things that are God's."They marveled greatly at him. 12.28. One of the scribes came, and heard them questioning together. Knowing that he had answered them well, asked him, "Which commandment is the greatest of all?" 12.29. Jesus answered, "The greatest is, 'Hear, Israel, the Lord our God, the Lord is one: 12.30. you shall love the Lord your God with all your heart, and with all your soul, and with all your mind, and with all your strength.' This is the first commandment. 12.31. The second is like this, 'You shall love your neighbor as yourself.' There is no other commandment greater than these." 12.32. The scribe said to him, "Truly, teacher, you have said well that he is one, and there is none other but he, 12.33. and to love him with all the heart, and with all the understanding, with all the soul, and with all the strength, and to love his neighbor as himself, is more important than all whole burnt offerings and sacrifices." 12.34. When Jesus saw that he answered wisely, he said to him, "You are not far from the Kingdom of God."No one dared ask him any question after that. 14.55. Now the chief priests and the whole council sought witnesses against Jesus to put him to death, and found none. 15.1. Immediately in the morning the chief priests, with the elders and scribes, and the whole council, held a consultation, and bound Jesus, and carried him away, and delivered him up to Pilate. 15.15. Pilate, wishing to please the multitude, released Barabbas to them, and handed over Jesus, when he had flogged him, to be crucified. 15.16. The soldiers led him away within the court, which is the Praetorium; and they called together the whole cohort. 15.17. They clothed him with purple, and weaving a crown of thorns, they put it on him. 15.18. They began to salute him, "Hail, King of the Jews!" 15.19. They struck his head with a reed, and spat on him, and bowing their knees, did homage to him. 15.20. When they had mocked him, they took the purple off of him, and put his own garments on him. They led him out to crucify him. 15.22. They brought him to the place called Golgotha, which is, being interpreted, "The place of a skull." 15.23. They offered him wine mixed with myrrh to drink, but he didn't take it. 15.24. Crucifying him, they parted his garments among them, casting lots on them, what each should take. 15.25. It was the third hour, and they crucified him. 15.26. The superscription of his accusation was written over him, "THE KING OF THE JEWS." 15.27. With him they crucified two robbers; one on his right hand, and one on his left. 15.28. The Scripture was fulfilled, which says, "He was numbered with transgressors." 15.29. Those who passed by blasphemed him, wagging their heads, and saying, "Ha! You who destroy the temple, and build it in three days, 15.30. save yourself, and come down from the cross!" 15.31. Likewise, also the chief priests mocking among themselves with the scribes said, "He saved others. He can't save himself. 15.32. Let the Christ, the King of Israel, now come down from the cross, that we may see and believe him." Those who were crucified with him insulted him. 15.33. When the sixth hour had come, there was darkness over the whole land until the ninth hour. 15.34. At the ninth hour Jesus cried with a loud voice, saying, "Eloi, Eloi, lama sabachthani?" which is, being interpreted, "My God, my God, why have you forsaken me?" 15.35. Some of those who stood by, when they heard it, said, "Behold, he is calling Elijah." 15.36. One ran, and filling a sponge full of vinegar, put it on a reed, and gave it to him to drink, saying, "Let him be. Let's see whether Elijah comes to take him down." 15.37. Jesus cried out with a loud voice, and gave up the spirit. 15.38. The veil of the temple was torn in two from the top to the bottom. 15.39. When the centurion, who stood by opposite him, saw that he cried out like this and breathed his last, he said, "Truly this man was the Son of God!" 15.40. There were also women watching from afar, among whom were both Mary Magdalene, and Mary the mother of James the less and of Joses, and Salome; 15.41. who, when he was in Galilee, followed him, and served him; and many other women who came up with him to Jerusalem. 15.42. When evening had now come, because it was the Preparation Day, that is, the day before the Sabbath, 15.43. Joseph of Arimathaea, a prominent council member who also himself was looking for the Kingdom of God, came. He boldly went in to Pilate, and asked for Jesus' body. 15.44. Pilate marveled if he were already dead; and summoning the centurion, he asked him whether he had been dead long. 15.45. When he found out from the centurion, he granted the body to Joseph. 15.46. He bought a linen cloth, and taking him down, wound him in the linen cloth, and laid him in a tomb which had been cut out of a rock. He rolled a stone against the door of the tomb.
159. New Testament, Luke, 1.1, 1.3, 1.5, 1.15, 1.39, 1.41-1.45, 1.67, 1.80, 2.1, 2.32, 3.1-3.4, 3.7-3.9, 3.16, 4.14-4.15, 4.17, 4.27, 6.11, 6.43-6.45, 7.6, 7.36, 8.4-8.15, 9.17, 9.44, 9.51, 10.25-10.28, 11.37, 12.10-12.11, 13.1-13.9, 13.17, 13.31, 14.1, 14.6, 15.18, 16.16, 16.29, 16.31, 17.19, 18.32, 19.12-19.27, 20.37-20.38, 20.42, 22.37, 22.66, 23.6-23.13, 23.16, 24.7, 24.13-24.53 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 94
22.66. Καὶ ὡς ἐγένετο ἡμέρα, συνήχθη τὸ πρεσβυτέριον τοῦ λαοῦ, ἀρχιερεῖς τε καὶ γραμματεῖς, καὶ ἀπήγαγον αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ συνέδριον αὐτῶν, 22.66. As soon as it was day, the assembly of the elders of the people was gathered together, both chief priests and scribes, and they led him away into their council, saying,
160. New Testament, John, 1.1, 2.20, 5.16, 6.13, 6.17, 9.22, 10.20, 11.47, 11.50, 15.18-15.27, 18.13, 19.1-19.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •herod agrippa i •agrippa ii, and work on the temple •agrippa ii •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of •agrippa i •herod agrippa Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 173, 222; Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 94; Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 145; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 21, 36, 299; Levison (2009), Filled with the Spirit, 359; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 546, 549; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 195
1.1. ΕΝ ΑΡΧΗ ἦν ὁ λόγος, καὶ ὁ λόγος ἦν πρὸς τὸν θεόν, καὶ θεὸς ἦν ὁ λόγος. 2.20. εἶπαν οὖν οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι Τεσσεράκοντα καὶ ἓξ ἔτεσιν οἰκοδομήθη ὁ ναὸς οὗτος, καὶ σὺ ἐν τρισὶν ἡμέραις ἐγερεῖς αὐτόν; 5.16. καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐδίωκον οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι τὸν Ἰησοῦν ὅτι ταῦτα ἐποίει ἐν σαββάτῳ. 6.13. συνήγαγον οὖν, καὶ ἐγέμισαν δώδεκα κοφίνους κλασμάτων ἐκ τῶν πέντε ἄρτων τῶν κριθίνων ἃ ἐπερίσσευσαν τοῖς βεβρωκόσιν. 6.17. καὶ ἐμβάντες εἰς πλοῖον ἤρχοντο πέραν τῆς θαλάσσης εἰς Καφαρναούμ. καὶ σκοτία 9.22. ταῦτα εἶπαν οἱ γονεῖς αὐτοῦ ὅτι ἐφοβοῦντο τοὺς Ἰουδαίους, ἤδη γὰρ συνετέθειντο οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι ἵνα ἐάν τις αὐτὸν ὁμολογήσῃ Χριστόν, ἀποσυνάγωγος γένηται. 10.20. ἔλεγον δὲ πολλοὶ ἐξ αὐτῶν Δαιμόνιον ἔχει καὶ μαίνεται· τί αὐτοῦ ἀκούετε; 11.47. Συνήγαγον οὖν οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι συνέδριον, καὶ ἔλεγον Τί ποιοῦμεν ὅτι οὗτος ὁ ἄνθρωπος πολλὰ ποιεῖ σημεῖα; 11.50. οὐδὲ λογίζεσθε ὅτι συμφέρει ὑμῖν ἵνα εἷς ἄνθρωπος ἀποθάνῃ ὑπὲρ τοῦ λαοῦ καὶ μὴ ὅλον τὸ ἔθνος ἀπόληται. 15.18. Εἰ ὁ κόσμος ὑμᾶς μισεῖ, γινώσκετε ὅτι ἐμὲ πρῶτον ὑμῶν μεμίσηκεν. εἰ ἐκ τοῦ κόσμου ἦτε, ὁ κόσμος ἂν τὸ ἴδιον ἐφίλει· 15.19. ὅτι δὲ ἐκ τοῦ κόσμου οὐκ ἐστέ, ἀλλʼ ἐγὼ ἐξελεξάμην ὑμᾶς ἐκ τοῦ κόσμου, διὰ τοῦτο μισεῖ ὑμᾶς ὁ κόσμος. 15.20. μνημονεύετε τοῦ λόγου οὗ ἐγὼ εἶπον ὑμῖν Οὐκ ἔστιν δοῦλος μείζων τοῦ κυρίου αὐτοῦ· εἰ ἐμὲ ἐδίωξαν, καὶ ὑμᾶς διώξουσιν· εἰ τὸν λόγον μου ἐτήρησαν, καὶ τὸν ὑμέτερον τηρήσουσιν. 15.21. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα πάντα ποιήσουσιν εἰς ὑμᾶς διὰ τὸ ὄνομά μου, ὅτι οὐκ οἴδασιν τὸν πέμψαντά με. 15.22. Εἰ μὴ ἦλθον καὶ ἐλάλησα αὐτοῖς, ἁμαρτίαν οὐκ εἴχοσαν· νῦν δὲ πρόφασιν οὐκ ἔχουσιν περὶ τῆς ἁμαρτίας αὐτῶν. 15.23. ὁ ἐμὲ μισῶν καὶ τὸν πατέρα μου μισεῖ. 15.24. εἰ τὰ ἔργα μὴ ἐποίησα ἐν αὐτοῖς ἃ οὐδεὶς ἄλλος ἐποίησεν, ἁμαρτίαν οὐκ εἴχοσαν· νῦν δὲ καὶ ἑωράκασιν καὶ μεμισήκασιν καὶ ἐμὲ καὶ τὸν πατέρα μου. 15.25. ἀλλʼ ἵνα πληρωθῇ ὁ λόγος ὁ ἐν τῷ νόμῳ αὐτῶν γεγραμμένος ὅτι Ἐμίσησάν με δωρεάν. 15.26. Ὅταν ἔλθῃ ὁ παράκλητος ὃν ἐγὼ πέμψω ὑμῖν παρὰ τοῦ πατρός, τὸ πνεῦμα τῆς ἀληθείας ὃ παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐκπορεύεται, ἐκεῖνος μαρτυρήσει περὶ ἐμοῦ· καὶ ὑμεῖς δὲ μαρτυρεῖτε, 15.27. ὅτι ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς μετʼ ἐμοῦ ἐστέ. 18.13. καὶ ἤγαγον πρὸς Ἅνναν πρῶτον· ἦν γὰρ πενθερὸς τοῦ Καιάφα, ὃς ἦν ἀρχιερεὺς τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ ἐκείνου· 19.1. Τότε οὖν ἔλαβεν ὁ Πειλᾶτος τὸν Ἰησοῦν καὶ ἐμαστίγωσεν. 19.2. καὶ οἱ στρατιῶται πλέξαντες στέφανον ἐξ ἀκανθῶν ἐπέθηκαν αὐτοῦ τῇ κεφαλῇ, καὶ ἱμάτιον πορφυροῦν περιέβαλον αὐτόν, 19.3. καὶ ἤρχοντο πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ ἔλεγον Χαῖρε ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν Ἰουδαίων· καὶ ἐδίδοσαν αὐτῷ ῥαπίσματα. 1.1. In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. 2.20. The Jews therefore said, "Forty-six years was this temple in building, and will you raise it up in three days?" 5.16. For this cause the Jews persecuted Jesus, and sought to kill him, because he did these things on the Sabbath. 6.13. So they gathered them up, and filled twelve baskets with broken pieces from the five barley loaves, which were left over by those who had eaten. 6.17. and they entered into the boat, and were going over the sea to Capernaum. It was now dark, and Jesus had not come to them. 9.22. His parents said these things because they feared the Jews; for the Jews had already agreed that if any man would confess him as Christ, he would be put out of the synagogue. 10.20. Many of them said, "He has a demon, and is insane! Why do you listen to him?" 11.47. The chief priests therefore and the Pharisees gathered a council, and said, "What are we doing? For this man does many signs. 11.50. nor do you consider that it is advantageous for us that one man should die for the people, and that the whole nation not perish." 15.18. If the world hates you, you know that it has hated me before it hated you. 15.19. If you were of the world, the world would love its own. But because you are not of the world, since I chose you out of the world, therefore the world hates you. 15.20. Remember the word that I said to you: 'A servant is not greater than his lord.' If they persecuted me, they will also persecute you. If they kept my word, they will keep yours also. 15.21. But all these things will they do to you for my name's sake, because they don't know him who sent me. 15.22. If I had not come and spoken to them, they would not have had sin; but now they have no excuse for their sin. 15.23. He who hates me, hates my Father also. 15.24. If I hadn't done among them the works which no one else did, they wouldn't have had sin. But now have they seen and also hated both me and my Father. 15.25. But this happened so that the word may be fulfilled which was written in their law, 'They hated me without a cause.' 15.26. "When the Counselor has come, whom I will send to you from the Father, the Spirit of truth, who proceeds from the Father, he will testify about me. 15.27. You will also testify, because you have been with me from the beginning. 18.13. and led him to Annas first, for he was father-in-law to Caiaphas, who was high priest that year. 19.1. So Pilate then took Jesus, and flogged him. 19.2. The soldiers twisted thorns into a crown, and put it on his head, and dressed him in a purple garment. 19.3. They kept saying, "Hail, King of the Jews!" and they kept slapping him.
161. Mishnah, Taanit, 2.5 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa Found in books: Cohn (2013), The Memory of the Temple and the Making of the Rabbis, 10
2.5. "מַעֲשֶׂה בִימֵי רַבִּי חֲלַפְתָּא וְרַבִּי חֲנַנְיָה בֶן תְּרַדְיוֹן, שֶׁעָבַר אֶחָד לִפְנֵי הַתֵּבָה וְגָמַר אֶת הַבְּרָכָה כֻלָּהּ, וְלֹא עָנוּ אַחֲרָיו אָמֵן. תִּקְעוּ הַכֹּהֲנִים תְּקָעוּ. מִי שֶׁעָנָה אֶת אַבְרָהָם אָבִינוּ בְּהַר הַמּוֹרִיָּה הוּא יַעֲנֶה אֶתְכֶם וְיִשְׁמַע בְּקוֹל צַעֲקַתְכֶם הַיּוֹם הַזֶּה. הָרִיעוּ בְּנֵי אַהֲרֹן הָרִיעוּ. מִי שֶׁעָנָה אֶת אֲבוֹתֵינוּ עַל יַם סוּף, הוּא יַעֲנֶה אֶתְכֶם וְיִשְׁמַע בְּקוֹל צַעֲקַתְכֶם הַיּוֹם הַזֶּה. וּכְשֶׁבָּא דָבָר אֵצֶל חֲכָמִים, אָמְרוּ, לֹא הָיִינוּ נוֹהֲגִין כֵּן אֶלָּא בְשַׁעַר מִזְרָח וּבְהַר הַבָּיִת:", 2.5. "It happened in the days of Rabbi Halafta and Rabbi Hanina ben Tradyon that a man passed before the ark [as shaliah tzibbur] and completed the entire benediction and they did not respond, “amen.” [The hazzan called out]: Sound a tekiah, priests, sound a tekiah. [The shaliah tzibbur continued]: He who answered Abraham on Mt. Moriah, He shall answer you and hear the voice of your cry on this day. Then [the hazzan called out]: Sound a teru'ah, sons of Aaron, sound a teru'ah. [The shaliah tzibbur continued]: He who answered our fathers at the Sea of Reeds, He shall answer you and hear the voice of your cry on this day. And when the matter came up before the sages, they said: they only practiced in this way at the eastern gates on the Temple Mount.",
162. Martial, Epigrams, 1.2, 1.36, 1.70, 1.108.1-1.108.4, 1.117, 2.14, 2.14.5-2.14.6, 2.14.16, 2.48, 3.20, 3.47, 4.18-4.19, 5.20, 5.22, 7.31-7.32, 8.3.4-8.3.8, 8.61, 9.18, 9.59, 9.97, 10.4.8, 10.4.10, 10.5, 10.20, 10.51, 10.58.6, 10.74, 10.96, 11.1.12, 11.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa, baths of •baths of agrippa •vipsanius agrippa, m., his map •rome, saepta julia, m. vipsanius agrippa builds •campus of agrippa •agrippa •vipsanius agrippa, m., on public art •agrippa baths Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 43, 65, 66; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 62; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 49, 58, 205, 237
163. New Testament, Romans, 8.34, 11.16, 13.1-13.7, 15.31, 16.22 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 182; Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 216; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 380; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 376, 584
8.34. τίς ὁ κατακρινῶν; Χριστὸς [Ἰησοῦς] ὁ ἀποθανών, μᾶλλον δὲ ἐγερθεὶς [ἐκ νεκρῶν], ὅς ἐστιν ἐν δεξιᾷ ὃς καὶ ἐντυγχάνει ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν· τοῦ θεοῦ, 11.16. εἰ δὲ ἡ ἀπαρχὴ ἁγία, καὶ τὸ φύραμα· καὶ εἰ ἡ ῥίζα ἁγία, καὶ οἱ κλάδοι. 13.1. Πᾶσα ψυχὴ ἐξουσίαις ὑπερεχούσαις ὑποτασσέσθω, οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν ἐξουσία εἰ μὴ ὑπὸ θεοῦ, αἱ δὲ οὖσαι ὑπὸ θεοῦ τεταγμέναι εἰσίν· 13.2. ὥστε ὁ ἀντιτασσόμενος τῇ ἐξουσίᾳ τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ διαταγῇ ἀνθέστηκεν, οἱ δὲ ἀνθεστηκότες ἑαυτοῖς κρίμα λήμψονται. 13.3. οἱ γὰρ ἄρχοντες οὐκ εἰσὶν φόβος τῷ ἀγαθῷ ἔργῳ ἀλλὰ τῷ κακῷ. θέλεις δὲ μὴ φοβεῖσθαι τὴν ἐξουσίαν; 13.4. τὸ ἀγαθὸν ποίει, καὶ ἕξεις ἔπαινον ἐξ αὐτῆς· θεοῦ γὰρ διάκονός ἐστιν σοὶ εἰς τὸ ἀγαθόν. ἐὰν δὲ τὸ κακὸν ποιῇς, φοβοῦ· οὐ γὰρ εἰκῇ τὴν μάχαιραν φορεῖ· θεοῦ γὰρ διάκονός ἐστιν, ἔκδικος εἰς ὀργὴν τῷ τὸ κακὸν πράσσοντι. 13.5. διὸ ἀνάγκη ὑποτάσσεσθαι, οὐ μόνον διὰ τὴν ὀργὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ διὰ τὴν συνείδησιν, 13.6. διὰ τοῦτο γὰρ καὶ φόρους τελεῖτε, λειτουργοὶ γὰρ θεοῦ εἰσὶν εἰς αὐτὸ τοῦτο προσκαρτεροῦντες. 13.7. ἀπόδοτε πᾶσι τὰς ὀφειλάς, τῷ τὸν φόρον τὸν φόρον, τῷ τὸ τέλος τὸ τέλος, τῷ τὸν φόβον τὸν φόβον, τῷ τὴν τιμὴν τὴν τιμήν. 15.31. ἵνα ῥυσθῶ ἀπὸ τῶν ἀπειθούντων ἐν τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ καὶ ἡ διακονία μου ἡ εἰς Ἰερουσαλὴμ εὐπρόσδεκτος τοῖς ἁγίοις γένηται, 16.22. ἀσπάζομαι ὑμᾶς ἐγὼ Τέρτιος ὁ γράψας τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἐν κυρίῳ. 8.34. Who is he who condemns? It is Christ who died, yes rather, who was raised from the dead, who is at the right hand of God, who also makes intercession for us. 11.16. If the first fruit is holy, so is the lump. If the root is holy, so are the branches. 13.1. Let every soul be in subjection to the higher authorities, for there is no authority except from God, and those who exist are ordained by God. 13.2. Therefore he who resists the authority, withstands the ordice of God; and those who withstand will receive to themselves judgment. 13.3. For rulers are not a terror to the good work, but to the evil. Do you desire to have no fear of the authority? Do that which is good, and you will have praise from the same, 13.4. for he is a servant of God to you for good. But if you do that which is evil, be afraid, for he doesn't bear the sword in vain; for he is a minister of God, an avenger for wrath to him who does evil. 13.5. Therefore you need to be in subjection, not only because of the wrath, but also for conscience' sake. 13.6. For this reason you also pay taxes, for they are ministers of God's service, attending continually on this very thing. 13.7. Give therefore to everyone what you owe: taxes to whom taxes are due; customs to whom customs; respect to whom respect; honor to whom honor. 15.31. that I may be delivered from those who are disobedient in Judea, and that my service which I have for Jerusalem may be acceptable to the saints; 16.22. I, Tertius, who write the letter, greet you in the Lord.
164. Mela, De Chorographia, 1.1.1, 1.103, 3.44-3.45, 3.90 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •map of agrippa (cf. peutinger table), of ‘kypros’ •agrippa, marcus vipsanius Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 266; Gee (2020), Mapping the Afterlife: From Homer to Dante, 75
165. Mishnah, Arakhin, 2.3-2.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 333
2.3. "אֵין פּוֹחֲתִין מֵעֶשְׂרִים וְאַחַת תְּקִיעוֹת בַּמִּקְדָּשׁ וְלֹא מוֹסִיפִין עַל אַרְבָּעִים וּשְׁמֹנֶה. אֵין פּוֹחֲתִין מִשְּׁנֵי נְבָלִין וְלֹא מוֹסִיפִין עַל שִׁשָּׁה. אֵין פּוֹחֲתִין מִשְּׁנֵי חֲלִילִין וְלֹא מוֹסִיפִין עַל שְׁנֵים עָשָׂר. וּבִשְׁנֵים עָשָׂר יוֹם בַּשָּׁנָה הֶחָלִיל מַכֶּה לִפְנֵי הַמִּזְבֵּחַ. בִּשְׁחִיטַת פֶּסַח רִאשׁוֹן, וּבִשְׁחִיטַת פֶּסַח שֵׁנִי, וּבְיוֹם טוֹב רִאשׁוֹן שֶׁל פֶּסַח, וּבְיוֹם טוֹב שֶׁל עֲצֶרֶת, וּבִשְׁמוֹנַת יְמֵי הֶחָג, וְלֹא הָיָה מַכֶּה בְּאַבּוּב שֶׁל נְחשֶׁת אֶלָּא בְּאַבּוּב שֶׁל קָנֶה, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁקּוֹלוֹ עָרֵב. וְלֹא הָיָה מַחֲלִיק אֶלָּא בְאַבּוּב יְחִידִי, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁהוּא מַחֲלִיק יָפֶה: \n" 2.4. "וְעַבְדֵי הַכֹּהֲנִים הָיוּ, דִּבְרֵי רַבִּי מֵאִיר. רַבִּי יוֹסֵי אוֹמֵר, מִשְׁפְּחוֹת בֵּית הַפְּגָרִים וּבֵית צְפָרְיָא וּמֵאֶמָּאוֹם הָיוּ מַשִּׂיאִין לַכְּהֻנָּה. רַבִּי חֲנַנְיָא בֶּן אַנְטִיגְנוֹס אוֹמֵר, לְוִיִּם הָיוּ: \n", 2.5. "אֵין פּוֹחֲתִין מִשִּׁשָּׁה טְלָאִים הַמְבֻקָּרִין בְּלִשְׁכַּת הַטְּלָאִים, כְּדַי לַשַּׁבָּת וְלִשְׁנֵי יָמִים טוֹבִים שֶׁל רֹאשׁ הַשָּׁנָה, וּמוֹסִיפִין עַד לְעוֹלָם. אֵין פּוֹחֲתִין מִשְּׁתֵּי חֲצוֹצְרוֹת, וּמוֹסִיפִין עַד לְעוֹלָם. אֵין פּוֹחֲתִין מִתִּשְׁעָה כִנּוֹרוֹת, וּמוֹסִיפִין עַד לְעוֹלָם. וְהַצִּלְצָל לְבָד: \n", 2.6. "אֵין פּוֹחֲתִין מִשְּׁנֵים עָשָׂר לְוִיִּם עוֹמְדִים עַל הַדּוּכָן, וּמוֹסִיפִין עַד לְעוֹלָם. אֵין קָטָן נִכְנָס לָעֲזָרָה לַעֲבוֹדָה אֶלָּא בְשָׁעָה שֶׁהַלְוִיִּם עוֹמְדִים בַּשִּׁיר. וְלֹא הָיוּ אוֹמְרִים בְּנֵבֶל וְכִנּוֹר אֶלָּא בַפֶּה, כְּדֵי לִתֵּן תְּבַל בַּנְּעִימָה. רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר בֶּן יַעֲקֹב אוֹמֵר, אֵין עוֹלִין לַמִּנְיָן, וְאֵין עוֹמְדִים עַל הַדּוּכָן, אֶלָּא בָאָרֶץ הָיוּ עוֹמְדִין, וְרָאשֵׁיהֶן מִבֵּין רַגְלֵי הַלְוִיִּם, וְצוֹעֲרֵי הַלְוִיִּם הָיוּ נִקְרָאִין: \n", 2.3. "There are never less than twenty-one blasts in the Temple and never more than forty-eight. There are never less than two harps, nor more than six. There are never less than two flutes, nor more than twelve. On twelve days in the year the flute was played before the altar: At the slaughtering of the first pesah, At the killing of the second pesah, On the first festival day of Pesah, On the festival day of Atzeret (Shavuot), And on the eight days of Sukkot. And they did not play on a pipe [abuv] of bronze but on a pipe of reed, because its tune is sweeter. Nor was anything but a single pipe used for closing a tune, because it makes a pleasant finale." 2.4. "They were slaves of the priests, the words of Rabbi Meir. Rabbi Yose said: they were of families from Bet Hapegarim, Bet-Zipparya and from Emmaus, places from which priests would marry [women]. Rabbi Hanina ben Antigonos said: they were Levites.", 2.5. "There were never less than six inspected lambs in the chamber of lambs, enough for Shabbat and the [two] festival days of Rosh Hashanah, and their number could be increased infinitely. There were never less than two trumpets and their number could be increased infinitely. There were never less than nine lyres, and their number could be increased infinitely. But there was only one cymbal.", 2.6. "There were never less than twelve levites standing on the platform and their number could be increased into infinity. No minor could enter the court of the sanctuary to take part in the service except when the Levites stood up to sing. Nor did they join in the singing with harp and lyre, but with the mouth alone, to add flavor to the music. Rabbi Eliezer ben Jacob said: they did not count in the required number, nor did they stand on the platform. Rather they would stand on the ground, so that their heads were between the feet of the levites. And they were called the youth of the Levites.",
166. Mishnah, Avot, 3.19 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •herod, agrippa ii Found in books: Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 260
167. Mishnah, Bava Batra, None (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 177
168. Mishnah, Bikkurim, 3.2-3.8 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 222; Cohn (2013), The Memory of the Temple and the Making of the Rabbis, 5
3.2. "כֵּיצַד מַעֲלִין אֶת הַבִּכּוּרִים. כָּל הָעֲיָרוֹת שֶׁבַּמַּעֲמָד מִתְכַּנְּסוֹת לָעִיר שֶׁל מַעֲמָד, וְלָנִין בִּרְחוֹבָהּ שֶׁל עִיר, וְלֹא הָיוּ נִכְנָסִין לַבָּתִּים. וְלַמַּשְׁכִּים, הָיָה הַמְמֻנֶּה אוֹמֵר (ירמיה לא), קוּמוּ וְנַעֲלֶה צִיּוֹן אֶל בֵּית ה' אֱלֹהֵינוּ: \n", 3.3. "הַקְּרוֹבִים מְבִיאִים הַתְּאֵנִים וְהָעֲנָבִים, וְהָרְחוֹקִים מְבִיאִים גְּרוֹגָרוֹת וְצִמּוּקִים. וְהַשּׁוֹר הוֹלֵךְ לִפְנֵיהֶם, וְקַרְנָיו מְצֻפּוֹת זָהָב, וַעֲטֶרֶת שֶׁל זַיִת בְּרֹאשׁוֹ. הֶחָלִיל מַכֶּה לִפְנֵיהֶם, עַד שֶׁמַּגִּיעִים קָרוֹב לִירוּשָׁלָיִם. הִגִּיעוּ קָרוֹב לִירוּשָׁלַיִם, שָׁלְחוּ לִפְנֵיהֶם, וְעִטְּרוּ אֶת בִּכּוּרֵיהֶם. הַפַּחוֹת, הַסְּגָנִים וְהַגִּזְבָּרִים יוֹצְאִים לִקְרָאתָם. לְפִי כְבוֹד הַנִּכְנָסִים הָיוּ יוֹצְאִים. וְכָל בַּעֲלֵי אֻמָּנִיּוֹת שֶׁבִּירוּשָׁלַיִם עוֹמְדִים לִפְנֵיהֶם וְשׁוֹאֲלִין בִּשְׁלוֹמָם, אַחֵינוּ אַנְשֵׁי הַמָּקוֹם פְּלוֹנִי, בָּאתֶם לְשָׁלוֹם: \n", 3.4. "הֶחָלִיל מַכֶּה לִפְנֵיהֶם עַד שֶׁמַּגִּיעִין לְהַר הַבָּיִת. הִגִּיעוּ לְהַר הַבַּיִת, אֲפִלּוּ אַגְרִיפַּס הַמֶּלֶךְ נוֹטֵל הַסַּל עַל כְּתֵפוֹ וְנִכְנָס, עַד שֶׁמַּגִּיעַ לָעֲזָרָה. הִגִּיעַ לָעֲזָרָה וְדִבְּרוּ הַלְוִיִּם בַּשִּׁיר, אֲרוֹמִמְךָ ה' כִּי דִלִּיתָנִי וְלֹא שִׂמַּחְתָּ אֹיְבַי לִי (תהלים ל): \n", 3.5. "הַגּוֹזָלוֹת שֶׁעַל גַּבֵּי הַסַּלִּים, הָיוּ עוֹלוֹת. וּמַה שֶּׁבְּיָדָם, נוֹתְנִים לַכֹּהֲנִים: \n", 3.6. "עוֹדֵהוּ הַסַּל עַל כְּתֵפוֹ, קוֹרֵא מֵהִגַּדְתִּי הַיּוֹם לַה' אֱלֹהֶיךָ (דברים כו), עַד שֶׁגּוֹמֵר כָּל הַפָּרָשָׁה. רַבִּי יְהוּדָה אוֹמֵר עַד אֲרַמִּי אֹבֵד אָבִי. הִגִּיעַ לַאֲרַמִּי אֹבֵד אָבִי, מוֹרִיד הַסַּל מֵעַל כְּתֵפוֹ וְאוֹחֲזוֹ בְשִׂפְתוֹתָיו, וְכֹהֵן מַנִּיחַ יָדוֹ תַחְתָּיו וּמְנִיפוֹ, וְקוֹרֵא מֵאֲרַמִּי אֹבֵד אָבִי עַד שֶׁהוּא גוֹמֵר כָּל הַפָּרָשָׁה, וּמַנִּיחוֹ בְּצַד הַמִּזְבֵּחַ, וְהִשְׁתַּחֲוָה וְיָצָא: \n", 3.7. "בָּרִאשׁוֹנָה, כָּל מִי שֶׁיּוֹדֵעַ לִקְרוֹת, קוֹרֵא. וְכָל מִי שֶׁאֵינוֹ יוֹדֵעַ לִקְרוֹת, מַקְרִין אוֹתוֹ. נִמְנְעוּ מִלְּהָבִיא, הִתְקִינוּ שֶׁיְּהוּ מַקְרִין אֶת מִי שֶׁיּוֹדֵעַ וְאֶת מִי שֶׁאֵינוֹ יוֹדֵעַ: \n", 3.8. "הָעֲשִׁירִים מְבִיאִים בִּכּוּרֵיהֶם בִּקְלָתוֹת שֶׁל כֶּסֶף וְשֶׁל זָהָב, וְהָעֲנִיִּים מְבִיאִין אוֹתָם בְּסַלֵּי נְצָרִים שֶׁל עֲרָבָה קְלוּפָה, וְהַסַּלִּים וְהַבִּכּוּרִים נִתָּנִין לַכֹּהֲנִים: \n", 3.2. "How were the bikkurim taken up [to Jerusalem]? All [the inhabitants of] the cities of the maamad would assemble in the city of the maamad, and they would spend the night in the open street and they would not entering any of the houses. Early in the morning the officer would say: “Let us arise and go up to Zion, into the house of the Lord our God” (Jeremiah 31:5).", 3.3. "Those who lived near [Jerusalem] would bring fresh figs and grapes, while those who lived far away would bring dried figs and raisins. An ox would go in front of them, his horns bedecked with gold and with an olive-crown on its head. The flute would play before them until they would draw close to Jerusalem. When they drew close to Jerusalem they would send messengers in advance, and they would adorn their bikkurim. The governors and chiefs and treasurers [of the Temple] would go out to greet them, and according to the rank of the entrants they would go forth. All the skilled artisans of Jerusalem would stand up before them and greet them saying, “Our brothers, men of such and such a place, we welcome you in peace.”", 3.4. "The flute would play before them, until they reached the Temple Mount. When they reached the Temple Mount even King Agrippas would take the basket and place it on his shoulder and walk as far as the Temple Court. When he got to the Temple Court, the Levites would sing the song: “I will extol You, O Lord, for You have raised me up, and You have not let my enemies rejoice over me” (Psalms 30:2).", 3.5. "The birds [tied to] the basket were [offered] as whole burnt-offerings, and those which they held in their hands they gave to the priests.", 3.6. "While the basket was still on his shoulder he recites from: \"I acknowledge this day before the LORD your God that I have entered the land that the LORD swore to our fathers to assign us” (Deuteronomy 26:3) until he completes the passage. Rabbi Judah said: until [he reaches] “My father was a fugitive Aramean” (v.. When he reaches, “My father was a fugitive Aramean”, he takes the basket off his shoulder and holds it by its edges, and the priest places his hand beneath it and waves it. He then recites from “My father was a fugitive Aramean” until he completes the entire passage. He then deposits the basket by the side of the altar, bow and depart.", 3.7. "Originally all who knew how to recite would recite while those who did not know how to recite, others would read it for them [and they would repeat the words]. But when they refrained from bringing, they decreed that they should read the words to both those who could and those who could not [recite so that they could repeat after them].", 3.8. "The rich would bring their bikkurim in baskets overlaid with silver or gold, while the poor used wicker-baskets of peeled willow-branches, and the baskets and the bikkurim were given to the priest.",
169. Mishnah, Menachot, 8.1, 8.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii Found in books: Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 171
8.1. "כָּל קָרְבְּנוֹת הַצִּבּוּר וְהַיָּחִיד בָּאִים מִן הָאָרֶץ וּמִחוּצָה לָאָרֶץ, מִן הֶחָדָשׁ וּמִן הַיָּשָׁן, חוּץ מִן הָעֹמֶר וּשְׁתֵּי הַלֶּחֶם, שֶׁאֵינָן בָּאִים אֶלָּא מִן הֶחָדָשׁ וּמִן הָאָרֶץ. וְכֻלָּן אֵינָן בָּאִים אֶלָּא מִן הַמֻּבְחָר. וְאֵיזֶהוּ מֻבְחָר. מִכְמָס וּמְזוֹנִיחָה, אַלְפָא לַסֹּלֶת. שְׁנִיָּה לָהֶם, חֲפָרַיִם בַּבִּקְעָה. כָּל הָאֲרָצוֹת הָיוּ כְשֵׁרוֹת, אֶלָּא מִכָּאן הָיוּ מְבִיאִים: \n", 8.6. "וּמִנַּיִן הָיוּ מְבִיאִין אֶת הַיַּיִן. קְרוּתִים וְהַטּוּלִים, אַלְפָא לַיָּיִן. שְׁנִיָּה לָהֶן, בֵּית רִמָּה וּבֵית לָבָן בָּהָר, וּכְפַר סִגְנָה בַבִּקְעָה. כָּל הָאֲרָצוֹת הָיוּ כְשֵׁרוֹת, אֶלָּא מִכָּאן הָיוּ מְבִיאִין. אֵין מְבִיאִין, לֹא מִבֵּית הַזְּבָלִים, וְלֹא מִבֵּית הַשְּׁלָחִין, וְלֹא מִמַּה שֶּׁנִּזְרַע בֵּינֵיהֶן. וְאִם הֵבִיא, כָּשֵׁר. אֵין מְבִיאִין אִלְיוּסְטָן. וְאִם הֵבִיא, כָּשֵׁר. אֵין מְבִיאִין יָשָׁן, דִּבְרֵי רַבִּי. וַחֲכָמִים מַכְשִׁירִין. אֵין מְבִיאִין, לֹא מָתוֹק, וְלֹא מְעֻשָּׁן, וְלֹא מְבֻשָּׁל. וְאִם הֵבִיא, פָּסוּל. אֵין מְבִיאִין מִן הַדָּלִיּוֹת, אֶלָּא מִן הָרוֹגְלִיּוֹת וּמִן הַכְּרָמִים הָעֲבוּדִים: \n", 8.1. "All the sacrifices communal or individual may be offered from [produce grown] in the Land [of Israel] or outside the Land, from new [produce] or from the old, except for the omer and the two loaves, which must be offered only from new produce and from [produce grown] in the land. All [offerings] must be offered from the choicest produce. And which is the choicest? That from Michmas and Zanoha are “alpha” for the quality of their fine flour; second to them is Hafaraim in the valley. The [produce of the] whole land was valid, but they used to bring it from these places.", 8.6. "From where did they bring the wine? Keruhim and Attulim rank are alpha their wine. Second to them are Bet Rimmah and Bet Lavan on the mountain and Kefar Signa in the valley. [Wine of the] whole land was valid but they used to bring it only from these places. One may not bring it from a manured field or from an irrigated field or from vines planted in a field sown with seeds; but if one did bring it [from these] it was valid. One may not bring wine from sun-dried grapes, but if one did bring it, it was valid. One may not bring old wine, the words of Rabbi. But the sages permit it. One may not bring sweet wine or smoked wine or cooked wine, and if one did bring it, it was invalid. One may not bring wine from grapes suspended [on reeds], but only from the vines growing close to the ground and from well-cultivated vineyards.",
170. Mishnah, Pesahim, 5.5, 5.8 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa •agrippa, as gentile Found in books: Cohn (2013), The Memory of the Temple and the Making of the Rabbis, 10, 82; Samely (2002), Rabbinic Interpretation of Scripture in the Mishnah, 121
5.5. "הַפֶּסַח נִשְׁחָט בְּשָׁלֹשׁ כִּתּוֹת, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר וְשָׁחֲטוּ אֹתוֹ כֹּל קְהַל עֲדַת יִשְׂרָאֵל, (שמות יב) קָהָל וְעֵדָה וְיִשְׂרָאֵל. נִכְנְסָה כַת הָרִאשׁוֹנָה, נִתְמַלֵּאת הָעֲזָרָה, נָעֲלוּ דַלְתוֹת הָעֲזָרָה. תָּקְעוּ, הֵרִיעוּ וְתָקָעוּ. הַכֹּהֲנִים עוֹמְדִים שׁוּרוֹת שׁוּרוֹת, וּבִידֵיהֶם בָּזִיכֵי כֶסֶף וּבָזִיכֵי זָהָב. שׁוּרָה שֶׁכֻּלָּהּ כֶּסֶף כֶּסֶף, וְשׁוּרָה שֶׁכֻּלָּהּ זָהָב זָהָב. לֹא הָיוּ מְעֹרָבִין. וְלֹא הָיוּ לַבָּזִיכִין שׁוּלַיִם, שֶׁמָּא יַנִּיחוּם וְיִקְרַשׁ הַדָּם: \n", 5.8. "כְּמַעֲשֵׂהוּ בְחֹל כָּךְ מַעֲשֵׂהוּ בְשַׁבָּת, אֶלָּא שֶׁהַכֹּהֲנִים מְדִיחִים אֶת הָעֲזָרָה שֶׁלֹּא בִרְצוֹן חֲכָמִים. רַבִּי יְהוּדָה אוֹמֵר, כּוֹס הָיָה מְמַלֵּא מִדַּם הַתַּעֲרֹבוֹת, זְרָקוֹ זְרִיקָה אַחַת עַל גַּבֵּי הַמִּזְבֵּחַ, וְלֹא הוֹדוּ לוֹ חֲכָמִים: \n", 5.5. "The pesah is slaughtered in three divisions, as it is said, “And the whole assembly of the congregation of Israel shall slaughter it” (Exodus 12:6): “assembly,” “congregation,” and “Israel.” The first division entered, the Temple court was filled, and they closed the doors of the Temple court. They sounded a teki'ah, a teru'ah, and a teki'ah. The priests stood in rows, and in their hands were basins of silver and basins of gold, a row which was entirely of silver was of silver, and a row which was entirely of gold was of gold, they were not mixed. And the basins did not have flat bottoms, lest they put them down and the blood becomes congealed.", 5.8. "As it was done on weekdays so it was done on Shabbat, except that the priests would mop up the Temple court, against the will of the sages. Rabbi Judah says: he [a priest] would fill a goblet with the mixed blood [and] he sprinkled it once on the altar, but the sages did not agree with him.",
171. Mishnah, Sanhedrin, 6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa i Found in books: Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 164
172. Mishnah, Shabbat, 23.5 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa i Found in books: Hachlili (2005), Practices And Rites In The Second Temple Period, 441
23.5. "עוֹשִׂין כָּל צָרְכֵי הַמֵּת, סָכִין וּמְדִיחִין אוֹתוֹ, וּבִלְבַד שֶׁלֹּא יָזִיזוּ בוֹ אֵבֶר. שׁוֹמְטִין אֶת הַכַּר מִתַּחְתָּיו וּמַטִּילִין אוֹתוֹ עַל הַחֹל בִּשְׁבִיל שֶׁיַּמְתִּין. קוֹשְׁרִים אֶת הַלֶּחִי, לֹא שֶׁיַּעֲלֶה, אֶלָּא שֶׁלֹּא יוֹסִיף. וְכֵן קוֹרָה שֶׁנִּשְׁבְּרָה, סוֹמְכִין אוֹתָהּ בְּסַפְסָל אוֹ בַּאֲרֻכּוֹת הַמִּטָּה, לֹא שֶׁתַּעֲלֶה, אֶלָּא שֶׁלֹּא תוֹסִיף. אֵין מְעַמְּצִין אֶת הַמֵּת בְּשַׁבָּת, וְלֹא בְחֹל עִם יְצִיאַת נֶפֶשׁ. וְהַמְעַמֵּץ עִם יְצִיאַת נֶפֶשׁ, הֲרֵי זֶה שׁוֹפֵךְ דָּמִים: \n", 23.5. "One may perform all the needs of the dead:One may anoint him with oil and wash him, provided that no limb of his is moved. One may remove the pillow from under him, and [thereby] place him on sand, in order that he should be better preserved. One may tie up the jaw, not in order that it should close but that it should not further [open]. And likewise, if a beam is broken, one may support it with a bench or bed posts, not in order that it [the break] should close up, but that it should go [open] no further. One may not close [the eyes of] a corpse on Shabbat, nor on weekdays when he is about to die, and he who closes the eyes [of a dying person] at the point of death is a murderer.",
173. New Testament, Galatians, 1.13-1.16, 3.4, 6.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii •agrippa i Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 376, 549, 584
1.13. Ἠκούσατε γὰρ τὴν ἐμὴν ἀναστροφήν ποτε ἐν τῷ Ἰουδαϊσμῷ, ὅτι καθʼ ὑπερβολὴν ἐδίωκον τὴν ἐκκλησίαν τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ ἐπόρθουν αὐτήν, 1.14. καὶ προέκοπτον ἐν τῷ Ἰουδαϊσμῷ ὑπὲρ πολλοὺς συνηλικιώτας ἐν τῷ γένει μου, περισσοτέρως ζηλωτὴς ὑπάρχων τῶν πατρικῶν μου παραδόσεων. 1.15. Ὅτε δὲ εὐδόκησεν [ὁ θεὸς] ὁ ἀφορίσας μεἐκ κοιλίας μητρός μουκαὶκαλέσαςδιὰ τῆς χάριτος αὐτοῦ 1.16. ἀποκαλύψαι τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ ἐν ἐμοὶ ἵνα εὐαγγελίζωμαι αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς ἔθνεσιν, εὐθέως οὐ προσανεθέμην σαρκὶ καὶ αἵματι, 3.4. τοσαῦτα ἐπάθετε εἰκῇ; εἴ γε καὶ εἰκῇ. 6.11. Ἴδετε πηλίκοις ὑμῖν γράμμασιν ἔγραψα τῇ ἐμῇ χειρί. 1.13. For you have heard of my way ofliving in time past in the Jews' religion, how that beyond measure Ipersecuted the assembly of God, and ravaged it. 1.14. I advanced inthe Jews' religion beyond many of my own age among my countrymen, beingmore exceedingly zealous for the traditions of my fathers. 1.15. Butwhen it was the good pleasure of God, who separated me from my mother'swomb, and called me through his grace, 1.16. to reveal his Son in me,that I might preach him among the Gentiles, I didn't immediately conferwith flesh and blood, 3.4. Did you suffer so many things in vain, if it is indeedin vain? 6.11. See with what large letters I write to you with my own hand.
174. Mishnah, Sotah, 7.8 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa •agrippa, as gentile •agrippa i Found in books: Cohn (2013), The Memory of the Temple and the Making of the Rabbis, 10, 82; Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 94; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 344
7.8. "פָּרָשַׁת הַמֶּלֶךְ כֵּיצַד. מוֹצָאֵי יוֹם טוֹב הָרִאשׁוֹן שֶׁל חָג, בַּשְּׁמִינִי בְּמוֹצָאֵי שְׁבִיעִית, עוֹשִׂין לוֹ בִימָה שֶׁל עֵץ בָּעֲזָרָה, וְהוּא יוֹשֵׁב עָלֶיהָ, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (דברים לא) מִקֵּץ שֶׁבַע שָׁנִים בְּמֹעֵד וְגוֹ'. חַזַּן הַכְּנֶסֶת נוֹטֵל סֵפֶר תּוֹרָה וְנוֹתְנָהּ לְרֹאשׁ הַכְּנֶסֶת, וְרֹאשׁ הַכְּנֶסֶת נוֹתְנָהּ לַסְּגָן, וְהַסְּגָן נוֹתְנָהּ לְכֹהֵן גָּדוֹל, וְכֹהֵן גָּדוֹל נוֹתְנָהּ לַמֶּלֶךְ, וְהַמֶּלֶךְ עוֹמֵד וּמְקַבֵּל וְקוֹרֵא יוֹשֵׁב. אַגְרִיפָּס הַמֶּלֶךְ עָמַד וְקִבֵּל וְקָרָא עוֹמֵד, וְשִׁבְּחוּהוּ חֲכָמִים. וּכְשֶׁהִגִּיעַ (שם יז) לְלֹא תוּכַל לָתֵת עָלֶיךָ אִישׁ נָכְרִי, זָלְגוּ עֵינָיו דְּמָעוֹת. אָמְרוּ לוֹ, אַל תִּתְיָרֵא אַגְרִיפָּס, אָחִינוּ אָתָּה, אָחִינוּ אָתָּה, אָחִינוּ אָתָּה. וְקוֹרֵא מִתְּחִלַּת אֵלֶּה הַדְּבָרִים (דברים א׳:א׳) עַד שְׁמַע, וּשְׁמַע (שם ו), וְהָיָה אִם שָׁמֹעַ (שם יא), עַשֵּׂר תְּעַשֵּׂר (שם יד), כִּי תְכַלֶּה לַעְשֵׂר (שם כו), וּפָרָשַׁת הַמֶּלֶךְ (שם יז), וּבְרָכוֹת וּקְלָלוֹת (שם כח), עַד שֶׁגּוֹמֵר כָּל הַפָּרָשָׁה. בְּרָכוֹת שֶׁכֹּהֵן גָּדוֹל מְבָרֵךְ אוֹתָן, הַמֶּלֶךְ מְבָרֵךְ אוֹתָן, אֶלָּא שֶׁנּוֹתֵן שֶׁל רְגָלִים תַּחַת מְחִילַת הֶעָוֹן: \n", 7.8. "How was the procedure in connection with the portion read by the king?At the conclusion of the first day of the festival (Sukkot) in the eighth [year], at the end of the seventh year, they erect a wooden platform in the Temple court, and he sits upon it, as it is said, “At the end of seven years, in the set time” etc (Deuteronomy 31:10). The synagogue attendant takes a Torah scroll and hands it to the head of the synagogue, the head of the synagogue hands it to the deputy and he hands it to the high priest, and the high priest hands it to the king and the king stands and receives it, but reads it while sitting. King Agrippa stood and received it and read standing, and the sages praised him. When he reached, “You shall not place a foreigner over you” (ibid 17:15) his eyes ran with tears. They said to him, “Fear not, Agrippas, you are our brother, you are our brother!” [The king] reads from the beginning of “These are the words” (ibid 1:1) until the Shema ((ibid 6:4-9), and the Shema, and “It will come to pass if you hear” (ibid 11:13-21 the second part of the Shema), and “You shall surely tithe” (ibid 14:22-29), and “When you have finished tithing” (ibid 26:12-15) and the portion of the king (ibid 17:14-20) and the blessings and curses (ibid, until he finishes all the section. The blessings that the high priest recites, the king recites, except that he substitutes one for the festivals instead of one for the pardon of sin.",
175. New Testament, Colossians, 2.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa i Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 376
2.11. ἐν ᾧ καὶ περιετμήθητε περιτομῇ ἀχειροποιήτῳ ἐν τῇ ἀπεκδύσει τοῦ σώματος τῆς σαρκός, ἐν τῇ περιτομῇ τοῦ χριστοῦ, 2.11. in whom you were also circumcised with a circumcision not made with hands, in the putting off of the body of the sins of the flesh, in the circumcision of Christ;
176. Martial, Epigrams, 1.2, 1.36, 1.70, 1.108.1-1.108.4, 1.117, 2.14, 2.14.5-2.14.6, 2.14.16, 2.48, 3.20, 3.47, 4.18-4.19, 5.20, 5.22, 7.31-7.32, 8.3.4-8.3.8, 8.61, 9.18, 9.59, 9.97, 10.4.8, 10.4.10, 10.5, 10.20, 10.51, 10.58.6, 10.74, 10.96, 11.1.12, 11.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa, baths of •baths of agrippa •vipsanius agrippa, m., his map •rome, saepta julia, m. vipsanius agrippa builds •campus of agrippa •agrippa •vipsanius agrippa, m., on public art •agrippa baths Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 43, 65, 66; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 62; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 49, 58, 205, 237
177. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 7 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa (m. iulius agrippa i, king of judaea) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 86
178. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 1.12.15, 4.1.19, 5.11.19, 6.2.8, 6.2.20, 10.1.46-10.1.72, 10.1.85-10.1.100 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa postumus •agrippa i •agrippa ii •memmius, c., menenius agrippa, fable of •vipsanius agrippa, m. •agrippa Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 137; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 108; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 543; Verhelst and Scheijnens (2022), Greek and Latin Poetry of Late Antiquity: Form, Tradition, and Context, 96; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 7, 8, 10
1.12.15.  Why did Plato bear away the palm in all these branches of knowledge which in my opinion the future orator should learn? I answer, because he was not merely content with the teaching which Athens was able to provide or even with that of the Pythagoreans whom he visited in Italy, but even approached the priests of Egypt and made himself thoroughly acquainted with all their secret lore. 5.11.19.  Again those fables which, at length they did not originate with Aesop (for Hesiod seems to have been the first to write them), are best known by Aesop's name, are specially attractive to rude and uneducated minds, which are less suspicious than others in their reception of fictions and, when pleased, readily agree with the arguments from which their pleasure is derived. Thus Menenius Agrippa is said to have reconciled the plebs to the patricians by his fable of the limbs' quarrel with the belly.
179. New Testament, 2 Timothy, 4.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 548
4.11. Λουκᾶς ἐστὶν μόνος μετʼ ἐμοῦ. Μάρκον ἀναλἁβὼν ἄγε μετὰ σεαυτοῦ, ἔστιν γάρ μοι εὔχρηστος εἰς διακονίαν, 4.11. Only Luke is with me. Take Mark, and bring him with you, for he is useful to me for ministering.
180. Appian, The Mithridatic Wars, 117 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •vipsanius agrippa, m., his pantheon Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 134
181. Artemidorus, Oneirocritica, 4.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa i Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 496
182. Arrian, Epicteti Dissertationes, 2.24.7 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •vipsanius agrippa, m., on public art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 58
183. Tosefta, Arakhin, 1.15 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 333
184. Tosefta, Avodah Zarah, a b c d\n0 5.2 5.2 5 2\n1 5.1 5.1 5 1\n2 4(5).8 4(5).8 4(5) 8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 937; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 226
5.2. "ישרה אדם בארץ ישראל אפילו בעיר שרובה עובדי כוכבים ולא בחו\"ל אפי' בעיר שכולה ישראל מלמד שישיבת ארץ ישראל שקולה כנגד כל מצות שבתורה. והקבור בארץ ישראל כאילו הוא קבור תחת המזבח. לא יצא אדם לחוצה לארץ אא\"כ היו חטין סאתים בסלע אמר רבי שמעון במה דברים אמורין בזמן שאינו מוצא ליקח אבל בזמן שמוצא ליקח אפילו סאה בסלע לא יצא וכן היה ר\"ש אומר אלימלך מגדולי הדור ומפרנסי צבור היה ועל שיצא לחוצה לארץ מת הוא ובניו ברעב והיו כל ישראל קיימין על אדמתן שנאמר (רות א) ותהום כל העיר עליהן מלמד שכל העיר קיימת ומת הוא ובניו ברעב. הרי הוא אומר (בראשית כח) ושבתי בשלום אל בית אבי שאין ת\"ל והיה ה' לי לאלהים ואומר (ויקרא כה) לתת לכם את ארץ כנען להיות לכם לאלהים כל זמן שאתם בארץ כנען הריני לכם אלוה אין אתם בארץ כנען איני לכם לאלוה וכן הוא אומר (יהושוע ד) כארבעים אלף חלוצי הצבא ואומר (יהושוע ב) כי נתן בידי את יושבי הארץ וגו' וכי עלתה על דעתך שישראל מכבשים את הארץ לפני המקום אלא כל זמן שהם עליה כולה נכבשה אינן עליה כולה אינה נכבשת וכן דוד אמר (שמואל א כו) כי גרשוני היום מהסתפח בנחלת ה' וגו' וכי תעלה על דעתך שדוד המלך עובד עבודת כוכבים אלא שהיה דוד דורש ואומר כל המניח את ארץ ישראל בשעת שלום ויוצא כאילו עובד עבודת כוכבים דכתיב (ירמיהו לב) ונטעתים בארץ הזאת באמת אינן עליה אין נטועין לפני באמת לא בכל לבי ולא בכל נפשי. ר' שמעון בן אלעזר אומר ישראל שבחוצה לארץ עובדי עבודת כוכבים בטהרה הן כיצד עובד כוכבים שעשה משתה לבנו והלך וזימן את כל היהודים שבעירו אע\"פ שהן אוכלין משלהן ושותין משלהן ושמש שלהן עומד ע\"ג עובדי עבודת כוכבים הן שנא' (שמות לד) וקרא לך ואכלת מזבחו.",
185. Tosefta, Menachot, 9.5-9.13 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii Found in books: Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 171
9.5. "מלח זו מלח סדומית שנאמר (ויקרא ב׳:י״ג) ולא תשבית מלח הבא מלח שאינו שובתת ואיזו זו מלח סדומית. ומנין אם לא מצא סדומית יביא אסתרקנית ת\"ל מלח מלח ריבה.", 9.6. "תכלת אין כשרה אלא מן החלזון שלא מן החלזון פסולה. שני התולעת מן התולע שבהרים הביא שלא מן התולעת שבהרים פסולה.", 9.7. "שש זה פשתן הביאה מן הנקבות פסולה.", 9.8. "מנורה וכלי שרת מצותן להביא ממותר נסכים אין להם יביאו מתרומת הלשכה. מנורה אינה כשרה אלא מן העשת עשאה מן הגרוטאות פסולה ומשאר מיני מתכות כשרה.", 9.9. "חצוצרות אין כשרה אלא מן הכסף עשאה מן הגוש כשרה משאר מיני מתכות פסולה ונמצאת אומר פסול במנורה כשר בחצוצרות פסול בחצוצרות כשר במנורה. של בעץ ושל אבר ושל קסטרין ושל מתכות ר' פוסל ור' יוסי בר רבי יהודה מכשיר של עץ ושל עצם ושל זכוכית הכל מודים שפסולה.",
186. Tosefta, Parah, 3.7-3.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa the king, typological nature of the rabbinic character of Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 158
3.7. "פקע מעורה ומשערה ומבשרה חוץ לגיתה יחזיר ואם לא החזיר פסול. חוץ ממערכתה הרי זה מרבה עליו ושורפו במקומו ר\"א אומר כזית מעכבת פחות מכזית אין מעכבת. פקע מקרנה ומטלפה ומפרשה א\"צ להחזיר שאין זבח שאין מעכב בחיה אין מעכב בשריפתה ר\"א בר צדוק הוסיף אשליך אשליך אשליך והם אמרו לו הן ג\"פ על כל דבר ודבר. בין שקרעה ביד בין שקרעה בסכין ובין שנקרעה מאליה ובין שהשליך שלשתן זה אחר זה <זה אחר זה> כשרה.", 3.8. "נתנן עד שלא הוצת האור ברובה או משנעשית אפר פסולה. נטל עצם או שחור וקדש בו הרי זה לא עשה כלום אם יש עליו אבק כל שהוא אם מגופה כותשו ומקדש בו וכשר. וחולקין אותו לשלשה חלקים אחד ניתן בחיל ואחד ניתן בהר המשחה ואחד מתחלק לכל המשמרות זה שמתחלק לכל המשמרות היו ישראל מזין הימנו. זה שניתן בהר המשחה היו כהנים מקדשין בו. זה שניתן בחיל היו משמרין שנאמר (במדבר יט) והיתה לעדת בני ישראל למשמרת. ",
187. Tosefta, Peah, 2.18 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 576
2.18. "בעל הבית שנתן [כליבה] לעני למלאות לו מים אין בו משום לקט שכחה ופאה וחייב במעשרות.",
188. Tosefta, Sanhedrin, 13.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa i Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 377
189. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 1.35, 2.171, 2.174, 3.3, 3.7, 3.8, 3.9, 3.10, 3.11, 3.12, 3.16, 3.17, 3.18, 3.37, 3.39, 3.43, 3.86, 3.87, 3.101, 3.132, 3.150, 4.45, 4.60, 4.77, 4.78, 4.81, 4.83, 4.91, 4.102, 4.105, 4.118, 5.5, 5.9, 5.10, 5.25, 5.38, 5.40, 5.65, 5.102, 5.1573, 6.3, 6.5, 6.31, 6.37, 6.39, 6.40, 6.57, 6.103, 6.136, 6.137, 6.139, 6.164, 6.196, 6.206, 6.207, 6.209, 6.211, 7.45, 7.69, 7.75, 7.97, 7.115, 7.175, 7.436, 9.119, 9.120, 9.121, 10.5, 12.18, 12.20, 12.94, 12.111, 13.83, 13.92, 16.3, 16.4, 16.200, 16.201, 25, 25.5, 25.6, 25.7, 25.8, 30.16, 33.3, 33.4, 33.15, 33.147, 34.11, 34.12, 34.59, 34.62, 34.79, 34.82, 34.92, 35.4, 35.5, 35.22, 35.23, 35.26, 35.70, 35.84, 35.97, 35.108, 35.140, 35.151, 35.152, 35.199, 36.13, 36.20, 36.29, 36.38, 36.39, 36.41, 36.50.115, 36.50.114, 36.50.113, 36.101, 36.201 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 3
190. Tosefta, Sotah, 7.16 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa, as gentile •agrippa i, parallels between rabbinic literture and josephus on •agrippa •agrippa i •agrippa ii Found in books: Cohn (2013), The Memory of the Temple and the Making of the Rabbis, 82; Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 770; Thiessen (2011), Contesting Conversion: Genealogy, Circumcision, and Identity in Ancient Judaism and Christianity, 107; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 546
191. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 36.2, 65.1-66.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 145
36.2. ἐλθούσῃ δὲ χαρίζεται καὶ προστίθησι μικρὸν οὐδὲν οὐδʼ ὀλίγον, ἀλλὰ Φοινίκην, κοίλην Συρίαν, Κύπρον, Κιλικίας πολλήν· ἔτι δὲ τῆς τε Ἰουδαίων τὴν τὸ βάλσαμον φέρουσαν καὶ τῆς Ναβαταίων Ἀραβίας ὅση πρὸς τὴν ἐκτὸς ἀποκλίνει θάλασσαν. αὗται μάλιστα Ῥωμαίους ἠνίασαν αἱ δωρεαί. καίτοι πολλοῖς ἐχαρίζετο τετραρχίας καὶ βασιλείας ἐθνῶν μεγάλων, ἰδιώταις οὖσι, πολλοὺς δʼ ἀφῃρεῖτο βασιλείας, ὡς Ἀντίγονον τὸν Ἰουδαῖον, ὃν καὶ προαγαγὼν ἐπελέκισεν, οὐδενὸς πρότερον ἑτέρου βασίλεως οὕτω κολασθέντος. 36.2.
192. Tosefta, Sukkah, 4.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa i Found in books: Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 53
4.6. "[כיצד] ג' להבטיל את העם מן המלאכה חזן הכנסת נוטל חצוצרת ועולה לראש הגג גבוה שבעיר [נטל לקרות] הסמוכין לעיר בטלין הסמוכין לתחום מתכנסין ובאין לתוך התחום ולא היו נכנסין מיד אלא ממתינין עד שיבואו כולן ויתכנסו כולן בבת אחת [מאימתי הוא נכנס משימלא לו חבית ויצלה לו דגה וידליק לו את הנר].", 4.6. "Why did they blow three blasts? To make the people cease from work. The sexton took the trumpets, and went to the top of the highest roof in the city to summon those near the city to cease from work. Those near the limits of the city assembled themselves together and came to the schoolhouse. They did not come immediately the trumpets blew, but waited till all were gathered together, and then all came at once. When did they assemble? After one could fill a bottle of water, or fry a fish, or light his lamp. ",
193. Plutarch, Sulla, 26.1-26.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •vipsanius agrippa, m., purchases paintings from the cyzicans Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
26.1. ἀναχθεὶς δὲ πάσαις ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐξ Ἐφέσου τριταῖος ἐν Πειραιεῖ καθωρμίσθη καὶ μυηθεὶς ἐξεῖλεν ἑαυτῷ τὴν Ἀπελλικῶνος τοῦ Τηΐου βιβλιοθήκην, ἐν ᾗ τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν Ἀριστοτέλους καὶ Θεοφράστου βιβλίων ἦν, οὔπω τότε σαφῶς γνωριζόμενα τοῖς πολλοῖς, λέγεται δὲ κομισθείσης αὐτῆς εἰς Ῥώμην Τυραννίωνα τὸν γραμματικὸν ἐνσκευάσασθαι τὰ πολλά, καὶ παρʼ αὐτοῦ τὸν Ῥόδιον Ἀνδρόνικον εὐπορήσαντα τῶν ἀντιγράφων εἰς μέσον θεῖναι καὶ ἀναγράψαι τοὺς νῦν φερομένους πίνακας. 26.2. οἱ δὲ πρεσβύτεροι Περιπατητικοὶ φαίνονται μὲν καθʼ ἑαυτοὺς γενόμενοι χαρίεντες καὶ φιλολόγοι, τῶν δὲ Ἀριστοτέλους καὶ Θεοφράστου γραμμάτων οὔτε πολλοῖς οὔτε ἀκριβῶς ἐντετυχηκότες διὰ τὸ τὸν Νηλέως τοῦ Σκηψίου κλῆρον, ᾧ τὰ βιβλία κατέλιπε Θεόφραστος, εἰς ἀφιλοτίμους καὶ ἰδιώτας ἀνθρώπους περιγενέσθαι. 26.1. 26.2.
194. Plutarch, Greek Questions, 38 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa i Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 496
195. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 7 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa (m. iulius agrippa i, king of judaea) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 86
196. Plutarch, Pompey, 44.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •gardens of agrippa Found in books: Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 72
44.3. τοῦ δὲ Κάτωνος ὑπιδομένου τὴν πεῖραν, ὡς διαφθορὰν οὖσαν αὐτοῦ τρόπον τινὰ δεκαζομένου διὰ τῆς οἰκειότητος, ἥ τε ἀδελφὴ καὶ ἡ γυνὴ χαλεπῶς ἔφερον εἰ Πομπήϊον Μάγνον ἀποτρίψεται κηδεστήν. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ βουλόμενος ὕπατον ἀποδεῖξαι Πομπήϊος Ἀφράνιον ἀργύριον εἰς τὰς φυλὰς ἀνήλισκεν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ, καὶ τοῦτο κατιόντες εἰς τοὺς Πομπηΐου κήπους ἐλάμβανον, 44.3.
197. Appian, Roman History, 12.83 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •josephus, on agrippa i, and house tax Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 179
198. Plutarch, Pericles, 13.4-13.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa, odeon of Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 95
13.4. πάντα δὲ διεῖπε καὶ πάντων ἐπίσκοπος ἦν αὐτῷ Φειδίας, καίτοι μεγάλους ἀρχιτέκτονας ἐχόντων καὶ τεχνίτας τῶν ἔργων. τὸν μὲν γὰρ ἑκατόμπεδον Παρθενῶνα Καλλικράτης εἰργάζετο καὶ Ἰκτῖνος, τὸ δʼ ἐν Ἐλευσῖνι τελεστήριον ἤρξατο μὲν Κόροιβος οἰκοδομεῖν, καὶ τοὺς ἐπʼ ἐδάφους κίονας ἔθηκεν οὗτος καὶ τοῖς ἐπιστυλίοις ἐπέζευξεν· ἀποθανόντος δὲ τούτου Μεταγένης ὁ Ξυπέτιος τὸ διάζωμα καὶ τοὺς ἄνω κίονας ἐπέστησε· 13.5. τὸ δʼ ὀπαῖον ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀνακτόρου Ξενοκλῆς ὁ Χολαργεὺς ἐκορύφωσε· τὸ δὲ μακρὸν τεῖχος, περὶ οὗ Σωκράτης ἀκοῦσαί φησιν αὐτὸς εἰσηγουμένου γνώμην Περικλέους, ἠργολάβησε Καλλικράτης. κωμῳδεῖ δὲ τὸ ἔργον Κρατῖνος ὡς βραδέως περαινόμενον· 13.4. His general manager and general overseer was Pheidias, although the several works had great architects and artists besides. of the Parthenon, for instance, with its cella of a hundred feet in length, Callicrates and Ictinus were the architects; it was Coroebus who began to build the sanctuary of the mysteries at Eleusis, and he planted the columns on the floor and yoked their capitals together with architraves; but on his death Metagenes, of the deme Xypete, carried up the frieze and the upper tier of columns; 13.5. while Xenocles, of the deme Cholargus, set on high the lantern over the shrine. 41 For the long wall, concerning which Socrates says Plat. Gorg. 455e . he himself heard Pericles introduce a measure, Callicrates was the contractor. Cratinus pokes fun at this work for its slow progress, and in these words:— Since ever so long now In word has Pericles pushed the thing; in fact he does not budge it. From a play of unknown name. Kock, Com. Att. Frag. i. p. 100 The Odeum, which was arranged internally with many tiers of seats and many pillars, and which had a roof made with a circular slope from a single peak, they say was an exact reproduction of the Great King’s pavilion, and this too was built under the superintendence of Pericles.
199. Plutarch, Nicias, 12.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa, map of Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 49
12.1. ὁ δʼ οὖν Νικίας, τῶν Αἰγεστέων πρέσβεων καὶ Λεοντίνων παραγενομένων καὶ πειθόντων τοὺς Ἀθηναίους στρατεύειν ἐπὶ Σικελίαν, ἀνθιστάμενος ἡττᾶτο τῆς βουλῆς Ἀλκιβιάδου καὶ φιλοτιμίας, πρὶν ὅλως ἐκκλησίαν γενέσθαι, κατασχόντος ἤδη πλῆθος ἐλπίσι καὶ λόγοις προδιεφθαρμένον, ὥστε καὶ νέους ἐν παλαίστραις καὶ γέροντας ἐν ἐργαστηρίοις καὶ ἡμικυκλίοις συγκαθεζομένους ὑπογράφειν τὸ σχῆμα τῆς Σικελίας, καὶ τὴν φύσιν τῆς περὶ αὐτὴν θαλάσσης, καὶ λιμένας καὶ τόπους οἷς τέτραπται πρὸς Λιβύην ἡ νῆσος. 12.1.
200. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •memmius, c., menenius agrippa, fable of Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 14
201. Plutarch, Lucullus, 41.5, 42.1-42.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 31, 67
41.5. πλὴν τοσοῦτο μόνον αἰτουμένῳ συνεχώρησαν εἰπεῖν πρὸς ἕνα τῶν οἰκετῶν ἐναντίον ἐκείνων, ὅτι τήμερον ἐν τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι δειπνήσοι· τοῦτο γάρ τις εἶχε τῶν πολυτελῶν οἴκων ὄνομα· καὶ τοῦτο σεσοφισμένος ἐλελήθει τοὺς ἄνδρας, ἑκάστῳ γὰρ, ὡς ἔοικε, δειπνητηρίῳ τεταγμένον ἦν τίμημα δείπνου, καὶ χορηγίαν ἰδίαν καὶ παρασκευὴν ἕκαστον εἶχεν, ὥστε τοὺς δούλους ἀκούσαντας, ὅπου βούλεται δειπνεῖν, εἰδέναι, πόσον δαπάνημα καὶ ποῖόν τι κόσμῳ καὶ διαθέσει γενέσθαι δεῖ τὸ δεῖπνον εἰώθει δὲ δειπνεῖν ἐν τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι πέντε μυριάδων· 42.1. σπουδῆς δʼ ἄξια καὶ λόγου τὰ περὶ τὴν τῶν βιβλίων κατασκευήν, καὶ γὰρ πολλὰ καὶ γεγραμμένα καλῶς συνῆγεν, ἥ τε χρῆσις ἦν φιλοτιμοτέρα τῆς κτήσεως, ἀνειμένων πᾶσι τῶν βιβλιοθηκῶν, καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὰς περιπάτων καὶ σχολαστηρίων ἀκωλύτως ὑποδεχομένων τοὺς Ἕλληνας ὥσπερ εἰς Μουσῶν τι καταγώγιον ἐκεῖσε φοιτῶντας καὶ συνδιημερεύοντας ἀλλήλοις, ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων χρειῶν ἀσμένως ἀποτρέχοντας. 42.2. πολλάκις δὲ καὶ συνεσχόλαζεν αὐτὸς ἐμβάλλων εἰς τοὺς περιπάτους τοῖς φιλολόγοις καὶ τοῖς πολιτικοῖς συνέπραττεν ὅτου δέοιντο· καὶ ὅλως ἑστία καὶ πρυτανεῖον Ἑλληνικὸν ὁ οἶκος ἦν αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἀφικνουμένοις εἰς Ῥώμην. φιλοσοφίαν δὲ πᾶσαν μὲν ἠσπάζετο καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν εὐμενὴς ἦν καὶ οἰκεῖος, ἴδιον δὲ τῆς Ἀκαδημείας ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἔρωτα καὶ ζῆλον ἔσχεν, οὐ τῆς νέας λεγομένης, 42.3. καίπερ ἀνθούσης τότε τοῖς Καρνεάδου λόγοις διὰ Φίλωνος, ἀλλὰ τῆς παλαιᾶς, πιθανὸν ἄνδρα καὶ δεινὸν εἰπεῖν τότε προστάτην ἐχούσης τὸν Ἀσκαλωνίτην Ἀντίοχον, ὃν πάσῃ σπουδῇ ποιησάμενος φίλον ὁ Λούκουλλος καὶ συμβιωτὴν ἀντέταττε τοῖς Φίλωνος ἀκροαταῖς, ὧν καὶ Κικέρων ἦν. 42.4. καὶ σύγγραμμά γε πάγκαλον ἐποίησεν εἰς τὴν αἵρεσιν, ἐν ᾧ τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς καταλήψεως λόγον Λουκούλλῳ περιτέθεικεν, αὑτῷ δὲ τὸν ἐναντίον. Λούκουλλος δʼ ἀναγέγραπται τὸ βιβλίον. ἦσαν δʼ, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, φίλοι σφόδρα καὶ κοινωνοὶ τῆς ἐν πολιτείᾳ προαιρέσεως· οὐδὲ γὰρ αὖ πάμπαν ἀπηλλάχει τῆς πολιτείας ἑαυτὸν ὁ Λούκουλλος, 41.5. 42.1. 42.2. 42.3. 42.4.
202. Plutarch, Cicero, 44.2-44.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •vipsanius agrippa, m. Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 258
44.2. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ μείζων τις αἰτία γεγονέναι τοῦ τὸν Κικέρωνα δέξασθαι προθύμως τὴν Καίσαρος φιλίαν. ἔτι γὰρ, ὡς ἔοικε, Πομπηίου ζῶντος καὶ Καίσαρος ἔδοξε κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ὁ Κικέρων καλεῖν τινα τοὺς τῶν συγκλητικῶν παῖδας εἰς τὸ Καπιτώλιον, ὡς μέλλοντος ἐξ αὐτῶν ἕνα τοῦ Διὸς ἀποδεικνύειν τῆς Ῥώμης ἡγεμόνα· 44.3. τοὺς δὲ πολίτας ὑπὸ σπουδῆς θέοντας ἵστασθαι περὶ τὸν νεών, καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἐν ταῖς περιπορφύροις καθέζεσθαι σιωπὴν ἔχοντας, ἐξαίφνης δὲ τῶν θυρῶν ἀνοιχθεισῶν καθʼ ἕνα τῶν παίδων ἀνισταμένων κύκλῳ παρὰ τὸν θεὸν παραπορεύεσθαι, τὸν δὲ πάντας ἐπισκοπεῖν καὶ ἀποπέμπειν ἀχθομένους. ὡς δʼ οὗτος ἦν προσιὼν κατʼ αὐτόν, ἐκτεῖναι τὴν δεξιὰν καὶ εἰπεῖν ὦ Ῥωμαῖοι, πέρας ὑμῖν ἐμφυλίων πολέμων οὗτος ἡγεμὼν γενόμενος. 44.4. τοιοῦτόν φασιν ἐνύπνιον ἰδόντα τὸν Κικέρωνα τὴν μὲν ἰδέαν τοῦ παιδὸς ἐκμεμάχθαι καὶ κατέχειν ἐναργῶς, αὑτὸν δʼ οὐκ ἐπίστασθαι. μεθʼ ἡμέραν δὲ καταβαίνοντος εἰς τὸ πεδίον τὸ Ἄρειον αὐτοῦ, τοὺς παῖδας ἤδη γεγυμνασμένους ἀπέρχεσθαι, κἀκεῖνον ὀφθῆναι τῷ Κικέρωνι πρῶτον οἷος ὤφθη καθʼ ὕπνον, ἐκπλαγέντα δὲ πυνθάνεσθαι τίνων εἴη γονέων. 44.5. ἦν δὲ πατρὸς Ὀκταουΐου τῶν οὐκ ἄγαν ἐπιφανῶν, Ἀττίας δὲ μητρός, ἀδελφιδῆς Καίσαρος, ὅθεν Καῖσαρ αὐτῷ παῖδας οὐκ ἔχων ἰδίους τὴν οὐσίαν ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τὸν οἶκον ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις ἔδωκεν. ἐκ τούτου φασὶ τὸν Κικέρωνα τῷ παιδὶ κατὰ τὰς ἀπαντήσεις ἐντυγχάνειν ἐπιμελῶς, κἀκεῖνον οἰκείως δέχεσθαι τὰς φιλοφροσύνας καὶ γὰρ ἐκ τύχης αὐτῷ γεγονέναι συμβεβήκει Κικέρωνος ὑπατεύοντος. 44.2. 44.3. 44.4. 44.5.
203. Plutarch, Cato The Elder, 8.1, 9.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •memmius, c., menenius agrippa, fable of Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 14
8.1. μέλλων ποτὲ τὸν Ῥωμαίων δῆμον ὡρμημένον ἀκαίρως ἐπὶ σιτομετρίας καὶ διανομὰς ἀποτρέπειν, ἤρξατο τῶν λόγων οὕτως· χαλεπὸν μέν ἐστιν, ὦ πολῖται, πρὸς γαστέρα λέγειν ὦτα οὐκ ἔχουσαν. Κατηγορῶν δὲ τῆς πολυτελείας ἔφη χαλεπὸν εἶναι σωθῆναι πόλιν, ἐν ᾗ πωλεῖται πλείονος ἰχθὺς ἢ βοῦς. 9.5. τὸν δὲ ὑπέρπαχυν κακίζων ποῦ δʼ ἄν, ἔφη, σῶμα τοιοῦτόν τῇ πόλει γένοιτο χρήσιμον, οὗ τὸ μεταξὺ λαιμοῦ καὶ βουβώνων πᾶν ὑπὸ τῆς γαστρὸς κατέχεται; τῶν δὲ φιληδόνων τινὰ βουλόμενον αὐτῷ συνεῖναι παραιτούμενος, ἔφη μὴ δύνασθαι ζῆν μετʼ ἀνθρώπου τῆς καρδίας τὴν ὑπερῴαν εὐαισθητοτέραν ἔχοντος, Τοῦ δʼ ἐρῶντος ἔλεγε τὴν ψυχὴν ἐν ἀλλοτρίῳ σώματι ζῆν. 8.1. 9.5.
204. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 4.2-4.4, 13.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •vipsanius agrippa, m., on public art •agrippa, marcus vipsanius Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 233; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 58
205. Appian, Civil Wars, 1.2, 2.9, 2.11.37, 2.106.144, 4.63 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa (m. vipsanius agrippa) •memmius, c., menenius agrippa, fable of •vipsanius agrippa, m. •agrippa •agrippa i, and the tria nomina Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 51; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 75; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 64; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 149; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 14
206. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 24 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 231
207. Clement of Rome, 1 Clement, 60.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 166
60.3. ναί, δέσποτα, ἐπίφανον τὸ πρόσωπόν σου ἐφ̓ Ps. 67, 1; 80, 3. 7. 19; Num. 6, 25, 26 ἡμᾶς εἰς ἀγαθὰ ἐν εἰρήνῃ, εἰς τὸ σκεπασθῆναι ἡμᾶς τῇ χειρί σου τῇ κραταιᾷ καὶ ῥυσθῆναι ἀπὸ Gen. 50, 20; Jer. 21, 10; 24, 6; Am. 9, 4; Deut. 30, 9 πάσης ἁμαρτίας τῷ βραχίονί σου τῷ ὑψηλῷ, καὶ ῥῦσαι ἡμᾶς ἀπὸ τῶν μισούντων ἡμᾶς ἀδίκως.
208. Tacitus, Histories, 1.4.2, 1.10.3, 1.27, 2.1.1, 2.2.1, 2.81.1, 3.72, 4.12.2, 4.74, 5.1.2, 5.4-5.6, 5.5.5, 5.9-5.10, 5.9.1-5.9.2, 5.12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 202
5.12.  The temple was built like a citadel, with walls of its own, which were constructed with more care and effort than any of the rest; the very colonnades about the temple made a splendid defence. Within the enclosure is an ever-flowing spring; in the hills are subterraneous excavations, with pools and cisterns for holding rain-water. The founders of the city had foreseen that there would be many wars because the ways of their people differed so from those of the neighbours: therefore they had built at every point as if they expected a long siege; and after the city had been stormed by Pompey, their fears and experience taught them much. Moreover, profiting by the greed displayed during the reign of Claudius, they had bought the privilege of fortifying the city, and in time of peace had built walls as if for war. The population at this time had been increased by streams of rabble that flowed in from the other captured cities, for the most desperate rebels had taken refuge here, and consequently sedition was the more rife. There were three generals, three armies: the outermost and largest circuit of the walls was held by Simon, the middle of the city by John, and the temple was guarded by Eleazar. John and Simon were strong in numbers and equipment, Eleazar had the advantage of position: between these three there was constant fighting, treachery, and arson, and a great store of grain was consumed. Then John got possession of the temple by sending a party, under pretence of offering sacrifice, to slay Eleazar and his troops. So the citizens were divided into two factions until, at the approach of the Romans, foreign war produced concord.
209. Suetonius, Domitianus, 10.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 101; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 342
210. Suetonius, Claudius, 1.6, 3.2, 11.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 266
211. Suetonius, Caligula, 10.1, 15.2, 22.2, 23.2, 24.1, 29.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 71; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 266
212. Suetonius, Augustus, 7.2, 19.1, 26.2, 29.4, 31.4-31.5, 32.3, 33.1, 35.3, 43.5, 65.1-65.4, 69.1, 70.1, 85.1, 94.7-94.8, 94.12-94.14, 94.17-94.18 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 99; Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 137; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 168, 171, 189, 194; Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 47, 48; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 48; Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 75, 76; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 237; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 247, 258; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 158; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 115, 155
213. Statius, Thebais, 12.133 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa postumus Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 108
214. Suetonius, Nero, 25.1, 47.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 130; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 71, 134
215. Statius, Siluae, 4.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •vipsanius agrippa, m., on public art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 58
216. Seneca The Younger, On Anger, 2.31.7 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •menenius agrippa (politician) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 101
217. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Marciam, 15.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa postumus Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 127
218. Seneca The Younger, De Brevitate Vitae (Dialogorum Liber X ), 4.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa postumus •augustus, and agrippa postumus Found in books: Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 48
219. Seneca The Younger, De Beneficiis, 2.33.2, 3.32.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •vipsanius agrippa, m., his pantheon •agrippa •octavian, bestowal of naval crown on agrippa Found in books: Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 154; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 102
220. Anon., 2 Baruch, 7.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •herod, agrippa ii Found in books: Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 234
221. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 4.1.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa i •agrippa ii Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 543
222. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 95.52 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •menenius agrippa (politician) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 101
223. Suetonius, Tiberius, 15.2, 43.2, 47.1, 63.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmonds (2019), Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World, 388; Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 77; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 71
224. Suetonius, Iulius, 20.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 214; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 75
225. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 9.2, 32.70-32.72 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 101; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 58; Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 250
9.2.  Moreover, he thought they were more easily healed here (for bodily diseases are more readily treated by the physician when they are plain to be seen than while the trouble remains hidden), but that those who are neglected when engaged in such pursuits most speedily perish. Therefore he used to attend the public gatherings. 32.70.  As evidence I cite the most recent chapters in your history. For instance, when you were still independent, did not your king busy himself with piping and concentrate on that alone; and were you not on hostile terms with him and torn with faction among yourselves, each faction separately and independently working the ruin of the state — Simaristoi and other parties of like names — in consequence of which you forced your king to flee, and later on to obtain his return by means of war, and with the aid of Romans, too? And finally he with his piping and you with your dancing destroyed the state. 32.71.  And though you now have such reasonable men as governors, you have brought them to a feeling of suspicion toward themselves, and so they have come to believe that there is need of more careful watchfulness than formerly; and this you have brought about through arrogance and not through plotting. For would you revolt from anybody? Would you wage war a single day? Is it not true that in the disturbance which took place the majority went only as far as jeering in their show of courage, while only a few, after one or two shots with anything at hand, like people drenching passers-by with slops, quickly lay down and began to sing, and some went to fetch garlands, as if on their way to a drinking party at some festival? 32.72.  And surely you recall that comical incident — how the excellent Conon treated you when, advancing to the place where your forces were most concentrated and pointing out a little stretch of ground, he declared: "If I can get there myself, I am the victor, and you must depart by yourselves and leave the field; but if you," said he, "can win your way as much as four or five steps, I will take a walk myself." This he said out of a desire to spare you, laughing at you and playing with you as if you were children; since the army had halted and he would not permit a single soldier to lay hands on you, seeing, as he did, that you all were unarmed and faced with destruction. What then? Force was next employed by the headstrong and unruly spirits, who purposely aimed at a complete overthrow and utter chaos, and they did not let you go until you had had a taste of warfare, and what you formerly had dreaded had become a matter of bitter experience.
226. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 8.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, baths of agrippa Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 71
227. Tacitus, Agricola, 42.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edwards (2023), In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus, 134; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 214
228. Tacitus, Annals, 1.3.3, 1.5-1.7, 1.6.2-1.6.3, 1.7.3, 1.10-1.11, 1.12.2, 1.58, 2.9-2.10, 2.32, 2.36.1, 2.37, 2.39-2.40, 2.42, 2.54.3, 2.59.1, 2.59.3, 2.75, 2.82, 2.85, 3.2.2, 3.4, 3.6.2-3.6.3, 3.16.1, 3.18, 3.24.1-3.24.3, 4.50, 4.71, 6.21.1, 12.1-12.8, 12.23, 12.47.2, 12.68-12.69, 13.1, 13.4, 13.35, 13.56.1, 14.3-14.9, 15.1-15.18, 15.24-15.31, 15.37, 15.37.3, 15.39, 15.44.2-15.44.5, 16.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa postumus •agrippa ii •vipsanius agrippa, m. •vipsanius agrippa, m., purchases paintings from the cyzicans •gaius (emperor), and agrippa i •agrippa (m. vipsanius agrippa) •agrippa postumus (m. vipsanius agrippa postumus) •agrippa •augustus, and agrippa postumus •agrippa i •agrippa ii, ruler in galilee and peraia •gardens of agrippa •agrippa baths •agrippa (m. iulius agrippa i, king of judaea) •agrippa and four concubines Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 157; Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 550; Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 313; Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 91; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 99; Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 185, 186; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 49, 171; Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 48, 72; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 163; Hachlili (2005), Practices And Rites In The Second Temple Period, 185; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 79; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 62, 146; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 333; McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 86; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 130; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 254; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 108, 127; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 552; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 154
1.5. Haec atque talia agitantibus gravescere valetudo Augusti, et quidam scelus uxoris suspectabant. quippe rumor incesserat paucos ante mensis Augustum, electis consciis et comite uno Fabio Maximo, Planasiam vectum ad visendum Agrippam; multas illic utrimque lacrimas et signa caritatis spemque ex eo fore ut iuvenis penatibus avi redderetur: quod Maximum uxori Marciae aperuisse, illam Liviae. gnarum id Caesari; neque multo post extincto Maximo, dubium an quaesita morte, auditos in funere eius Marciae gemitus semet incusantis quod causa exitii marito fuisset. utcumque se ea res habuit, vixdum ingressus Illyricum Tiberius properis matris litteris accitur; neque satis conpertum est spirantem adhuc Augustum apud urbem Nolam an exanimem reppererit. acribus namque custodiis domum et vias saepserat Livia, laetique interdum nuntii vulgabantur, donec provisis quae tempus monebat simul excessisse Augustum et rerum potiri Neronem fama eadem tulit. 1.5. Laeti neque procul Germani agitabant, dum iustitio ob amissum Augustum, post discordiis attinemur. at Romanus agmine propero silvam Caesiam limitemque a Tiberio coeptum scindit, castra in limite locat, frontem ac tergum vallo, latera concaedibus munitus. inde saltus obscuros permeat consultatque ex duobus itineribus breve et solitum sequatur an inpeditius et intemptatum eoque hostibus incautum. delecta longiore via cetera adcelerantur: etenim attulerant exploratores festam eam Germanis noctem ac sollemnibus epulis ludicram. Caecina cum expeditis cohortibus praeire et obstantia silvarum amoliri iubetur: legiones modico intervallo sequuntur. iuvit nox sideribus inlustris, ventumque ad vicos Marsorum et circumdatae stationes stratis etiam tum per cubilia propterque mensas, nullo metu, non antepositis vigiliis: adeo cuncta incuria disiecta erant neque belli timor, ac ne pax quidem nisi languida et soluta inter temulentos. 1.6. Primum facinus novi principatus fuit Postumi Agrippae caedes, quem ignarum inermumque quamvis firmatus animo centurio aegre confecit. nihil de ea re Tiberius apud senatum disseruit: patris iussa simulabat, quibus praescripsisset tribuno custodiae adposito ne cunctaretur Agrippam morte adficere quandoque ipse supremum diem explevisset. multa sine dubio saevaque Augustus de moribus adulescentis questus, ut exilium eius senatus consulto sanciretur perfecerat: ceterum in nullius umquam suorum necem duravit, neque mortem nepoti pro securitate privigni inlatam credibile erat. propius vero Tiberium ac Liviam, illum metu, hanc novercalibus odiis, suspecti et invisi iuvenis caedem festinavisse. nuntianti centurioni, ut mos militiae, factum esse quod imperasset, neque imperasse sese et rationem facti reddendam apud senatum respondit. quod postquam Sallustius Crispus particeps secretorum (is ad tribunum miserat codicillos) comperit, metuens ne reus subderetur, iuxta periculoso ficta seu vera promeret monuit Liviam ne arcana domus, ne consilia amicorum, ministeria militum vulgarentur, neve Tiberius vim principatus resolveret cuncta ad senatum vocando: eam condicionem esse imperandi ut non aliter ratio constet quam si uni reddatur. 1.6. Conciti per haec non modo Cherusci, sed conterminae gentes, tractusque in partis Inguiomerus Arminii patruus, vetere apud Romanos auctoritate; unde maior Caesari metus. et ne bellum mole una ingrueret Caecinam cum quadraginta cohortibus Romanis distrahendo hosti per Bructeros ad flumen Amisiam mittit, equitem Pedo praefectus finibus Frisiorum ducit. ipse inpositas navibus quattuor legiones per lacus vexit; simulque pedes eques classis apud praedictum amnem convenere. Chauci cum auxilia pollicerentur, in commilitium adsciti sunt. Bructeros sua urentis expedita cum manu L. Stertinius missu Germanici fudit; interque caedem et praedam repperit undevicesimae legionis aquilam cum Varo amissam. ductum inde agmen ad ultimos Bructerorum, quantumque Amisiam et Lupiam amnis inter vastatum, haud procul Teutoburgiensi saltu in quo reliquiae Vari legionumque insepultae dicebantur. 1.7. At Romae ruere in servitium consules, patres, eques. quanto quis inlustrior, tanto magis falsi ac festites, vultuque composito ne laeti excessu principis neu tristiores primordio, lacrimas gaudium, questus adulationem miscebant. Sex. Pompeius et Sex. Appuleius consules primi in verba Tiberii Caesaris iuravere, aputque eos Seius Strabo et C. Turranius, ille praetoriarum cohortium praefectus, hic annonae; mox senatus milesque et populus. nam Tiberius cuncta per consules incipiebat tamquam vetere re publica et ambiguus imperandi: ne edictum quidem, quo patres in curiam vocabat, nisi tribuniciae potestatis praescriptione posuit sub Augusto acceptae. verba edicti fuere pauca et sensu permodesto: de honoribus parentis consulturum, neque abscedere a corpore idque unum ex publicis muneribus usurpare. sed defuncto Augusto signum praetoriis cohortibus ut imperator dederat; excubiae, arma, cetera aulae; miles in forum, miles in curiam comitabatur. litteras ad exercitus tamquam adepto principatu misit, nusquam cunctabundus nisi cum in senatu loqueretur. causa praecipua ex formidine ne Germanicus, in cuius manu tot legiones, immensa sociorum auxilia, mirus apud populum favor, habere imperium quam exspectare mallet. dabat et famae ut vocatus electusque potius a re publica videretur quam per uxorium ambitum et senili adoptione inrepsisse. postea cognitum est ad introspiciendas etiam procerum voluntates inductam dubitationem: nam verba vultus in crimen detorquens recondebat. 1.7. At Germanicus legionum, quas navibus vexerat, secundam et quartam decimam itinere terrestri P. Vitellio ducendas tradit, quo levior classis vadoso mari innaret vel reciproco sideret. Vitellius primum iter sicca humo aut modice adlabente aestu quietum habuit: mox inpulsu aquilonis, simul sidere aequinoctii, quo maxime tumescit Oceanus, rapi agique agmen. et opplebantur terrae: eadem freto litori campis facies, neque discerni poterant incerta ab solidis, brevia a profundis. sternuntur fluctibus, hauriuntur gurgitibus; iumenta, sarcinae, corpora exanima interfluunt, occursant. permiscentur inter se manipuli, modo pectore, modo ore tenus extantes, aliquando subtracto solo disiecti aut obruti. non vox et mutui hortatus iuvabant adversante unda; nihil strenuus ab ignavo, sapiens ab inprudenti, consilia a casu differre: cuncta pari violentia involvebantur. tandem Vitellius in editiora enisus eodem agmen subduxit. pernoctavere sine utensilibus, sine igni, magna pars nudo aut mulcato corpore, haud minus miserabiles quam quos hostis circumsidet: quippe illic etiam honestae mortis usus, his inglorium exitium. lux reddidit terram, penetratumque ad amnem Visurgin, quo Caesar classe contenderat. inpositae dein legiones, vagante fama submersas; nec fides salutis, antequam Caesarem exercitumque reducem videre. 1.11. Versae inde ad Tiberium preces. et ille varie disserebat de magnitudine imperii sua modestia. solam divi Augusti mentem tantae molis capacem: se in partem curarum ab illo vocatum experiendo didicisse quam arduum, quam subiectum fortunae regendi cuncta onus. proinde in civitate tot inlustribus viris subnixa non ad unum omnia deferrent: plures facilius munia rei publicae sociatis laboribus exsecuturos. plus in oratione tali dignitatis quam fidei erat; Tiberioque etiam in rebus quas non occuleret, seu natura sive adsuetudine, suspensa semper et obscura verba: tunc vero nitenti ut sensus suos penitus abderet, in incertum et ambiguum magis implicabantur. at patres, quibus unus metus si intellegere viderentur, in questus lacrimas vota effundi; ad deos, ad effigiem Augusti, ad genua ipsius manus tendere, cum proferri libellum recitarique iussit. opes publicae continebantur, quantum civium sociorumque in armis, quot classes, regna, provinciae, tributa aut vectigalia, et necessitates ac largitiones. quae cuncta sua manu perscripserat Augustus addideratque consilium coercendi intra terminos imperii, incertum metu an per invidiam. 1.58. Verba eius in hunc modum fuere: 'non hic mihi primus erga populum Romanum fidei et constantiae dies. ex quo a divo Augusto civitate donatus sum, amicos inimicosque ex vestris utilitatibus delegi, neque odio patriae (quippe proditores etiam iis quos anteponunt invisi sunt), verum quia Romanis Germanisque idem conducere et pacem quam bellum probabam. ergo raptorem filiae meae, violatorem foederis vestri, Arminium apud Varum, qui tum exercitui praesidebat, reum feci. dilatus segnitia ducis, quia parum praesidii in legibus erat, ut me et Arminium et conscios vinciret flagitavi: testis illa nox, mihi utinam potius novissima! quae secuta sunt defleri magis quam defendi possunt: ceterum et inieci catenas Arminio et a factione eius iniectas perpessus sum. atque ubi primum tui copia, vetera novis et quieta turbidis antehabeo, neque ob praemium, sed ut me perfidia exsolvam, simul genti Germanorum idoneus conciliator, si paenitentiam quam perniciem maluerit. pro iuventa et errore filii veniam precor: filiam necessitate huc adductam fateor. tuum erit consultare utrum praevaleat quod ex Arminio concepit an quod ex me genita est.' Caesar clementi responso liberis propinquisque eius incolumitatem, ipsi sedem vetere in provincia pollicetur. exercitum reduxit nomenque imperatoris auctore Tiberio accepit. Arminii uxor virilis sexus stirpem edidit: educatus Ravennae puer quo mox ludibrio conflictatus sit in tempore memorabo. 2.9. Flumen Visurgis Romanos Cheruscosque interfluebat. eius in ripa cum ceteris primoribus Arminius adstitit, quaesitoque an Caesar venisset, postquam adesse responsum est, ut liceret cum fratre conloqui oravit. erat is in exercitu cognomento Flavus, insignis fide et amisso per vulnus oculo paucis ante annis duce Tiberio. tum permissuprogressusque salutatur ab Arminio; qui amotis stipatoribus, ut sagittarii nostra pro ripa dispositi abscederent postulat, et postquam digressi, unde ea deformitas oris interrogat fratrem. illo locum et proelium referente, quodnam praemium recepisset exquirit. Flavus aucta stipendia, torquem et coronam aliaque militaria dona memorat, inridente Arminio vilia servitii pretia. 2.32. Bona inter accusatores dividuntur, et praeturae extra ordinem datae iis qui senatorii ordinis erant. tunc Cotta Messalinus, ne imago Libonis exequias posterorum comitaretur, censuit, Cn. Lentulus, ne quis Scribonius cognomentum Drusi adsumeret. supplicationum dies Pomponii Flacci sententia constituti, dona Iovi, Marti, Concordiae, utque iduum Septembrium dies, quo se Libo interfecerat, dies festus haberetur, L. Piso et Gallus Asinius et Papius Mutilus et L. Apronius decrevere; quorum auctoritates adulationesque rettuli ut sciretur vetus id in re publica malum. facta et de mathematicis magisque Italia pellendis senatus consulta; quorum e numero L. Pituanius saxo deiectus est, in P. Marcium consules extra portam Esquilinam, cum classicum canere iussissent, more prisco advertere. 2.37. Censusque quorundam senatorum iuvit. quo magis mirum fuit quod preces Marci Hortali, nobilis iuvenis, in paupertate manifesta superbius accepisset. nepos erat oratoris Hortensii, inlectus a divo Augusto liberalitate decies sestertii ducere uxorem, suscipere liberos, ne clarissima familia extingueretur. igitur quattuor filiis ante limen curiae adstantibus, loco sententiae, cum in Palatio senatus haberetur, modo Hortensii inter oratores sitam imaginem modo Augusti intuens, ad hunc modum coepit: 'patres conscripti, hos, quorum numerum et pueritiam videtis, non sponte sustuli sed quia princeps monebat; simul maiores mei meruerant ut posteros haberent. nam ego, qui non pecuniam, non studia populi neque eloquentiam, gentile domus nostrae bonum, varietate temporum accipere vel parare potuissem, satis habebam, si tenues res meae nec mihi pudori nec cuiquam oneri forent. iussus ab imperatore uxorem duxi. en stirps et progenies tot consulum, tot dictatorum. nec ad invidiam ista sed conciliandae misericordiae refero. adsequentur florente te, Caesar, quos dederis honores: interim Q. Hortensii pronepotes, divi Augusti alumnos ab inopia defende.' 2.39. Eodem anno mancipii unius audacia, ni mature subventum foret, discordiis armisque civilibus rem publicam perculisset. Postumi Agrippae servus, nomine Clemens, comperto fine Augusti pergere in insulam Planasiam et fraude aut vi raptum Agrippam ferre ad exercitus Germanicos non servili animo concepit. ausa eius inpedivit tarditas onerariae navis: atque interim patrata caede ad maiora et magis praecipitia conversus furatur cineres vectusque Cosam Etruriae promunturium ignotis locis sese abdit, donec crinem barbamque promitteret: nam aetate et forma haud dissimili in dominum erat. tum per idoneos et secreti eius socios crebrescit vivere Agrippam, occultis primum sermonibus, ut vetita solent, mox vago rumore apud inperitissimi cuiusque promptas auris aut rursum apud tur- bidos eoque nova cupientis. atque ipse adire municipia obscuro diei, neque propalam aspici neque diutius isdem locis, sed quia veritas visu et mora, falsa festinatione et incertis valescunt, relinquebat famam aut praeveniebat. 2.42. Ceterum Tiberius nomine Germanici trecenos plebi sestertios viritim dedit seque collegam consulatui eius destinavit. nec ideo sincerae caritatis fidem adsecutus amoliri iuvenem specie honoris statuit struxitque causas aut forte oblatas arripuit. rex Archelaus quinquagesimum annum Cappadocia potiebatur, invisus Tiberio quod eum Rhodi agentem nullo officio coluisset. nec id Archelaus per superbiam omiserat, sed ab intimis Augusti monitus, quia florente Gaio Caesare missoque ad res Orientis intuta Tiberii amicitia credebatur. ut versa Caesarum subole imperium adeptus est, elicit Archelaum matris litteris, quae non dissimulatis filii offensionibus clementiam offerebat, si ad precandum veniret. ille ignarus doli vel, si intellegere crederetur, vim metuens in urbem properat; exceptusque immiti a principe et mox accusatus in senatu, non ob crimina quae fingebantur sed angore, simul fessus senio et quia regibus aequa, nedum infima insolita sunt, finem vitae sponte an fato implevit. regnum in provinciam redactum est, fructibusque eius levari posse centesimae vectigal professus Caesar ducentesimam in posterum statuit. per idem tempus Antiocho Commagenorum, Philopatore Cilicum regibus defunctis turbabantur nationes, plerisque Romanum, aliis regium imperium cupientibus; et provinciae Syria atque Iudaea, fessae oneribus, deminutionem tributi orabant. 2.75. At Agrippina, quamquam defessa luctu et corpore aegro, omnium tamen quae ultionem morarentur intolerans ascendit classem cum cineribus Germanici et liberis, miserantibus cunctis quod femina nobilitate princeps, pulcherrimo modo matrimonio inter venerantis gratantisque aspici solita, tunc feralis reliquias sinu ferret, incerta ultionis, anxia sui et infelici fecunditate fortunae totiens obnoxia. Pisonem interim apud Coum insulam nuntius adsequitur excessisse Germanicum. quo intemperanter accepto caedit victimas, adit templa, neque ipse gaudium moderans et magis insolescente Plancina, quae luctum amissae sororis tum primum laeto cultu mutavit. 2.82. At Romae, postquam Germanici valetudo percrebuit cunctaque ut ex longinquo aucta in deterius adferebantur, dolor ira, et erumpebant questus. ideo nimirum in extremas terras relegatum, ideo Pisoni permissam provinciam; hoc egisse secretos Augustae cum Plancina sermones. vera prorsus de Druso seniores locutos: displicere regtibus civilia filiorum ingenia, neque ob aliud interceptos quam quia populum Romanum aequo iure complecti reddita libertate agitaverint. hos vulgi sermones audita mors adeo incendit ut ante edictum magistratuum, ante senatus consultum sumpto iustitio desererentur fora, clauderentur domus. passim silentia et gemitus, nihil compositum in ostentationem; et quamquam neque insignibus lugentium abstinerent, altius animis maerebant. forte negotiatores vivente adhuc Germanico Syria egressi laetiora de valetudine eius attulere. statim credita, statim vulgata sunt: ut quisque obvius, quamvis leviter audita in alios atque illi in plures cumulata gaudio transferunt. cursant per urbem, moliuntur templorum foris; iuvat credulitatem nox et promptior inter tenebras adfirmatio. nec obstitit falsis Tiberius donec tempore ac spatio vanescerent: et populus quasi rursum ereptum acrius doluit. 2.85. Eodem anno gravibus senatus decretis libido feminarum coercita cautumque ne quaestum corpore faceret cui avus aut pater aut maritus eques Romanus fuisset. nam Vistilia praetoria familia genita licentiam stupri apud aedilis vulgaverat, more inter veteres recepto, qui satis poenarum adversum impudicas in ipsa professione flagitii credebant. exactum et a Titidio Labeone Vistiliae marito cur in uxore delicti manifesta ultionem legis omisisset. atque illo praetendente sexaginta dies ad consultandum datos necdum praeterisse, satis visum de Vistilia statuere; eaque in insulam Seriphon abdita est. actum et de sacris Aegyptiis Iudaicisque pellendis factumque patrum consultum ut quattuor milia libertini generis ea superstitione infecta quis idonea aetas in insulam Sardiniam veherentur, coercendis illic latrociniis et, si ob gravitatem caeli interissent, vile damnum; ceteri cederent Italia nisi certam ante diem profanos ritus exuissent. 3.4. Dies quo reliquiae tumulo Augusti inferebantur modo per silentium vastus, modo ploratibus inquies; plena urbis itinera, conlucentes per campum Martis faces. illic miles cum armis, sine insignibus magistratus, populus per tribus concidisse rem publicam, nihil spei reliquum clamitabant, promptius apertiusque quam ut meminisse imperitantium crederes. nihil tamen Tiberium magis penetravit quam studia hominum accensa in Agrippinam, cum decus patriae, solum Augusti sanguinem, unicum antiquitatis specimen appellarent versique ad caelum ac deos integram illi subolem ac superstitem iniquorum precarentur. 3.4. Eodem anno Galliarum civitates ob magnitudinem aeris alieni rebellionem coeptavere, cuius extimulator acerrimus inter Treviros Iulius Florus, apud Aeduos Iulius Sacrovir. nobilitas ambobus et maiorum bona facta eoque Romana civitas olim data, cum id rarum nec nisi virtuti pretium esset. ii secretis conloquiis, ferocissimo quoque adsumpto aut quibus ob egestatem ac metum ex flagitiis maxima peccandi necessitudo, componunt Florus Belgas, Sacrovir propiores Gallos concire. igitur per conciliabula et coetus seditiosa disserebant de continuatione tributorum, gravitate faenoris, saevitia ac superbia praesidentium, et discordare militem audito Germanici exitio. egregium resumendae libertati tempus, si ipsi florentes quam inops Italia, quam inbellis urbana plebes, nihil validum in exercitibus nisi quod externum, cogitarent. 3.18. Multa ex ea sententia mitigata sunt a principe: ne nomen Pisonis fastis eximeretur, quando M. Antonii qui bellum patriae fecisset, Iulli Antonii qui domum Augusti violasset, manerent. et M. Pisonem ignominiae exemit concessitque ei paterna bona, satis firmus, ut saepe memoravi, adversum pecuniam et tum pudore absolutae Plancinae placabilior. atque idem, cum Valerius Messalinus signum aureum in aede Martis Vltoris, Caecina Severus aram ultioni statuendam censuissent, prohibuit, ob externas ea victorias sacrari dictitans, domestica mala tristitia operienda. addiderat Messalinus Tiberio et Augustae et Antoniae et Agrippinae Drusoque ob vindictam Germanici gratis agendas omiseratque Claudii mentionem. et Messalinum quidem L. Asprenas senatu coram percontatus est an prudens praeterisset; ac tum demum nomen Claudii adscriptum est. mihi quanto plura recentium seu veterum revolvo tanto magis ludibria rerum mortalium cunctis in negotiis obversantur. quippe fama spe veneratione potius omnes destinabantur imperio quam quem futurum principem fortuna in occulto tenebat. 4.71. Ni mihi destinatum foret suum quaeque in annum referre, avebat animus antire statimque memorare exitus quos Latinus atque Opsius ceterique flagitii eius repertores habuere, non modo postquam Gaius Caesar rerum potitus est sed incolumi Tiberio, qui scelerum ministros ut perverti ab aliis nolebat, ita plerumque satiatus et oblatis in eandem operam recentibus veteres et praegravis adflixit: verum has atque alias sontium poenas in tempore trademus. tum censuit Asinius Gallus, cuius liberorum Agrippina matertera erat, petendum a principe ut metus suos senatui fateretur amoverique sineret. nullam aeque Tiberius, ut rebatur, ex virtutibus suis quam dissimulationem diligebat: eo aegrius accepit recludi quae premeret. sed mitigavit Seianus, non Galli amore verum ut cunctationes principis opperiretur, gnarus lentum in meditando, ubi prorupisset, tristibus dictis atrocia facta coniungere. Per idem tempus Iulia mortem obiit, quam neptem Augustus convictam adulterii damnaverat proieceratque in insulam Trimerum, haud procul Apulis litoribus. illic viginti annis exilium toleravit Augustae ope sustentata, quae florentis privignos cum per occultum subvertisset, misericordiam erga adflictos palam ostentabat. 12.1. Caede Messalinae convulsa principis domus, orto apud libertos certamine, quis deligeret uxorem Claudio, caelibis vitae intoleranti et coniugum imperiis obnoxio. nec minore ambitu feminae exarserant: suam quaeque nobilitatem formam opes contendere ac digna tanto matrimonio ostentare. sed maxime ambigebatur inter Lolliam Paulinam M. Lollii consularis et Iuliam Agrippinam Germanico genitam: huic Pallas, illi Callistus fautores aderant; at Aelia Paetina e familia Tuberonum Narcisso fovebatur. ipse huc modo, modo illuc, ut quemque suadentium audierat, promptus, discordantis in consilium vocat ac promere sententiam et adicere rationes iubet. 12.1. Per idem tempus legati Parthorum ad expetendum, ut rettuli, Meherdaten missi senatum ingrediuntur mandataque in hunc modum incipiunt: non se foederis ignaros nec defectione a familia Arsacidarum venire, set filium Vononis, nepotem Phraatis accersere adversus dominationem Gotarzis nobilitati plebique iuxta intolerandam. iam fratres, iam propinquos, iam longius sitos caedibus exhaustos; adici coniuges gravidas, liberos parvos, dum socors domi, bellis infaustus ignaviam saevitia tegat. veterem sibi ac publice coeptam nobiscum amicitiam, et subveniendum sociis virium aemulis cedentibusque per reverentiam. ideo regum obsides liberos dari ut, si domestici imperii taedeat, sit regressus ad principem patresque, quorum moribus adsuefactus rex melior adscisceretur. 12.2. Narcissus vetus matrimonium, filiam communem (nam Antonia ex Paetina erat), nihil in penatibus eius novum disserebat, si sueta coniunx rediret, haudquaquam novercalibus odiis visura Britannicum, Octaviam, proxima suis pignora. Callistus improbatam longo discidio, ac si rursum adsumeretur, eo ipso superbam; longeque rectius Lolliam induci, quando nullos liberos genuisset, vacuam aemulatione et privignis parentis loco futuram. at Pallas id maxime in Agrippina laudare quod Germanici nepotem secum traheret, dignum prorsus imperatoria fortuna: stirpem nobilem et familiae Iuliae Claudiaeque posteros coniungeret, ne femina expertae fecunditatis, integra iuventa, claritudinem Caesarum aliam in domum ferret. 12.2. At Claudius, quamquam nobilitatibus externis mitis, dubitavit tamen accipere captivum pacto salutis an repetere armis rectius foret. hinc dolor iniuriarum et libido vindictae adigebat: sed disserebatur contra suscipi bellum avio itinere, importuoso mari; ad hoc reges ferocis, vagos populos, solum frugum egenum, taedium ex mora, pericula ex properantia, modicam victoribus laudem ac multum infamiae, si pellerentur. quin adriperet oblata et servaret exulem, cui inopi quanto longiorem vitam, tanto plus supplicii fore. his permotus scripsit Eunoni, meritum quidem novissima exempla Mithridaten, nec sibi vim ad exequendum deesse: verum ita maioribus placitum, quanta pervicacia in hostem, tanta beneficentia adversus supplices utendum; nam triumphos de populis regnisque integris adquiri. 12.3. Praevaluere haec adiuta Agrippinae inlecebris: ad eum per speciem necessitudinis crebro ventitando pellicit patruum ut praelata ceteris et nondum uxor potentia uxoria iam uteretur. nam ubi sui matrimonii certa fuit, struere maiora nuptiasque Domitii, quem ex Cn. Ahenobarbo genuerat, et Octaviae Caesaris filiae moliri; quod sine scelere perpetrari non poterat, quia L. Silano desponderat Octaviam Caesar iuvenemque et alia clarum insigni triumphalium et gladiatorii muneris magnificentia protulerat ad studia vulgi. sed nihil arduum videbatur in animo principis, cui non iudicium, non odium erat nisi indita et iussa. 12.3. Sed Iazuges obsidionis impatientes et proximos per campos vagi necessitudinem pugnae attulere, quia Lugius Hermundurusque illic ingruerant. igitur degressus castellis Vannius funditur proelio, quamquam rebus adversis laudatus quod et pugnam manu capessiit et corpore adverso vulnera excepit. ceterum ad classem in Danuvio opperientem perfugit; secuti mox clientes et acceptis agris in Pannonia locati sunt. regnum Vangio ac Sido inter se partivere, egregia adversus nos fide, subiectis, suone an servitii ingenio, dum adipiscerentur dominationes, multa caritate, et maiore odio, postquam adepti sunt. 12.4. Igitur Vitellius, nomine censoris servilis fallacias obtegens ingruentiumque dominationum provisor, quo gratiam Agrippinae pararet, consiliis eius implicari, ferre crimina in Silanum, cuius sane decora et procax soror, Iunia Calvina, haud multum ante Vitellii nurus fuerat. hinc initium accusationis; fratrumque non incestum, sed incustoditum amorem ad infamiam traxit. et praebebat Caesar auris, accipiendis adversus generum suspicionibus caritate filiae promptior. at Silanus insidiarum nescius ac forte eo anno praetor, repente per edictum Vitellii ordine senatorio movetur, quamquam lecto pridem senatu lustroque condito. simul adfinitatem Claudius diremit, adactusque Silanus eiurare magistratum, et reliquus praeturae dies in Eprium Marcellum conlatus est. 12.4. At Caesar cognita morte legati, ne provincia sine rectore foret, A. Didium suffecit. is propere vectus non tamen integras res invenit, adversa interim legionis pugna, cui Manlius Valens praeerat; auctaque et apud hostis eius rei fama, quo venientem ducem exterrerent, atque illo augente audita, ut maior laus compositis et, si duravissent, venia iustior tribueretur. Silures id quoque damnum intulerant lateque persultabant, donec adcursu Didii pellerentur. sed post captum Caratacum praecipuus scientia rei militaris Venutius, e Brigantum civitate, ut supra memoravi, fidusque diu et Romanis armis defensus, cum Cartimanduam reginam matrimonio teneret; mox orto discidio et statim bello etiam adversus nos hostilia induerat. sed primo tantum inter ipsos certabatur, callidisque Cartimandua artibus fratrem ac propinquos Venutii intercepit. inde accensi hostes, stimulante ignominia, ne feminae imperio subderentur, valida et lecta armis iuventus regnum eius invadunt. quod nobis praevisum, et missae auxilio cohortes acre proelium fecere, cuius initio ambiguo finis laetior fuit. neque dispari eventu pugnatum a legione, cui Caesius Nasica praeerat; nam Didius senectute gravis et multa copia honorum per ministros agere et arcere hostem satis habebat. haec, quamquam a duobus pro praetoribus pluris per annos gesta, coniunxi ne divisa haud perinde ad memoriam sui valerent: ad temporum ordinem redeo. 12.5. C. Pompeio Q. Veranio consulibus pactum inter Claudium et Agrippinam matrimonium iam fama, iam amore inlicito firmabatur; necdum celebrare sollemnia nuptiarum audebant, nullo exemplo deductae in domum patrui fratris filiae: quin et incestum ac, si sperneretur, ne in malum publicum erumperet metuebatur. nec ante omissa cunctatio quam Vitellius suis artibus id perpetrandum sumpsit. percontatusque Caesarem an iussis populi, an auctoritati senatus cederet, ubi ille unum se civium et consensui imparem respondit, opperiri intra palatium iubet. ipse curiam ingreditur, summamque rem publicam agi obtestans veniam dicendi ante alios exposcit orditurque: gravissimos principis labores, quis orbem terrae capessat, egere adminiculis ut domestica cura vacuus in commune consulat. quod porro honestius censoriae mentis levamentum quam adsumere coniugem, prosperis dubiisque sociam, cui cogitationes intimas, cui parvos liberos tradat, non luxui aut voluptatibus adsuefactus, sed qui prima ab iuventa legibus obtemperavisset. 12.5. Nam Vologeses casum invadendae Armeniae obvenisse ratus, quam a maioribus suis possessam externus rex flagitio obtineret, contrahit copias fratremque Tiridaten deducere in regnum parat, ne qua pars domus sine imperio ageret. incessu Parthorum sine acie pulsi Hiberi, urbesque Armeniorum Artaxata et Tigranocerta iugum accepere. deinde atrox hiems et parum provisi commeatus et orta ex utroque tabes perpellunt Vologesen omittere praesentia. vacuamque rursus Armeniam Radamistus invasit, truculentior quam antea, tamquam adversus defectores et in tempore rebellaturos. atque illi quamvis servitio sueti patientiam abrumpunt armisque regiam circumveniunt. 12.6. Postquam haec favorabili oratione praemisit multaque patrum adsentatio sequebatur, capto rursus initio, quando maritandum principem cuncti suaderent, deligi oportere feminam nobilitate puerperiis sanctimonia insignem. nec diu anquirendum quin Agrippina claritudine generis anteiret: datum ab ea fecunditatis experimentum et congruere artes honestas. id vero egregium, quod provisu deum vidua iungeretur principi sua tantum matrimonia experto. audivisse a parentibus, vidisse ipsos abripi coniuges ad libita Caesarum: procul id a praesenti modestia. statueretur immo documentum, quo uxorem imperator acciperet. at enim nova nobis in fratrum filias coniugia: sed aliis gentibus sollemnia, neque lege ulla prohibita; et sobrinarum diu ignorata tempore addito percrebuisse. morem accommodari prout conducat, et fore hoc quoque in iis quae mox usurpentur. 12.6. Eodem anno saepius audita vox principis, parem vim rerum habendam a procuratoribus suis iudicatarum ac si ipse statuisset. ac ne fortuito prolapsus videretur, senatus quoque consulto cautum plenius quam antea et uberius. nam divus Augustus apud equestris qui Aegypto praesiderent lege agi decretaque eorum proinde haberi iusserat ac si magistratus Romani constituissent; mox alias per provincias et in urbe pleraque concessa sunt quae olim a praetoribus noscebantur: Claudius omne ius tradidit, de quo toties seditione aut armis certatum, cum Semproniis rogationibus equester ordo in possessione iudiciorum locaretur, aut rursum Serviliae leges senatui iudicia redderent, Mariusque et Sulla olim de eo vel praecipue bellarent. sed tunc ordinum diversa studia, et quae vicerant publice valebant. C. Oppius et Cornelius Balbus primi Caesaris opibus potuere condiciones pacis et arbitria belli tractare. Matios posthac et Vedios et cetera equitum Romanorum praevalida nomina referre nihil attinuerit, cum Claudius libertos quos rei familiari praefecerat sibique et legibus adaequaverit. 12.7. Haud defuere qui certatim, si cunctaretur Caesar, vi acturos testificantes erumperent curia. conglobatur promisca multitudo populumque Romanum eadem orare clamitat. nec Claudius ultra expectato obvius apud forum praebet se gratantibus, senatumque ingressus decretum postulat quo iustae inter patruos fratrumque filias nuptiae etiam in posterum statuerentur. nec tamen repertus est nisi unus talis matrimonii cupitor, Alledius Severus eques Romanus, quem plerique Agrippinae gratia impulsum ferebant. versa ex eo civitas et cuncta feminae oboediebant, non per lasciviam, ut Messalina, rebus Romanis inludenti. adductum et quasi virile servitium: palam severitas ac saepius superbia; nihil domi impudicum, nisi dominationi expediret. cupido auri immensa obtentum habebat, quasi subsidium regno pararetur. 12.8. Die nuptiarum Silanus mortem sibi conscivit, sive eo usque spem vitae produxerat, seu delecto die augendam ad invidiam. Calvina soror eius Italia pulsa est. addidit Claudius sacra ex legibus Tulli regis piaculaque apud lucum Dianae per pontifices danda, inridentibus cunctis quod poenae procurationesque incesti id temporis exquirerentur. at Agrippina ne malis tantum facinoribus notesceret veniam exilii pro Annaeo Seneca, simul praeturam impetrat, laetum in publicum rata ob claritudinem studiorum eius, utque Domitii pueritia tali magistro adolesceret et consiliis eiusdem ad spem dominationis uterentur, quia Seneca fidus in Agrippinam memoria beneficii et infensus Claudio dolore iniuriae credebatur. 12.23. Galliae Narbonensi ob egregiam in patres reverentiam datum ut senatoribus eius provinciae non exquisita principis sententia, iure quo Sicilia haberetur, res suas invisere liceret. Ituraeique et Iudaei defunctis regibus Sohaemo atque Agrippa provinciae Syriae additi. Salutis augurium quinque et septuaginta annis omissum repeti ac deinde continuari placitum. et pomerium urbis auxit Caesar, more prisco, quo iis qui protulere imperium etiam terminos urbis propagare datur. nec tamen duces Romani, quamquam magnis nationibus subactis, usurpaverant nisi L. Sulla et divus Augustus. 12.68. Vocabatur interim senatus votaque pro incolumitate principis consules et sacerdotes nuncupabant, cum iam exanimis vestibus et fomentis obtegeretur, dum quae res forent firmando Neronis imperio componuntur. iam primum Agrippina, velut dolore victa et solacia conquirens, tenere amplexu Britannicum, veram paterni oris effigiem appellare ac variis artibus demorari ne cubiculo egrederetur. Antoniam quoque et Octaviam sorores eius attinuit, et cunctos aditus custodiis clauserat, crebroque vulgabat ire in melius valetudinem principis, quo miles bona in spe ageret tempusque prosperum ex monitis Chaldaeorum adventaret. 12.69. Tunc medio diei tertium ante Idus Octobris, foribus palatii repente diductis, comitante Burro Nero egreditur ad cohortem, quae more militiae excubiis adest. ibi monente praefecto faustis vocibus exceptus inditur lecticae. dubitavisse quosdam ferunt, respectantis rogitantisque ubi Britannicus esset: mox nullo in diversum auctore quae offerebantur secuti sunt. inlatusque castris Nero et congruentia tempori praefatus, promisso donativo ad exemplum paternae largitionis, imperator consalutatur. sententiam militum secuta patrum consulta, nec dubitatum est apud provincias. caelestesque honores Claudio decernuntur et funeris sollemne perinde ac divo Augusto celebratur, aemulante Agrippina proaviae Liviae magnificentiam. testamentum tamen haud recitatum, ne antepositus filio privignus iniuria et invidia animos vulgi turbaret. 13.1. Prima novo principatu mors Iunii Silani proconsulis Asiae ignaro Nerone per dolum Agrippinae paratur, non quia ingenii violentia exitium inritaverat, segnis et dominationibus aliis fastiditus, adeo ut G. Caesar pecudem auream eum appellare solitus sit: verum Agrippina fratri eius L. Silano necem molita ultorem metuebat, crebra vulgi fama anteponendum esse vixdum pueritiam egresso Neroni et imperium per scelus adepto virum aetate composita, insontem, nobilem et, quod tunc spectaretur, e Caesarum posteris: quippe et Silanus divi Augusti abnepos erat. haec causa necis. ministri fuere P. Celer eques Romanus et Helius libertus, rei familiari principis in Asia impositi. ab his proconsuli venenum inter epulas datum est apertius quam ut fallerent. nec minus properato Narcissus Claudii libertus, de cuius iurgiis adversus Agrippinam rettuli, aspera custodia et necessitate extrema ad mortem agitur, invito principe, cuius abditis adhuc vitiis per avaritiam ac prodi gentiam mire congruebat. 13.1. Eodem anno Caesar effigiem Cn. Domitio patri et consularia insignia Asconio Labeoni, quo tutore usus erat, petivit a senatu; sibique statuas argento vel auro solidas adversus offerentis prohibuit. et quamquam censuissent patres ut principium anni inciperet mense Decembri, quo ortus erat Nero, veterem religionem kalendarum Ianuariarum inchoando anno retinuit. neque recepti sunt inter reos Carrinas Celer senator servo accusante aut Iulius Densus equester, cui favor in Britannicum crimini dabatur. 13.4. Ceterum peractis tristitiae imitamentis curiam ingressus et de auctoritate patrum et consensu militum praefatus, consilia sibi et exempla capessendi egregie imperii memora- vit, neque iuventam armis civilibus aut domesticis discordiis imbutam; nulla odia, nullas iniurias nec cupidinem ultionis adferre. tum formam futuri principatus praescripsit, ea maxime declis quorum recens flagrabat invidia. non enim se negotiorum omnium iudicem fore, ut clausis unam intra domum accusatoribus et reis paucorum potentia grassaretur; nihil in penatibus suis venale aut ambitioni pervium; discretam domum et rem publicam. teneret antiqua munia senatus, consulum tribunalibus Italia et publicae provinciae adsisterent: illi patrum aditum praeberent, se mandatis exercitibus consulturum. 13.4. At Tiridates pudore et metu, ne, si concessisset obsidioni, nihil opis in ipso videretur, si prohiberet, impeditis locis seque et equestris copias inligaret, statuit postremo ostendere aciem et dato die proelium incipere vel simulatione fugae locum fraudi parare. igitur repente agmen Romanum circumfundit, non ignaro duce nostro, qui viae pariter et pugnae composuerat exercitum. latere dextro tertia legio, sinistro sexta incedebat, mediis decimanorum delectis; recepta inter ordines impedimenta, et tergum mille equites tuebantur, quibus iusserat ut instantibus comminus resisterent, refugos non sequerentur. in cornibus pedes sagittarius et cetera manus equitum ibat, productiore cornu sinistro per ima collium, ut, si hostis intravisset, fronte simul et sinu exciperetur. adsultare ex diverso Tiridates, non usque ad ictum teli, sed tum minitans, tum specie trepidantis, si laxare ordines et diversos consectari posset. ubi nihil temeritate solutum, nec amplius quam decurio equitum audentius progressus et sagittis confixus ceteros ad obsequium exemplo firmaverat, propinquis iam tenebris abscessit. 13.35. Sed Corbuloni plus molis adversus ignaviam militum quam contra perfidiam hostium erat: quippe Syria transmotae legiones, pace longa segnes, munia castrorum aegerrime tolerabant. satis constitit fuisse in eo exercitu veteranos qui non stationem, non vigilias inissent, vallum fossamque quasi nova et mira viserent, sine galeis, sine loricis, nitidi et quaestuosi, militia per oppida expleta. igitur dimissis quibus senectus aut valetudo adversa erat supplementum petivit. et habiti per Galatiam Cappadociamque dilectus, adiectaque ex Germania legio cum equitibus alariis et peditatu cohortium. retentusque omnis exercitus sub pellibus, quamvis hieme saeva adeo ut obducta glacie nisi effossa humus tentoriis locum non praeberet. ambusti multorum artus vi frigoris et quidam inter excubias exanimati sunt. adnotatusque miles qui fascem lignorum gestabat ita praeriguisse manus, ut oneri adhaerentes truncis brachiis deciderent. ipse cultu levi, capite intecto, in agmine, in laboribus frequens adesse, laudem strenuis, solacium invalidis, exemplum omnibus ostendere. dehinc quia duritia caeli militiaeque multi abnuebant deserebantque, remedium severitate quaesitum est. nec enim, ut in aliis exercitibus, primum alterumque delictum venia prosequebatur, sed qui signa reliquerat, statim capite poenas luebat. idque usu salubre et misericordia melius adparuit: quippe pauciores illa castra deseruere quam ea in quibus ignoscebatur. 14.3. Igitur Nero vitare secretos eius congressus, abscedentem in hortos aut Tusculanum vel Antiatem in agrum laudare quod otium capesseret. postremo, ubicumque haberetur, praegravem ratus interficere constituit, hactenus consultans, veneno an ferro vel qua alia vi. placuitque primo venenum. sed inter epulas principis si daretur, referri ad casum non poterat tali iam Britannici exitio; et ministros temptare arduum videbatur mulieris usu scelerum adversus insidias intentae; atque ipsa praesumendo remedia munierat corpus. ferrum et caedes quonam modo occultaretur nemo reperiebat; et ne quis illi tanto facinori delectus iussa sperneret metuebat. obtulit ingenium Anicetus libertus, classi apud Misenum praefectus et pueritiae Neronis educator ac mutuis odiis Agrippinae invisus. ergo navem posse componi docet cuius pars ipso in mari per artem soluta effunderet ignaram: nihil tam capax fortuitorum quam mare; et si naufragio intercepta sit, quem adeo iniquum ut sceleri adsignet quod venti et fluctus deliquerint? additurum principem defunctae templum et aras et cetera ostentandae pietati. 14.3. Stabat pro litore diversa acies, densa armis virisque, intercursantibus feminis; in modum Furiarum veste ferali, crinibus deiectis faces praeferebant; Druidaeque circum, preces diras sublatis ad caelum manibus fundentes, novitate aspectus perculere militem ut quasi haerentibus membris immobile corpus vulneribus praeberent. dein cohortationibus ducis et se ipsi stimulantes ne muliebre et fanaticum agmen pavescerent, inferunt signa sternuntque obvios et igni suo involvunt. praesidium posthac impositum victis excisique luci saevis superstitionibus sacri: nam cruore captivo adolere aras et hominum fibris consulere deos fas habebant. haec agenti Suetonio repentina defectio provinciae nuntiatur. 14.4. Placuit sollertia, tempore etiam iuta, quando Quinquatruum festos dies apud Baias frequentabat. illuc matrem elicit, ferendas parentium iracundias et placandum animum dictitans quo rumorem reconciliationis efficeret acciperetque Agrippina facili feminarum credulitate ad gaudia. venientem dehinc obvius in litora (nam Antio adventabat) excepit manu et complexu ducitque Baulos. id villae nomen est quae promunturium Misenum inter et Baianum lacum flexo mari adluitur. stabat inter alias navis ornatior, tamquam id quoque honori matris daretur: quippe sueverat triremi et classiariorum remigio vehi. ac tum invitata ad epulas erat ut occultando facinori nox adhiberetur. satis constitit extitisse proditorem et Agrippinam auditis insidiis, an crederet ambiguam, gestamine sellae Baias pervectam. ibi blandimentum sublevavit metum: comiter excepta superque ipsum conlocata. iam pluribus sermonibus modo familiaritate iuvenili Nero et rursus adductus, quasi seria consociaret, tracto in longum convictu, prosequitur abeuntem, artius oculis et pectori haerens, sive explenda simulatione, seu periturae matris supremus aspectus quamvis ferum animum retinebat. 14.4. Eodem anno Romae insignia scelera, alterum senatoris, servili alterum audacia, admissa sunt. Domitius Balbus erat praetorius, simul longa senecta, simul orbitate et pecunia insidiis obnoxius. ei propinquus Valerius Fabianus, capessendis honoribus destinatus, subdidit testamentum adscitis Vinicio Rufino et Terentio Lentino equitibus Romanis. illi Antonium Primum et Asinium Marcellum sociaverant. Antonius audacia promptus, Marcellus Asinio Pollione proavo clarus neque morum spernendus habebatur nisi quod paupertatem praecipuum malorum credebat. igitur Fabianus tabulas sociis quos memoravi et aliis minus inlustribus obsignat. quod apud patres convictum et Fabianus Antoniusque cum Rufino et Terentio lege Cornelia damtur. Marcellum memoria maiorum et preces Caesaris poenae magis quam infamiae exemere. 14.5. Noctem sideribus inlustrem et placido mari quietam quasi convincendum ad scelus dii praebuere. nec multum erat progressa navis, duobus e numero familiarium Agrippinam comitantibus, ex quis Crepereius Gallus haud procul gubernaculis adstabat, Acerronia super pedes cubitantis reclinis paenitentiam filii et reciperatam matris gratiam per gaudium memorabat, cum dato signo ruere tectum loci multo plumbo grave, pressusque Crepereius et statim exanimatus est: Agrippina et Acerronia eminentibus lecti parietibus ac forte validioribus quam ut oneri cederent protectae sunt. nec dissolutio navigii sequebatur, turbatis omnibus et quod plerique ignari etiam conscios impediebant. visum dehinc remigibus unum in latus inclinare atque ita navem submergere: sed neque ipsis promptus in rem subitam consensus, et alii contra nitentes dedere facultatem lenioris in mare iactus. verum Acerronia, imprudentia dum se Agrippinam esse utque subveniretur matri principis clamitat, contis et remis et quae fors obtulerat navalibus telis conficitur: Agrippina silens eoque minus adgnita (unum tamen vulnus umero excepit) do, deinde occursu lenunculorum Lucrinum in lacum vecta villae suae infertur. 14.5. Haud dispari crimine Fabricius Veiento conflictatus est, quod multa et probrosa in patres et sacerdotes compo- suisset iis libris quibus nomen codicillorum dederat. adiciebat Tullius Geminus accusator venditata ab eo munera principis et adipiscendorum honorum ius. quae causa Neroni fuit suscipiendi iudicii, convictumque Veientonem Italia depulit et libros exuri iussit, conquisitos lectitatosque donec cum periculo parabantur: mox licentia habendi oblivionem attulit. 14.6. Illic reputans ideo se fallacibus litteris accitam et honore praecipuo habitam, quodque litus iuxta non ventis acta, non saxis impulsa navis summa sui parte veluti terrestre machinamentum concidisset; observans etiam Acerroniae necem, simul suum vulnus aspiciens, solum insidiarum remedium esse, si non intellegerentur; misitque libertum Agerinum qui nuntiaret filio benignitate deum et fortuna eius evasisse gravem casum; orare ut quamvis periculo matris exterritus visendi curam differret; sibi ad praesens quiete opus. atque interim securitate simulata medicamina vulneri et fomenta corpori adhibet; testamentum Acerroniae requiri bonaque obsignari iubet, id tantum non per simulationem. 14.6. Igitur accepto patrum consulto, postquam cuncta scelerum suorum pro egregiis accipi videt, exturbat Octaviam, sterilem dictitans; exim Poppaeae coniungitur. ea diu paelex et adulteri Neronis, mox mariti potens, quendam ex ministris Octaviae impulit servilem ei amorem obicere. destinaturque reus cognomento Eucaerus, natione Alexandrinus, canere tibiis doctus. actae ob id de ancillis quaestiones et vi tormentorum victis quibusdam ut falsa adnuerent, plures perstitere sanctitatem dominae tueri; ex quibus una instanti Tigellino castiora esse muliebria Octaviae respondit quam os eius. movetur tamen primo civilis discidii specie domumque Burri, praedia Plauti, infausta dona accipit: mox in Campaniam pulsa est addita militari custodia. inde crebri questus nec occulti per vulgum, cui minor sapientia et ex mediocritate fortunae pauciora pericula sunt. his tamquam Nero paenitentia flagitii coniugem revocarit Octaviam. 14.7. At Neroni nuntios patrati facinoris opperienti adfertur evasisse ictu levi sauciam et hactenus adito discrimine ne auctor dubitaretur. tum pavore exanimis et iam iamque adfore obtestans vindictae properam, sive servitia armaret vel militem accenderet, sive ad senatum et populum pervaderet, naufragium et vulnus et interfectos amicos obiciendo: quod contra subsidium sibi? nisi quid Burrus et Seneca; quos expergens statim acciverat, incertum an et ante gnaros. igitur longum utriusque silentium, ne inriti dissuaderent, an eo descensum credebant ut, nisi praeveniretur Agrippina, pereundum Neroni esset. post Seneca hactenus promptius ut respiceret Burrum ac sciscitaretur an militi imperanda caedes esset. ille praetorianos toti Caesarum domui obstrictos memoresque Germanici nihil adversus progeniem eius atrox ausuros respondit: perpetraret Anicetus promissa. qui nihil cunctatus poscit summam sceleris. ad eam vocem Nero illo sibi die dari imperium auctoremque tanti muneris libertum profitetur: iret propere duceretque promptissimos ad iussa. ipse audito venisse missu Agrippinae nuntium Agerinum, scaenam ultro criminis parat gladiumque, dum mandata perfert, abicit inter pedes eius, tum quasi deprehenso vincla inici iubet, ut exitium principis molitam matrem et pudore deprehensi sceleris sponte mortem sumpsisse confingeret. 14.8. Interim vulgato Agrippinae periculo, quasi casu evenisset, ut quisque acceperat, decurrere ad litus. hi molium obiectus, hi proximas scaphas scandere; alii quantum corpus sinebat vadere in mare; quidam manus protendere; questibus, votis, clamore diversa rogitantium aut incerta respondentium omnis ora compleri; adfluere ingens multitudo cum luminibus, atque ubi incolumem esse pernotuit, ut ad gratandum sese expedire, donec aspectu armati et minitantis agminis disiecti sunt. Anicetus villam statione circumdat refractaque ianua obvios servorum abripit, donec ad foris cubiculi veniret; cui pauci adstabant, ceteris terrore inrumpentium exterritis. cubiculo modicum lumen inerat et ancillarum una, magis ac magis anxia Agrippina quod nemo a filio ac ne Agerinus quidem: aliam fore laetae rei faciem; nunc solitudinem ac repentinos strepitus et extremi mali indicia. abeunte dehinc ancilla 'tu quoque me deseris' prolocuta respicit Anicetum trierarcho Herculeio et Obarito centurione classiario comitatum: ac, si ad visendum venisset, refotam nuntiaret, sin facinus patraturus, nihil se de filio credere; non imperatum parricidium. circumsistunt lectum percussores et prior trierarchus fusti caput eius adflixit. iam in mortem centurioni ferrum destringenti protendens uterum 'ventrem feri' exclamavit multisque vulneribus confecta est. 14.9. Haec consensu produntur. aspexeritne matrem exanimem Nero et formam corporis eius laudaverit, sunt qui tradiderint, sunt qui abnuant. cremata est nocte eadem convivali lecto et exequiis vilibus; neque, dum Nero rerum potiebatur, congesta aut clausa humus. mox domesticorum cura levem tumulum accepit, viam Miseni propter et villam Caesaris dictatoris quae subiectos sinus editissima prospectat. accenso rogo libertus eius cognomento Mnester se ipse ferro transegit, incertum caritate in patronam an metu exitii. hunc sui finem multos ante annos crediderat Agrippina contempseratque. nam consulenti super Nerone responderunt Chaldaei fore ut imperaret matremque occideret; atque illa 'occidat' inquit, 'dum imperet.' 15.1. Interea rex Parthorum Vologeses cognitis Corbulonis rebus regemque alienigenam Tigranen Armeniae impositum, simul fratre Tiridate pulso spretum Arsacidarum fastigium ire ultum volens, magnitudine rursum Romana et continui foederis reverentia diversas ad curas trahebatur, cunctator ingenio et defectione Hyrcanorum, gentis validae, multisque ex eo bellis inligatus. atque illum ambiguum novus insuper nuntius contumeliae extimulat: quippe egressus Armenia Tigranes Adiabenos, conterminam nationem, latius ac diutius quam per latrocinia vastaverat, idque primores gentium aegre tolerabant: eo contemptionis descensum ut ne duce quidem Romano incursarentur, sed temeritate obsidis tot per annos inter mancipia habiti. accendebat dolorem eorum Monobazus, quem penes Adiabenum regimen, quod praesidium aut unde peteret rogitans. iam de Armenia concessum, proxima trahi; et nisi defendant Parthi, levius servitium apud Romanos deditis quam captis esse. Tiridates quoque regni profugus per silentium aut modice querendo gravior erat: non enim ignavia magna imperia contineri; virorum armorumque faciendum certamen; id in summa fortuna aequius quod validius, et sua retinere privatae domus, de alienis certare regiam laudem esse. 15.1. Accitur legio duodecima et unde famam aucti exercitus speraverat, prodita infrequentia: qua tamen retineri castra et eludi Parthus tractu belli poterat, si Paeto aut in suis aut in alienis consiliis constantia fuisset: verum ubi a viris militaribus adversus urgentis casus firmatus erat, rursus ne alienae sententiae indigens videretur in diversa ac deteriora transibat. et tunc relictis hibernis non fossam neque vallum sibi sed corpora et arma in hostem data clamitans, duxit legiones quasi proelio certaturus. deinde amisso centurione et paucis militibus quos visendis hostium copiis praemiserat trepidus remeavit. et quia minus acriter Vologeses institerat, vana rursus fiducia tria milia delecti peditis proximo Tauri iugo imposuit quo transitum regis arcerent; alaris quoque Pannonios, robur equitatus, in parte campi locat. coniunx ac filius castello, cui Arsamosata nomen est, abditi, data in praesidium cohorte ac disperso milite qui in uno habitus vagum hostem promptius sustentavisset. aegre compulsum ferunt ut instantem Corbuloni fateretur. nec a Corbulone properatum quo gliscentibus periculis etiam subsidii laus augeretur. expediri tamen itineri singula milia ex tribus legionibus et alarios octingentos, parem numerum e cohortibus iussit. 15.2. Igitur commotus his Vologeses concilium vocat et proximum sibi Tiridaten constituit atque ita orditur: 'hunc ego eodem mecum patre genitum, cum mihi per aetatem summo nomine concessisset, in possessionem Armeniae deduxi, qui tertius potentiae gradus habetur: nam Medos Pacorus ante ceperat. videbarque contra vetera fratrum odia et certamina familiae nostrae penatis rite composuisse. prohibent Romani et pacem numquam ipsis prospere lacessitam nunc quoque in exitium suum abrumpunt. non ibo infitias: aequitate quam sanguine, causa quam armis retinere parta maioribus malueram. si cunctatione deliqui, virtute corrigam. vestra quidem vis et gloria in integro est, addita modestiae fama quae neque summis mortalium spernenda est et a dis aestimatur.' simul diademate caput Tiridatis evinxit, promptam equitum manum, quae regem ex more sectatur, Monaesi nobili viro tradidit, adiectis Adiabenorum auxiliis, mandavitque Tigranen Armenia exturbare, dum ipse positis adversus Hyrcanos discordiis viris intimas molemque belli ciet, provinciis Romanis minitans. 15.2. Exim Claudius Timarchus Cretensis reus agitur, ceteris criminibus ut solent praevalidi provincialium et opibus nimiis ad iniurias minorum elati: una vox eius usque ad contumeliam senatus penetraverat, quod dictitasset in sua potestate situm an pro consulibus qui Cretam obtinuissent grates agerentur. quam occasionem Paetus Thrasea ad bonum publicum vertens, postquam de reo censuerat provincia Creta depellendum, haec addidit: 'usu probatum est, patres conscripti, leges egregias, exempla honesta apud bonos ex delictis aliorum gigni. sic oratorum licentia Cinciam rogationem, candidatorum ambitus Iulias leges, magistratuum avaritia Calpurnia scita pepererunt; nam culpa quam poena tempore prior, emendari quam peccare posterius est. ergo adversus novam provincialium superbiam dignum fide constantiaque Romana capiamus consilium, quo tutelae sociorum nihil derogetur, nobis opinio decedat, qualis quisque habeatur, alibi quam in civium iudicio esse. 15.3. Quae ubi Corbuloni certis nuntiis audita sunt, legiones duas cum Verulano Severo et Vettio Bolano subsidium Tigrani mittit occulto praecepto compositius cuncta quam festitius agerent: quippe bellum habere quam gerere malebat; scripseratque Caesari proprio duce opus esse qui Armeniam defenderet: Syriam ingruente Vologese acriore in discrimine esse. atque interim reliquas legiones pro ripa Euphratis locat, tumultuariam provincialium manum armat, hostilis ingressus praesidiis intercipit. et quia egena aquarum regio est castella fontibus imposita; quosdam rivos congestu harenae abdidit. 15.3. Addidit gloriae Corbulo comitatem epulasque; et rogitante rege causas, quoties novum aliquid adverterat, ut initia vigiliarum per centurionem nuntiari, convivium bucina dimitti et structam ante augurale aram subdita face accendi, cuncta in maius attollens admiratione prisci moris adfecit. postero die spatium oravit quo tantum itineris aditurus fratres ante matremque viseret; obsidem interea filiam tradit litterasque supplices ad Neronem. 15.4. Ea dum a Corbulone tuendae Syriae parantur, acto raptim agmine Monaeses ut famam sui praeiret, non ideo nescium aut incautum Tigranen offendit. occupaverat Tigranocertam, urbem copia defensorum et magnitudine moenium validam. ad hoc Nicephorius amnis haud spernenda latitudine partem murorum ambit; et ducta ingens fossa qua fluvio diffidebatur. inerantque milites et provisi ante commeatus, quorum subvectu pauci avidius progressi et repentinis hostibus circumventi ira magis quam metu ceteros accenderant. sed Partho ad exequendas obsidiones nulla comminus audacia: raris sagittis neque clausos exterret et semet frustratur. Adiabeni cum promovere scalas et machinamenta inciperent, facile detrusi, mox erumpentibus nostris caeduntur. 15.4. Sexto demum die apud imas Esquilias finis incendio factus, prorutis per immensum aedificiis ut continuae violentiae campus et velut vacuum caelum occurreret. necdum positus metus aut redierat plebi spes: rursum grassatus ignis patulis magis urbis locis; eoque strages hominum minor, delubra deum et porticus amoenitati dicatae latius procidere. plusque infamiae id incendium habuit quia praediis Tigellini Aemilianis proruperat videbaturque Nero condendae urbis novae et cognomento suo appellandae gloriam quaerere. quippe in regiones quattuordecim Roma dividitur, quarum quattuor integrae manebant, tres solo tenus deiectae: septem reliquis pauca tectorum vestigia supererant, lacera et semusta. 15.5. Corbulo tamen, quamvis secundis rebus suis, moderandum fortunae ratus misit ad Vologesen qui expostularent vim provinciae inlatam: socium amicumque regem, cohortis Romanas circumsideri. omitteret potius obsidionem, aut se quoque in agro hostili castra positurum. Casperius centurio in eam legationem delectus apud oppidum Nisibin, septem et triginta milibus passuum a Tigranocerta distantem, adit regem et mandata ferociter edidit. Vologesi vetus et penitus infixum erat arma Romana vitandi, nec praesentia prospere fluebant. inritum obsidium, tutus manu et copiis Tigranes, fugati qui expugnationem sumpserant, missae in Armeniam legiones, et aliae pro Syria paratae ultro inrumpere; sibi imbecillum equitem pabuli inopia: nam exorta vis locustarum ambederat quidquid herbidum aut frondosum. igitur metu abstruso mitiora obtendens, missurum ad imperatorem Romanum legatos super petenda Armenia et firmanda pace respondet: Monaesen omittere Tigranocertam iubet, ipse retro concedit. 15.5. Ergo dum scelera principis et finem adesse imperio deligendumque qui fessis rebus succurreret inter se aut inter amicos iaciunt, adgregavere Claudium Senecionem, Cervarium Proculum, Vulcacium Araricum, Iulium Augurinum, Munatium Gratum, Antonium Natalem, Marcium Festum, equites Romanos; ex quibus Senecio, e praecipua familiaritate Neronis, speciem amicitiae etiam tum retinens eo pluribus periculis conflictabatur: Natalis particeps ad omne secretum Pisoni erat; ceteris spes ex novis rebus petebatur. adscitae sunt super Subrium et Sulpicium, de quibus rettuli, militares manus Gavius Silvanus et Statius Proxumus tribuni cohortium praetoriarum, Maximus Scaurus et Venetus Paulus centuriones. sed summum robur in Faenio Rufo praefecto videbatur, quem vita famaque laudatum per saevitiam impudicitiamque Tigellinus in animo principis antibat fatigabatque criminationibus ac saepe in metum adduxerat quasi adulterum Agrippinae et desiderio eius ultioni intentum. igitur ubi coniuratis praefectum quoque praetorii in partis descendisse crebro ipsius sermone facta fides, promptius iam de tempore ac loco caedis agitabant. et cepisse impetum Subrius Flavus ferebatur in scaena canentem Neronem adgrediendi, aut cum ardente domo per noctem huc illuc cursaret incustoditus. hic occasio solitudinis, ibi ipsa frequentia tanti decoris testis pul- cherrima animum extimulaverant, nisi impunitatis cupido retinuisset, magnis semper conatibus adversa. 15.6. Haec plures ut formidine regis et Corbulonis minis patrata ac magnifica extollebant: alii occulte pepigisse interpretabantur ut omisso utrimque bello et abeunte Vologese Tigranes quoque Armenia abscederet. cur enim exercitum Romanum a Tigranocertis deductum? cur deserta per otium quae bello defenderant? an melius hibernavisse in extrema Cappadocia, raptim erectis tuguriis, quam in sede regni modo retenti? dilata prorsus arma ut Vologeses cum alio quam cum Corbulone certaret, Corbulo meritae tot per annos gloriae non ultra periculum faceret. nam, ut rettuli, proprium ducem tuendae Armeniae poposcerat, et adventare Caesennius Paetus audiebatur. iamque aderat, copiis ita divisis ut quarta et duodecima legiones addita quinta, quae recens e Moesis excita erat, simul Pontica et Galatarum Cappadocumque auxilia Paeto oboedirent, tertia et sexta et decima legiones priorque Syriae miles apud Corbulonem manerent; cetera ex rerum usu sociarent partirenturve. sed neque Corbulo aemuli patiens, et Paetus, cui satis ad gloriam erat si proximus haberetur, despiciebat gesta, nihil caedis aut praedae, usurpatas nomine tenus urbium expugnationes dictitans: se tributa ac leges et pro umbra regis Romanum ius victis impositurum. 15.6. Proximam necem Plautii Laterani consulis designati Nero adiungit, adeo propere ut non complecti liberos, non illud breve mortis arbitrium permitteret. raptus in locum servilibus poenis sepositum manu Statii tribuni trucidatur, plenus constantis silentii nec tribuno obiciens eandem conscientiam. Sequitur caedes Annaei Senecae, laetissima principi, non quia coniurationis manifestum compererat, sed ut ferro grassaretur, quando venenum non processerat. solus quippe Natalis et hactenus prompsit missum se ad aegrotum Senecam uti viseret conquerereturque cur Pisonem aditu arceret: melius fore si amicitiam familiari congressu exercuissent; et respondisse Senecam sermones mutuos et crebra conloquia neutri conducere; ceterum salutem suam incolumitate Pisonis inniti. haec ferre Gavius Silvanus tribunus praetoriae cohortis et an dicta Natalis suaque responsa nosceret percontari Senecam iubetur. is forte an prudens ad eum diem ex Campania remeaverat quartumque apud lapidem suburbano rure substiterat. illo propinqua vespera tribunus venit et villam globis militum saepsit; tum ipsi cum Pompeia Paulina uxore et amicis duobus epulanti mandata imperatoris edidit. 15.7. Sub idem tempus legati Vologesis, quos ad principem missos memoravi, revertere inriti bellumque propalam sumptum a Parthis. nec Paetus detrectavit, sed duabus legionibus, quarum quartam Funisulanus Vettonianus eo in tempore, duodecimam Calavius Sabinus regebant, Armeniam intrat tristi omine. nam in transgressu Euphratis, quem ponte tramittebant, nulla palam causa turbatus equus qui consularia insignia gestabat retro evasit; hostiaque quae muniebantur hibernaculis adsistens semifacta opera fuga perrupit seque vallo extulit; et pila militum arsere, magis insigni prodigio quia Parthus hostis missilibus telis decertat. 15.7. Exim Annaei Lucani caedem imperat. is profluente sanguine ubi frigescere pedes manusque et paulatim ab extremis cedere spiritum fervido adhuc et compote mentis pectore intellegit, recordatus carmen a se compositum quo vulneratum militem per eius modi mortis imaginem obisse tradiderat, versus ipsos rettulit eaque illi suprema vox fuit. Senecio posthac et Quintianus et Scaevinus non ex priore vitae mollitia, mox reliqui coniuratorum periere, nullo facto dictove memorando. 15.8. Ceterum Paetus spretis ominibus necdum satis firmatis hibernaculis, nullo rei frumentariae provisu, rapit exercitum trans montem Taurum reciperandis, ut ferebat, Tigranocertis vastandisque regionibus quas Corbulo integras omisisset. et capta quaedam castella gloriaeque et praedae nonnihil partum, si aut gloriam cum modo aut praedam cum cura habuisset. longinquis itineribus percursando quae obtineri nequibant, corrupto qui captus erat commeatu et instante iam hieme, reduxit exercitum composuitque ad Caesarem litteras quasi confecto bello, verbis magnificis, rerum vacuas. 15.9. Interim Corbulo numquam neglectam Euphratis ripam crebrioribus praesidiis insedit; et ne ponti iniciendo impedimentum hostiles turmae adferrent (iam enim subiectis campis magna specie volitabant), navis magnitudine praestantis et conexas trabibus ac turribus auctas agit per amnem catapultisque et ballistis proturbat barbaros, in quos saxa et hastae longius permeabant quam ut contrario sagittarum iactu adaequarentur. dein pons continuatus collesque adversi per socias cohortis, post legionum castris occupantur, tanta celeritate et ostentatione virium ut Parthi omisso paratu invadendae Syriae spem omnem in Armeniam verterent, ubi Paetus imminentium nescius quintam legionem procul in Ponto habebat, reliquas promiscis militum commeatibus infirmaverat, donec adventare Vologesen magno et infenso agmine auditum. 15.11. At Vologeses, quamvis obsessa a Paeto itinera hinc peditatu inde equite accepisset, nihil mutato consilio, sed vi ac minis alaris exterruit, legionarios obtrivit, uno tantum centurione Tarquitio Crescente turrim, in qua praesidium agitabat, defendere auso factaque saepius eruptione et caesis qui barbarorum propius suggrediebantur, donec ignium iactu circumveniretur. peditum si quis integer longinqua et avia, vulnerati castra repetivere, virtutem regis, saevitiam et copias gentium, cuncta metu extollentes, facili credulitate eorum qui eadem pavebant. ne dux quidem obniti adversis, sed cuncta militiae munia deseruerat, missis iterum ad Corbulonem precibus, veniret propere, signa et aquilas et nomen reliquum infelicis exercitus tueretur: se fidem interim, donec vita suppeditet, retenturos. 15.12. Ille interritus et parte copiarum apud Syriam relicta, ut munimenta Euphrati imposita retinerentur, qua proximum et commeatibus non egenum, regionem Commagenam, exim Cappadociam, inde Armenios petivit. comitabantur exercitum praeter alia sueta bello magna vis camelorum onusta frumenti ut simul hostem famemque depelleret. primum e perculsis Paccium primi pili centurionem obvium habuit, dein plerosque militum; quos diversas fugae causas obtendentis redire ad signa et clementiam Paeti experiri monebat: se nisi victoribus immitem esse. simul suas legiones adire, hortari, priorum admonere, novam gloriam ostendere. non vicos aut oppida Armeniorum, sed castra Romana duasque in iis legiones pretium laboris peti. si singulis manipularibus praecipua servati civis corona imperatoria manu tribueretur, quod illud et quantum decus, ubi par eorum numerus aspiceretur qui adtulissent salutem et qui accepissent! his atque talibus in commune alacres (et erant quos pericula fratrum aut propinquorum propriis stimulis incenderent) continuum diu noctuque iter properabant. 15.13. Eoque intentius Vologeses premere obsessos, modo vallum legionum, modo castellum, quo imbellis aetas defendebatur, adpugnare, propius incedens quam mos Parthis, si ea temeritate hostem in proelium eliceret. at illi vix contuberniis extracti, nec aliud quam munimenta propugnabant, pars iussu ducis, et alii propria ignavia aut Corbulonem opperientes, ac vis si ingrueret, provisis exemplis cladis Caudinae Numantinaeque; neque eandem vim Samnitibus, Italico populo, ac Parthis, Romani imperii aemulis. validam quoque et laudatam antiquitatem, quoties fortuna contra daret, saluti consuluisse. qua desperatione exercitus dux subactus primas tamen litteras ad Vologesen non supplices, sed in modum querentis composuit, quod pro Armeniis semper Romanae dicionis aut subiectis regi quem imperator delegisset hostilia faceret: pacem ex aequo utilem; ne praesentia tantum spectaret; ipsum adversus duas legiones totis regni viribus advenisse; at Romanis orbem terrarum reliquum quo bellum iuvarent. 15.14. Ad ea Vologeses nihil pro causa sed opperiendos sibi fratres Pacorum ac Tiridaten rescripsit; illum locum tempusque consilio destinatum quid de Armenia cernerent; adiecisse deos dignum Arsacidarum, simul ut de legionibus Romanis statuerent. missi posthac Paeto nuntii et regis conloquium petitum, qui Vasacen praefectum equitatus ire iussit. tum Paetus Lucullos Pompeios et si qua Caesares obtinendae dodaeve Armeniae egerant, Vasaces imaginem retinendi largiendive penes nos, vim penes Parthos memorat. et multum in vicem disceptato, Monobazus Adiabenus in diem posterum testis iis quae pepigissent adhibetur. placuitque liberari obsidio legiones et decedere omnem militem finibus Armeniorum castellaque et commeatus Parthis tradi; quibus perpetratis copia Vologesi fieret mittendi ad Neronem legatos. 15.15. Interim flumini Arsaniae (is castra praefluebat) pontem imposuit, specie sibi illud iter expedientis, sed Parthi quasi documentum victoriae iusserant; namque iis usui fuit; nostri per diversum iere. addidit rumor sub iugum missas legiones et alia ex rebus infaustis quorum simulacrum ab Armeniis usurpatum est. namque et munimenta ingressi sunt, antequam agmen Romanum excederet, et circumstetere vias captiva olim mancipia aut iumenta adgnoscentes abstrahentesque: raptae etiam vestes, retenta arma, pavido milite et concedente ne qua proelii causa existeret. Vologeses armis et corporibus caesorum aggeratis quo cladem nostram testaretur, visu fugientium legionum abstinuit: fama moderationis quaerebatur, postquam superbiam expleverat. flumen Arsaniam elephanto insidens, proximus quisque regem vi equorum perrupere, quia rumor incesserat pontem cessurum oneri dolo fabricantium: sed qui ingredi ausi sunt validum et fidum intellexere. 15.16. Ceterum obsessis adeo suppeditavisse rem frumentariam constitit ut horreis ignem inicerent, contraque prodiderit Corbulo Parthos inopes copiarum et pabulo attrito relicturos oppugnationem, neque se plus tridui itinere afuisse. adicit iure iurando Paeti cautum apud signa, adstantibus iis quos testificando rex misisset, neminem Romanum Armeniam ingressurum donec referrentur litterae Neronis an paci adnueret. quae ut augendae infamiae composita, sic reliqua non in obscuro habentur, una die quadraginta milium spatium emensum esse Paetum, desertis passim sauciis, neque minus deformem illam fugientium trepidationem quam si terga in acie vertissent. Corbulo cum suis copiis apud ripam Euphratis obvius non eam speciem insignium et armorum praetulit ut diversitatem exprobraret. maesti manipuli ac vicem commilitonum miserantes ne lacrimis quidem temperare; vix prae fletu usurpata consalutatio. decesserat certamen virtutis et ambitio gloriae, felicium hominum adfectus: sola misericordia valebat et apud minores magis. 15.17. Ducum inter se brevis sermo secutus est, hoc conquerente inritum laborem, potuisse bellum fuga Parthorum finiri: ille integra utrique cuncta respondit: converterent aquilas et iuncti invaderent Armeniam abscessu Vologesis infirmatam. non ea imperatoris habere mandata Corbulo: periculo legionum commotum e provincia egressum; quando in incerto habeantur Parthorum conatus, Syriam repetiturum: sic quoque optimam fortunam orandam, ut pedes confectus spatiis itinerum alacrem et facilitate camporum praevenientem equitem adsequeretur. exim Paetus per Cappadociam hibernavit: at Vologesis ad Corbulonem missi nuntii, detraheret castella trans Euphraten amnemque, ut olim, medium faceret; ille Armeniam quoque diversis praesidiis vacuam fieri expostulabat. et postremo concessit rex; dirutaque quae Euphraten ultra communiverat Corbulo et Armenii sine arbitro relicti sunt. 15.18. At Romae tropaea de Parthis arcusque medio Capitolini montis sistebantur, decreta ab senatu integro adhuc bello neque tum omissa, dum aspectui consulitur spreta con- scientia. quin et dissimulandis rerum externarum curis Nero frumentum plebis vetustate corruptum in Tiberim iecit quo securitatem annonae sustentaret. cuius pretio nihil additum est, quamvis ducentas ferme navis portu in ipso violentia tempestatis et centum alias Tiberi subvectas fortuitus ignis absumpsisset. tres dein consularis, L. Pisonem, Ducenium Geminum, Pompeium Paulinum vectigalibus publicis praeposuit, cum insectatione priorum principum qui gravitate sumptuum iustos reditus antissent: se annuum sexcenties sestertium rei publicae largiri. 15.24. Inter quae veris principio legati Parthorum mandata regis Vologesis litterasque in eandem formam attulere: se priora et toties iactata super optinenda Armenia nunc omit- tere, quoniam dii, quamvis potentium populorum arbitri, possessionem Parthis non sine ignominia Romana tradidissent. nuper clausum Tigranen; post Paetum legionesque, cum opprimere posset, incolumis dimisisse. satis adprobatam vim; datum et lenitatis experimentum. nec recusaturum Tiridaten accipiendo diademati in urbem venire nisi sacerdotii religione attineretur. iturum ad signa et effigies principis ubi legionibus coram regnum auspicaretur. 15.25. Talibus Vologesis litteris, quia Paetus diversa tamquam rebus integris scribebat, interrogatus centurio, qui cum legatis advenerat, quo in statu Armenia esset, omnis inde Romanos excessisse respondit. tum intellecto barbarum inrisu qui peterent quod eripuerant, consuluit inter primores civitatis Nero bellum anceps an pax inhonesta placeret. nec dubitatum de bello. et Corbulo militum atque hostium tot per annos gnarus gerendae rei praeficitur, ne cuius alterius inscitia rursum peccaretur, quia Paeti piguerat. igitur inriti remittuntur, cum donis tamen, unde spes fieret non frustra eadem oraturum Tiridaten, si preces ipse attulisset. Syriaeque executio C. Cestio, copiae militares Corbuloni permissae; et quinta decima legio ducente Mario Celso e Pannonia adiecta est. scribitur tetrarchis ac regibus praefectisque et procuratoribus et qui praetorum finitimas provincias regebant iussis Corbulonis obsequi, in tantum ferme modum aucta potestate quem populus Romanus Cn. Pompeio bellum piraticum gesturo dederat. regressum Paetum, cum graviora metueret, facetiis insectari satis habuit Caesar, his ferme verbis: ignoscere se statim, ne tam promptus in pavorem longiore sollicitudine aegresceret. 15.26. At Corbulo quarta et duodecima legionibus quae fortissimo quoque amisso et ceteris exterritis parum habiles proelio videbantur in Syriam translatis, sextam inde ac tertiam legiones, integrum militem et crebris ac prosperis laboribus exercitum, in Armeniam ducit; addiditque legionem quintam, quae per Pontum agens expers cladis fuerat, simul quintadecimanos recens adductos et vexilla delectorum ex Illyrico et Aegypto, quodque alarum cohortiumque, et auxilia regum in unum conducta apud Melitenen, qua tramittere Euphraten parabat. tum lustratum rite exercitum ad contionem vocat orditurque magnifica de auspiciis imperatoris rebusque a se gestis, adversa in inscitiam Paeti declis, multa auctoritate, quae viro militari pro facundia erat. 15.27. Mox iter L. Lucullo quondam penetratum, apertis quae vetustas obsaepserat, pergit. et venientis Tiridatis Vologesisque de pace legatos haud aspernatus, adiungit iis centuriones cum mandatis non immitibus: nec enim adhuc eo ventum ut certamine extremo opus esset. multa Romanis secunda, quaedam Parthis evenisse, documento adversus superbiam. proinde et Tiridati conducere intactum vastationibus regnum dono accipere et Vologesen melius societate Romana quam damnis mutuis genti Parthorum consulturum. scire quantum intus discordiarum quamque indomitas et praeferocis nationes regeret: contra imperatori suo immotam ubique pacem et unum id bellum esse. simul consilio terrorem adicere et megistanas Armenios, qui primi a nobis defecerant, pellit sedibus, castella eorum excindit, plana edita, validos invalidosque pari metu complet. 15.28. Non infensum nec cum hostili odio Corbulonis nomen etiam barbaris habebatur eoque consilium eius fidum credebant. ergo Vologeses neque atrox in summam et quibusdam praefecturis indutias petit: Tiridates locum diemque conloquio poscit. tempus propinquum, locus in quo nuper obsessae cum Paeto legiones erant barbaris delectus est ob memoriam laetioris ibi rei, Corbuloni non vitatus ut dissimilitudo fortunae gloriam augeret. neque infamia Paeti angebatur, quod eo maxime patuit quia filio eius tribuno ducere manipulos atque operire reliquias malae pugnae imperavit. die pacta Tiberius Alexander, inlustris eques Romanus, minister bello datus, et Vinicianus Annius, gener Corbulonis, nondum senatoria aetate et pro legato quintae legioni impositus, in castra Tiridatis venere, honori eius ac ne metueret insidias tali pignore; viceni dehinc equites adsumpti. et viso Corbulone rex prior equo desiluit; nec cunctatus Corbulo, sed pedes uterque dexteras miscuere. 15.29. Exim Romanus laudat iuvenem omissis praecipitibus tuta et salutaria capessentem: ille de nobilitate generis multum praefatus, cetera temperanter adiungit: iturum quippe Romam laturumque novum Caesari decus, non adversis Parthorum rebus supplicem Arsaciden. tum placuit Tiridaten ponere apud effigiem Caesaris insigne regium nec nisi manu Neronis resumere; et conloquium osculo finitum. dein paucis diebus interiectis magna utrimque specie inde eques compositus per turmas et insignibus patriis, hinc agmina legionum stetere fulgentibus aquilis signisque et simulacris deum in modum templi: medio tribunal sedem curulem et sedes effigiem Neronis sustinebat. ad quam progressus Tiridates, caesis ex more victimis, sublatum capiti diadema imagini subiecit, magnis apud cunctos animorum motibus, quos augebat insita adhuc oculis exercituum Romanorum caedes aut obsidio: at nunc versos casus; iturum Tiridaten ostentui gentibus quanto minus quam captivum? 15.31. Et digressus Pacorum apud Medos, Vologesen Ecbatanis repperit non incuriosum fratris: quippe et propriis nuntiis a Corbulone petierat ne quam imaginem servitii Tiridates perferret neu ferrum traderet aut complexu provincias obtinentium arceretur foribusve eorum adsisteret, tantusque ei Romae quantus consulibus honor esset. scilicet externae superbiae sueto non inerat notitia nostri apud quos vis imperii valet, iia tramittuntur. 15.37. Ipse quo fidem adquireret nihil usquam perinde laetum sibi, publicis locis struere convivia totaque urbe quasi domo uti. et celeberrimae luxu famaque epulae fuere quas a Tigellino paratas ut exemplum referam, ne saepius eadem prodigentia narranda sit. igitur in stagno Agrippae fabricatus est ratem cui superpositum convivium navium aliarum tractu moveretur. naves auro et ebore distinctae, remiges- que exoleti per aetates et scientiam libidinum componebantur. volucris et feras diversis e terris et animalia maris Oceano abusque petiverat. crepidinibus stagni lupanaria adstabant inlustribus feminis completa et contra scorta visebantur nudis corporibus. iam gestus motusque obsceni; et postquam tenebrae incedebant, quantum iuxta nemoris et circumiecta tecta consonare cantu et luminibus clarescere. ipse per licita atque inlicita foedatus nihil flagitii reliquerat quo corruptior ageret, nisi paucos post dies uni ex illo contaminatorum grege (nomen Pythagorae fuit) in modum sollemnium coniugiorum denupsisset. inditum imperatori flammeum, missi auspices, dos et genialis torus et faces nuptiales, cuncta denique spectata quae etiam in femina nox operit. 15.39. Eo in tempore Nero Antii agens non ante in urbem regressus est quam domui eius, qua Palatium et Maecenatis hortos continuaverat, ignis propinquaret. neque tamen sisti potuit quin et Palatium et domus et cuncta circum haurirentur. sed solacium populo exturbato ac profugo campum Martis ac monumenta Agrippae, hortos quin etiam suos patefecit et subitaria aedificia extruxit quae multitudinem inopem acciperent; subvectaque utensilia ab Ostia et propinquis municipiis pretiumque frumenti minutum usque ad ternos nummos. quae quamquam popularia in inritum cadebant, quia pervaserat rumor ipso tempore flagrantis urbis inisse eum domesticam scaenam et cecinisse Troianum excidium, praesentia mala vetustis cladibus adsimulantem. 16.6. Post finem ludicri Poppaea mortem obiit, fortuita mariti iracundia, a quo gravida ictu calcis adflicta est. neque enim venenum crediderim, quamvis quidam scriptores tradant, odio magis quam ex fide: quippe liberorum cupiens et amori uxoris obnoxius erat. corpus non igni abolitum, ut Romanus mos, sed regum externorum consuetudine differtum odoribus conditur tumuloque Iuliorum infertur. ductae tamen publicae exequiae laudavitque ipse apud rostra formam eius et quod divinae infantis parens fuisset aliaque fortunae munera pro virtutibus. 1.5.  While these topics and the like were under discussion, the malady of Augustus began to take a graver turn; and some suspected foul play on the part of his wife. For a rumour had gone the round that, a few months earlier, the emperor, confiding in a chosen few, and attended only by Fabius Maximus, had sailed for Planasia on a visit to Agrippa. "There tears and signs of affection on both sides had been plentiful enough to raise a hope that the youth might yet be restored to the house of his grandfather. Maximus had disclosed the incident to his wife Marcia; Marcia, to Livia. It had come to the Caesar's knowledge; and after the death of Maximus, which followed shortly, possibly by his own hand, Marcia had been heard at the funeral, sobbing and reproaching herself as the cause of her husband's destruction." Whatever the truth of the affair, Tiberius had hardly set foot in Illyricum, when he was recalled by an urgent letter from his mother; and it is not certainly known whether on reaching the town of Nola, he found Augustus still breathing or lifeless. For house and street were jealously guarded by Livia's ring of pickets, while sanguine notices were issued at intervals, until the measures dictated by the crisis had been taken: then one report announced simultaneously that Augustus had passed away and that Nero was master of the empire. 1.6.  The opening crime of the new principate was the murder of Agrippa Postumus; who, though off his guard and without weapons, was with difficulty dispatched by a resolute centurion. In the senate Tiberius made no reference to the subject: his pretence was an order from his father, instructing the tribune in charge to lose no time in making away with his prisoner, once he himself should have looked his last on the world. It was beyond question that by his frequent and bitter strictures on the youth's character Augustus had procured the senatorial decree for his exile: on the other hand, at no time did he harden his heart to the killing of a relative, and it remained incredible that he should have sacrificed the life of a grandchild in order to diminish the anxieties of a stepson. More probably, Tiberius and Livia, actuated in the one case by fear, and in the other by stepmotherly dislike, hurriedly procured the murder of a youth whom they suspected and detested. To the centurion who brought the usual military report, the emperor rejoined that he had given no instructions and the deed would have to be accounted for in the senate. The remark came to the ears of Sallustius Crispus. A partner in the imperial secrets — it was he who had forwarded the note to the tribune — he feared the charge might be fastened on himself, with the risks equally great whether he spoke the truth or lied. He therefore advised Livia not to publish the mysteries of the palace, the counsels of her friends, the services of the soldiery; and also to watch that Tiberius did not weaken the powers of the throne by referring everything and all things to the senate:— "It was a condition of sovereignty that the account balanced only if rendered to a single auditor." 1.7.  At Rome, however, consuls, senators, and knights were rushing into slavery. The more exalted the personage, the grosser his hypocrisy and his haste, — his lineaments adjusted so as to betray neither cheerfulness at the exit nor undue depression at the entry of a prince; his tears blent with joy, his regrets with adulation. The consuls, Sextus Pompeius and Sextus Appuleius, first took the oath of allegiance to Tiberius Caesar. It was taken in their presence by Seius Strabo and Caius Turranius, chiefs respectively of the praetorian cohorts and the corn department. The senators, the soldiers, and the populace followed. For in every action of Tiberius the first step had to be taken by the consuls, as though the old republic were in being, and himself undecided whether to reign or no. Even his edict, convening the Fathers to the senate-house was issued simply beneath the tribunician title which he had received under Augustus. It was a laconic document of very modest purport:— "He intended to provide for the last honours to his father, whose body he could not leave — it was the one function of the state which he made bold to exercise." Yet, on the passing of Augustus he had given the watchword to the praetorian cohorts as Imperator; he had the sentries, the men-at‑arms, and the other appurteces of a court; soldiers conducted him to the forum, soldiers to the curia; he dispatched letters to the armies as if the principate was already in his grasp; and nowhere manifested the least hesitation, except when speaking in the senate. The chief reason was his fear that Germanicus — backed by so many legions, the vast reserves of the provinces, and a wonderful popularity with the nation — might prefer the ownership to the reversion of a throne. He paid public opinion, too, the compliment of wishing to be regarded as the called and chosen of the state, rather than as the interloper who had wormed his way into power with the help of connubial intrigues and a senile act of adoption. It was realized later that his coyness had been assumed with the further object of gaining an insight into the feelings of the aristocracy: for all the while he was distorting words and looks into crimes and storing them in his memory. 1.10.  On the other side it was argued that "filial duty and the critical position of the state had been used merely as a cloak: come to facts, and it was from the lust of dominion that he excited the veterans by his bounties, levied an army while yet a stripling and a subject, subdued the legions of a consul, and affected a leaning to the Pompeian side. Then, following his usurpation by senatorial decree of the symbols and powers of the praetorship, had come the deaths of Hirtius and Pansa, — whether they perished by the enemy's sword, or Pansa by poison sprinkled on his wound, and Hirtius by the hands of his own soldiery, with the Caesar to plan the treason. At all events, he had possessed himself of both their armies, wrung a consulate from the unwilling senate, and turned against the commonwealth the arms which he had received for the quelling of Antony. The proscription of citizens and the assignments of land had been approved not even by those who executed them. Grant that Cassius and the Bruti were sacrificed to inherited enmities — though the moral law required that private hatreds should give way to public utility — yet Pompey was betrayed by the simulacrum of a peace, Lepidus by the shadow of a friendship: then Antony, lured by the Tarentine and Brundisian treaties and a marriage with his sister, had paid with life the penalty of that delusive connexion. After that there had been undoubtedly peace, but peace with bloodshed — the disasters of Lollius and of Varus, the execution at Rome of a Varro, an Egnatius, an Iullus." His domestic adventures were not spared; the abduction of Nero's wife, and the farcical questions to the pontiffs, whether, with a child conceived but not yet born, she could legally wed; the debaucheries of Vedius Pollio; and, lastly, Livia, — as a mother, a curse to the realm; as a stepmother, a curse to the house of the Caesars. "He had left small room for the worship of heaven, when he claimed to be himself adored in temples and in the image of godhead by flamens and by priests! Even in the adoption of Tiberius to succeed him, his motive had been neither personal affection nor regard for the state: he had read the pride and cruelty of his heart, and had sought to heighten his own glory by the vilest of contrasts." For Augustus, a few years earlier, when requesting the Fathers to renew the grant of the tribunician power to Tiberius, had in the course of the speech, complimentary as it was, let fall a few remarks on his demeanour, dress, and habits which were offered as an apology and designed for reproaches. However, his funeral ran the ordinary course; and a decree followed, endowing him a temple and divine rites. 1.11.  Then all prayers were directed towards Tiberius; who delivered a variety of reflections on the greatness of the empire and his own diffidence:— "Only the mind of the deified Augustus was equal to such a burden: he himself had found, when called by the sovereign to share his anxieties, how arduous, how dependent upon fortune, was the task of ruling a world! He thought, then, that, in a state which had the support of so many eminent men, they ought not to devolve the entire duties on any one person; the business of government would be more easily carried out by the joint efforts of a number." A speech in this tenor was more dignified than convincing. Besides, the diction of Tiberius, by habit or by nature, was always indirect and obscure, even when he had no wish to conceal his thought; and now, in the effort to bury every trace of his sentiments, it became more intricate, uncertain, and equivocal than ever. But the Fathers, whose one dread was that they might seem to comprehend him, melted in plaints, tears, and prayers. They were stretching their hands to heaven, to the effigy of Augustus, to his own knees, when he gave orders for a document to be produced and read. It contained a statement of the national resources — the strength of the burghers and allies under arms; the number of the fleets, protectorates, and provinces; the taxes direct and indirect; the needful disbursements and customary bounties catalogued by Augustus in his own hand, with a final clause (due to fear or jealousy?) advising the restriction of the empire within its present frontiers. 1.58.  His words were to the following effect:— "This is not my first day of loyalty and constancy to the people of Rome. From the moment when the deified Augustus made me a Roman citizen I have chosen my friends and my enemies with a view to your interests: not from hatred of my own country (for the traitor is loathsome even to the party of his choice), but because I took the advantage of Rome and Germany to be one, and peace a better thing than war. For that reason I accused Arminius — to me the abductor of a daughter, to you the violator of a treaty — in presence of Varus, then at the head of your army. Foiled by the general's delay, and knowing how frail were the protections of the law, I begged him to lay in irons Arminius, his accomplices, and myself. That night is my witness, which I would to God had been my last! What followed may be deplored more easily than defended. Still, I have thrown my chains on Arminius: I have felt his partisans throw theirs on me. And now, at my first meeting with you, I prefer old things to new, calm to storm — not that I seek a reward, but I wish to free myself from the charge of broken trust, and to be at the same time a meet intercessor for the people of Germany, should it prefer repentance to destruction. For my son and the errors of his youth I ask a pardon. My daughter, I own, is here only by force. It is for you to settle which shall count the more — that she had conceived by Arminius, or that she was begotten by me." The Caesar's reply was generous: to his relatives and children he promised indemnity: to himself, a residence in the old province. Then he returned with his army, and at the instance of Tiberius took the title of Imperator. Arminius' wife gave birth to a male child, who was brought up at Ravenna: the humiliation which he had to suffer later I reserve for the proper place. 2.9.  The river Weser ran between the Roman and Cheruscan forces. Arminius came to the bank and halted with his fellow chieftains:— "Had the Caesar come?" he inquired. On receiving the reply that he was in presence, he asked to be allowed to speak with his brother. That brother, Flavus by name, was serving in the army, a conspicuous figure both from his loyalty and from the loss of an eye through a wound received some few years before during Tiberius' term of command. Leave was granted, <and Stertinius took him down to the river>. Walking forward, he was greeted by Arminius; who, dismissing his own escort, demanded that the archers posted along our side of the stream should be also withdrawn. When these had retired, he asked his brother, whence the disfigurement of his face? On being told the place and battle, he inquired what reward he had received. Flavus mentioned his increased pay, the chain, the crown, and other military decorations; Arminius scoffed at the cheap rewards of servitude. 2.10.  They now began to argue from their opposite points of view. Flavus insisted on "Roman greatness, the power of the Caesar; the heavy penalties for the vanquished; the mercy always waiting for him who submitted himself. Even Arminius' wife and child were not treated as enemies." His brother urged "the sacred call of their country; their ancestral liberty; the gods of their German hearths; and their mother, who prayed, with himself, that he would not choose the title of renegade and traitor to his kindred, to the kindred of his wife, to the whole of his race in fact, before that of their liberator." From this point they drifted, little by little, into recriminations; and not even the intervening river would have prevented a duel, had not Stertinius run up and laid a restraining hand on Flavus, who in the fullness of his anger was calling for his weapons and his horse. On the other side Arminius was visible, shouting threats and challenging to battle: for he kept interjecting much in Latin, as he had seen service in the Roman camp as a captain of native auxiliaries. 2.32.  His estate was parcelled out among the accusers, and extraordinary praetorships were conferred on those of senatorial status. Cotta Messalinus then moved that the effigy of Libo should not accompany the funeral processions of his descendants; Gnaeus Lentulus, that no member of the Scribonian house should adopt the surname of Drusus. Days of public thanksgiving were fixed at the instance of Pomponius Flaccus. Lucius Piso, Asinius Gallus, Papius Mutilus, and Lucius Apronius procured a decree that votive offerings should be made to Jupiter, Mars, and Concord; and that the thirteenth of September, the anniversary of Libo's suicide, should rank as a festival. This union of sounding names and sycophancy I have recorded as showing how long that evil has been rooted in the State. â€” Other resolutions of the senate ordered the expulsion of the astrologers and magic-mongers from Italy. One of their number, Lucius Pituanius, was flung from the Rock; another — Publius Marcius — was executed by the consuls outside the Esquiline Gate according to ancient usage and at sound of trumpet. 2.37.  In addition, he gave monetary help to several senators; so that it was the more surprising when he treated the application of the young noble, Marcus Hortalus, with a superciliousness uncalled for in view of his clearly straitened circumstances. He was a grandson of the orator Hortensius; and the late Augustus, by the grant of a million sesterces, had induced him to marry and raise a family, in order to save his famous house from extinction. With his four sons, then, standing before the threshold of the Curia, he awaited his turn to speak; then, directing his gaze now to the portrait of Hortensius among the orators (the senate was meeting in the Palace), now to that of Augustus, he opened in the following manner:— "Conscript Fathers, these children whose number and tender age you see for yourselves, became mine not from any wish of my own, but because the emperor so advised, and because, at the same time, my ancestors had earned the right to a posterity. For to me, who in this changed world had been able to inherit nothing and acquire nothing, — not money, nor popularity, nor eloquence, that general birthright of our house, — to me it seemed enough if my slender means were neither a disgrace to myself nor a burden to my neighbour. At the command of the sovereign, I took a wife; and here you behold the stock of so many consuls, the offspring of so many dictators! I say it, not to awaken odium, but to woo compassion. Some day, Caesar, under your happy sway, they will wear whatever honours you have chosen to bestow: in the meantime, rescue from beggary the great-grandsons of Quintus Hortensius, the fosterlings of the deified Augustus!" 2.39.  In the same year, the country, but for prompt measures, would have been plunged into faction and civil war by the hardihood of a solitary serf. Clemens by name, he was the slave of Agrippa Postumus; but there was nothing servile in the imagination which, on the news of Augustus' death, conceived the idea of making for the isle of Planasia, rescuing Agrippa by fraud or force, and conveying him to the armies of Germany. The tardy movement of a cargo-boat interfered with his venture; and since in the meantime the execution had been carried out, he fell back on a more ambitious and precarious scheme; purloined the funeral ashes; and sailing to Cosa, a promontory on the Etruscan coast, vanished into hiding until his hair and beard should have grown: for in age and general appearance he was not unlike his master. Then, through fitting agents, partners in his secret, a report that Agrippa lived began to circulate; at first, in whispered dialogues, as is the way with forbidden news; soon, in a rumour which ran wherever there were fools with open ears, or malcontents with the usual taste for revolution. He himself took to visiting the provincial towns in the dusk of the day. He was never to be seen in the open, and never overlong in one neighbourhood: rather, as truth acquires strength by publicity and delay, falsehood by haste and incertitudes, he either left his story behind him or arrived in advance of it. 2.40.  Meanwhile, it was rumoured through Italy that Agrippa had been saved by the special grace of Heaven: at Rome the rumour was believed. Already huge crowds were greeting his arrival in Ostia, already there were clandestine receptions in the capital itself, when the dilemma began to distract Tiberius:— Should he call in the military to suppress one of his own slaves, or leave this bubble of credulity to vanish with the mere lapse of time? Tossed between shame and alarm, he reflected one moment that nothing was despicable; the next, that not everything was formidable. At last he handed over the affair to Sallustius Crispus, who chose two of his clients (soldiers according to some accounts) and instructed them to approach the pretender in the character of accomplices, offer him money, and promise fidelity whatever the perils. These orders they carried out: then, waiting for a night when the impostor was off his guard, they took an adequate force and haled him, chained and gagged, to the palace. To the inquiry of Tiberius, how he turned himself into Agrippa, he is said to have answered: "As you turned yourself into a Caesar." He could not be forced to divulge his confederates. Nor did Tiberius hazard a public execution, but gave orders for him to be killed in a secret quarter of the palace, and the body privately removed: and notwithstanding that many of the imperial household, as well as knights and senators, were said to have given him the support of their wealth and the benefit of their advice, no investigation followed. 2.42.  For the rest, Tiberius, in the name of Germanicus, made a distribution to the populace of three hundred sesterces a man: as his colleague in the consulship he nominated himself. All this, however, won him no credit for genuine affection, and he decided to remove the youth under a show of honour; some of the pretexts he fabricated, others he accepted as chance offered. For fifty years King Archelaus had been in possession of Cappadocia; to Tiberius a hated man, since he had offered him none of the usual attentions during his stay in Rhodes. The omission was due not to insolence, but to advice from the intimates of Augustus; for, as Gaius Caesar was then in his heyday and had been despatched to settle affairs in the East, the friendship of Tiberius was believed unsafe. When, through the extinction of the Caesarian line, Tiberius attained the empire, he lured Archelaus from Cappadocia by a letter of his mother; who, without dissembling the resentment of her son, offered clemency, if he came to make his petition. Unsuspicious of treachery, or apprehending force, should he be supposed alive to it, he hurried to the capital, was received by an unrelenting sovereign, and shortly afterwards was impeached in the senate. Broken, not by the charges, which were fictitious, but by torturing anxiety, combined with the weariness of age and the fact that to princes even equality — to say nothing of humiliation — is an unfamiliar thing, he ended his days whether deliberately or in the course of nature. His kingdom was converted into a province; and the emperor, announcing that its revenues made feasible a reduction of the one per cent sale-tax, fixed it for the future at one half of this amount. — About the same time, the death of the two kings, Antiochus of Commagene and Philopator of Cilicia, disturbed the peace of their countries, where the majority of men desired a Roman governor, and the minority a monarch. The provinces, too, of Syria and Judaea, exhausted by their burdens, were pressing for a diminution of the tribute. 2.75.  Agrippina herself, worn out with grief and physically ill, yet intolerant of every obstacle to revenge, went on board the fleet with her children and the ashes of Germanicus; amid universal pity for this woman of sovereign lineage, her wedded glory wont but yesterday to attract the gaze of awed and gratulatory crowds, now carrying in her bosom the relics of the dead, uncertain of her vengeance, apprehensive for herself, cursed in that fruitfulness which had borne but hostages to fortune. Piso, in the meantime, was overtaken at the isle of Cos by a message that Germanicus was sped. He received it with transport. Victims were immolated, temples visited; and, while his own joy knew no bounds, it was overshadowed by the insolence of Plancina, who had been in mourning for the loss of a sister, and now changed for the first time into the garb of joy. 2.82.  But at Rome, when the failure of Germanicus' health became current knowledge, and every circumstance was reported with the aggravations usual in news that has travelled far, all was grief and indignation. A storm of complaints burst out:— "So for this he had been relegated to the ends of earth; for this Piso had received a province; and this had been the drift of Augusta's colloquies with Plancina! It was the mere truth, as the elder men said of Drusus, that sons with democratic tempers were not pleasing to fathers on a throne; and both had been cut off for no other reason than because they designed to restore the age of freedom and take the Roman people into a partnership of equal rights." The announcement of his death inflamed this popular gossip to such a degree that before any edict of the magistrates, before any resolution of the senate, civic life was suspended, the courts deserted, houses closed. It was a town of sighs and silences, with none of the studied advertisements of sorrow; and, while there was no abstention from the ordinary tokens of bereavement, the deeper mourning was carried at the heart. Accidentally, a party of merchants, who had left Syria while Germanicus was yet alive, brought a more cheerful account of his condition. It was instantly believed and instantly disseminated. No man met another without proclaiming his unauthenticated news; and by him it was passed to more, with supplements dictated by joy. Crowds were running in the streets and forcing temple-doors. Credulity throve — it was night, and affirmation is boldest in the dark. Nor did Tiberius check the fictions, but left them to die out with the passage of time; and the people added bitterness for what seemed a second bereavement. 2.85.  In the same year, bounds were set to female profligacy by stringent resolutions of the senate; and it was laid down that no woman should trade in her body, if her father, grandfather, or husband had been a Roman knight. For Vistilia, the daughter of a praetorian family, had advertised her venality on the aediles' list — the normal procedure among our ancestors, who imagined the unchaste to be sufficiently punished by the avowal of their infamy. Her husband, Titidius Labeo, was also required to explain why, in view of his wife's manifest guilt, he had not invoked the penalty of the law. As he pleaded that sixty days, not yet elapsed, were allowed for deliberation, it was thought enough to pass sentence on Vistilia, who was removed to the island of Seriphos. — Another debate dealt with the proscription of the Egyptian and Jewish rites, and a senatorial edict directed that four thousand descendants of enfranchised slaves, tainted with that superstition and suitable in point of age, were to be shipped to Sardinia and there employed in suppressing brigandage: "if they succumbed to the pestilential climate, it was a cheap loss." The rest had orders to leave Italy, unless they had renounced their impious ceremonial by a given date. 3.4.  The day on which the remains were consigned to the mausoleum of Augustus was alternately a desolation of silence and a turmoil of laments. The city-streets were full, the Campus Martius alight with torches. There the soldier in harness, the magistrate lacking his insignia, the burgher in his tribe, iterated the cry that "the commonwealth had fallen and hope was dead" too freely and too openly for it to be credible that they remembered their governors. Nothing, however, sank deeper into Tiberius' breast than the kindling of men's enthusiasm for Agrippina — "the glory of her country, the last scion of Augustus, the peerless pattern of ancient virtue." So they styled her; and, turning to heaven and the gods, prayed for the continuance of her issue — "and might they survive their persecutors!" 3.18.  Much in these suggestions was mitigated by the emperor. He would not have Piso's name cancelled from the records, when the names of Mark Antony, who had levied war on his fatherland, and of Iullus Antonius, who had dishonoured the hearth of Augustus, still remained. He exempted Marcus Piso from official degradation, and granted him his patrimony: for, as I have often said, he was firm enough against pecuniary temptations, and in the present case his shame at the acquittal of Plancina made him exceptionally lenient. So, again, when Valerius Messalinus proposed to erect a golden statue in the temple of Mars the Avenger, and Caecina Severus an altar of Vengeance, he vetoed the scheme, remarking that these memorials were consecrated after victories abroad; domestic calamities called for sorrow and concealment. Messalinus had added that Tiberius, Augusta, Antonia, Agrippina, and Drusus ought to be officially thanked for their services in avenging Germanicus: Claudius he had neglected to mention. Indeed, it was only when Lucius Asprenas demanded point-blank in the senate if the omission was deliberate that the name was appended. For myself, the more I reflect on events recent or remote, the more am I haunted by the sense of a mockery in human affairs. For by repute, by expectancy, and by veneration, all men were sooner marked out for sovereignty than that future emperor whom destiny was holding in the background. 4.50.  To the confusion was added the last calamity, discord; some proposing surrender, some to fall on each other and die; while there were those, again, who commended, not unavenged destruction, but a last sortie. Others, and not the multitude only, dissented from each of these views: one of the leaders, Dinis, now advanced in years, and familiar through long experience with the power and the clemency of Rome, urged them to lay down their arms — it was the one resource in their extremity — and took the initiative by placing himself, his wife, and his children, at the disposal of the victor. He was followed by those who laboured under the disabilities of age or sex, or who were more passionately attached to life than to glory. On the other hand, the younger fighting men were divided between Tarsa and Turesis. Both were resolute not to outlive their freedom; but Tarsa, crying out for a quick despatch, a quietus to hope and fear alike, gave the example by plunging his weapon into his breast: nor were others lacking to choose the same mode of death. Turesis and his followers waited for the night: a fact of which the Roman commander was not ignorant. The outposts, accordingly, were secured by denser masses of men. — Night was falling, with a storm of rain; and the wild shouting on the enemy's side, alternating as it did with deathly stillnesses, had begun to perplex the besiegers, when Sabinus made a tour of his lines and urged the men to be misled neither by ambiguous sound nor by simulated quiet into giving the ambuscaded foe his opening: every man should attend to his duties without budging from his post or expending javelins on an illusory mark. 4.71.  If it were not my purpose to enter each event under its year, I should be tempted to anticipate, and to record at once the endings made by Latinius and Opsius and the remaining inventors of this atrocity, not only after the accession of Gaius Caesar, but in the lifetime of Tiberius; who, disinclined though he was to see the ministers of his villainy destroyed by others, yet often wearied of their ministrations, and, when fresh workers in the same field presented themselves, struck down the old and burdensome. However, these and other punishments of the guilty I shall chronicle at their proper time. Now, Asinius Gallus, of whose children Agrippina was the aunt, proposed that the emperor should be requested to disclose his fears to the senate and permit their removal. of all his virtues, as he regarded them, there was none which Tiberius held in such esteem as his power of dissimulation; whence the chagrin with which he received this attempt to reveal what he chose to suppress. Sejanus, however, mollified him; not from love of Gallus, but in order to await the issue of the emperor's hesitations: for he knew that, leisurely as he was in deliberation, once he had broken out, he left little interval between ominous words and reckless deeds. About this time, Julia breathed her last. Convicted of adultery, she had been sentenced by her grandfather Augustus, and summarily deported to the island of Trimerus, a little way from the Apulian coast. There she supported her exile for twenty years, sustained by the charity of Augusta; who had laboured in the dark to destroy her step-children while they flourished, and advertised to the world her compassion when they fell. 12.1.  The execution of Messalina shook the imperial household: for there followed a conflict among the freedmen, who should select a consort for Claudius, with his impatience of celibacy and his docility under wifely government. Nor was competition less fierce among the women: each paraded for comparison her nobility, her charms, and her wealth, and advertised them as worthy of that exalted alliance. The question, however, lay mainly between Lollia Paulina, daughter of the consular Marcus Lollius, and Julia Agrippina, the issue of Germanicus. The latter had the patronage of Pallas; the former, of Callistus; while Aelia Paetina, a Tubero by family, was favoured by Narcissus. The emperor, who leaned alternately to one or the other, according to the advocate whom he had heard the last, called the disputants into council, and ordered each to express his opinion and to add his reasons. 12.2.  Narcissus discoursed on his early marriage, on the daughter who had blessed that union (for Antonia was Paetina's child), on the fact that no innovation in his domestic life would be entailed by the return of a spouse, who would regard Britannicus and Octavia — pledges of affection, next in dearness to her own — with anything rather than stepmotherly aversion. Callistus held that she was disqualified by her long-standing divorce, and, if recalled, would by the very fact be inclined to arrogance. A far wiser course was to bring in Lollia, who, as she had never known motherhood, would be immune from jealousy, and could take the place of a parent to her step-children. Pallas, in his eulogy of Agrippina, insisted on the point that she brought with her the grandson of Germanicus, who fully deserved an imperial position: let the sovereign unite to himself a famous stock, the posterity of the Julian and Claudian races, and ensure that a princess of tried fecundity, still in the vigour of youth, should not transfer the glory of the Caesars into another family! 12.3.  His arguments prevailed, with help from the allurements of Agrippina. In a succession of visits, cloaked under the near relationship, she so effectually captivated her uncle that she displaced her rivals and anticipated the position by exercising the powers of a wife. For, once certain of her marriage, she began to amplify her schemes, and to intrigue for a match between Domitius, her son by Gnaeus Ahenobarbus, and the emperor's daughter Octavia. That result was not to be achieved without a crime, as the Caesar had plighted Octavia to Lucius Silanus, and had introduced the youth (who had yet other titles to fame) to the favourable notice of the multitude by decorating him with the triumphal insignia and by a magnificent exhibition of gladiators. Still, there seemed to be no insuperable difficulty in the temper of a prince who manifested neither approval nor dislike except as they were imposed upon him by orders. 12.4.  Vitellius, therefore, able to screen his servile knaveries behind the title of Censor, and with a prophetic eye for impending tyrannies, wooed the good graces of Agrippina by identifying himself with her scheme and by producing charges against Silanus, whose sister — fair and wayward, it is true — had until recently been his own daughter-in‑law. This gave him the handle for his accusation, and he put an infamous construction on a fraternal love which was not incestuous but unguarded. The Caesar lent ear, affection for his daughter increasing his readiness to harbour doubts of her prospective husband. Silanus, ignorant of the plot, and, as it happened, praetor for the year, was suddenly by an edict of Vitellius removed from the senatorial order, though the list had long been complete and the lustrum closed. At the same time, Claudius cancelled the proposed alliance: Silanus was compelled to resign his magistracy, and the remaining day of his praetorship was conferred on Eprius Marcellus. 12.5.  In the consulate of Gaius Pompeius and Quintus Veranius, the union plighted between Claudius and Agrippina was already being rendered doubly sure by rumour and by illicit love. As yet, however, they lacked courage to celebrate the bridal solemnities, no precedent existing for the introduction of a brother's child into the house of her uncle. Moreover, the relationship was incest; and, if that fact were disregarded, it was feared that the upshot would be a national calamity. Hesitation was dropped only when Vitellius undertook to bring about the desired result by his own methods. He began by asking the Caesar if he would yield to the mandate of the people? — to the authority of the senate? On receiving the answer that he was a citizen among citizens, and incompetent to resist their united will, he ordered him to wait inside the palace. He himself entered the curia. Asseverating that a vital interest of the country was in question, he demanded leave to speak first, and began by stating that "the extremely onerous labours of the sovereign, which embraced the management of a world, stood in need of support, so that he might pursue his deliberations for the public good, undisturbed by domestic anxiety. And what more decent solace to that truly censorian spirit than to take a wife, his partner in weal and woe, to whose charge might be committed his inmost thoughts and the little children of a prince unused to dissipation or to pleasure, but to submission to the law from his early youth?" 12.6.  As this engagingly worded preface was followed by flattering expressions of assent from the members, he took a fresh starting-point:— "Since it was the universal advice that the emperor should marry, the choice ought to fall on a woman distinguished by nobility of birth, by experience of motherhood, and by purity of character. No long inquiry was needed to convince them that in the lustre of her family Agrippina came foremost: she had given proof of her fruitfulness, and her moral excellences harmonized with the rest. But the most gratifying point was that, by the dispensation of providence, the union would be between a widow and a prince with experience of no marriage-bed but his own. They had heard from their fathers, and they had seen for themselves, how wives were snatched away at the whim of the Caesars: such violence was far removed from the orderliness of the present arrangement. They were, in fact, to establish a precedent by which the emperor would accept his consort from the Roman people! — Still, marriage with a brother's child, it might be said, was a novelty in Rome. — But it was normal in other countries, and prohibited by no law; while marriage with cousins and second cousins, so long unknown, had with the progress of time become frequent. Usage accommodated itself to the claims of utility, and this innovation too would be among the conventions of to‑morrow." 12.7.  Members were not lacking to rush from the curia, with emulous protestations that, if the emperor hesitated, they would proceed by force. A motley crowd flocked together, and clamoured that such also was the prayer of the Roman people. Waiting no longer, Claudius met them in the Forum, and offered himself to their felicitations, then entered the senate, and requested a decree legitimizing for the future also the union of uncles with their brothers' daughters. None the less, only a single enthusiast for that form of matrimony was discovered — the Roman knight Alledius Severus, whose motive was generally said to have been desire for the favour of Agrippina. — From this moment it was a changed state, and all things moved at the fiat of a woman — but not a woman who, as Messalina, treated in wantonness the Roman Empire as a toy. It was a tight-drawn, almost masculine tyranny: in public, there was austerity and not infrequently arrogance; at home, no trace of unchastity, unless it might contribute to power. A limitless passion for gold had the excuse of being designed to create a bulwark of despotism. 12.8.  On the wedding-day Silanus committed suicide; whether he had preserved his hope of life till then, or whether the date was deliberately chosen to increase the odium of his death. His sister Calvina was expelled from Italy. Claudius, in addition, prescribed sacrifices in accordance with the legislation of King Tullus, and expiatory ceremonies to be carried out by the pontiffs in the grove of Diana; universal derision being excited by this choice of a period in which to unearth the penalties and purifications of incest. Agrippina, on the other hand, not to owe her reputation entirely to crime, procured a remission of banishment for Annaeus Seneca, along with a praetorship: his literary fame, she conceived, would make the act popular with the nation; while she was anxious to gain so distinguished a tutor for Domitius in his transit from boyhood to adolescence, and to profit by his advice in their designs upon the throne. For the belief was that Seneca was attached to Agrippina by the memory of her kindness and embittered against Claudius by resentment of his injury. 12.23.  For its exemplary deference to the senate, Narbonese Gaul was so far privileged that members from the province were allowed the right, obtaining in the case of Sicily, of visiting their estates without first ascertaining the pleasure of the emperor. Ituraea and Judaea, on the death of their sovereigns, Sohaemus and Agrippa, were attached to the province of Syria. A decision was taken that the Augury of Safety, disused for the last seventy-five years, should be reintroduced and continued for the future. The Caesar also enlarged the pomerium, in consoce with the old custom, by which an expansion of the empire confers the right to extend similarly the boundaries of the city: a right, however, which, even after the conquest of powerful nations, had been exercised by no Roman commander except Lucius Sulla and the deified Augustus. 12.68.  Meanwhile, the senate was convened, and consuls and priests formulated their vows for the imperial safety, at a moment when the now lifeless body was being swathed in blankets and warming bandages, while the requisite measures were arranged for securing the accession of Nero. In the first place, Agrippina, heart-broken apparently and seeking to be comforted, held Britannicus to her breast, styled him the authentic portrait of his father, and, by this or the other device, precluded him from leaving his room. His sisters, Antonia and Octavia, she similarly detained. She had barred all avenues of approach with pickets, and ever and anon she issued notices that the emperor's indisposition was turning favourably: all to keep the troops in good hope, and to allow time for the advent of the auspicious moment insisted upon by the astrologers. 12.69.  At last, at midday, on the thirteenth of October, the palace gates swung suddenly open, and Nero, with Burrus in attendance, passed out to the cohort, always on guard in conformity with the rules of the service. There, at a hint from the prefect, he was greeted with cheers and placed in a litter. Some of the men are said to have hesitated, looking back and inquiring:— "Where was Britannicus?" Then, as no lead to the contrary was forthcoming, they acquiesced in the choice presented to them: Nero was carried into the camp; and, after a few introductory words suited to the time, promised a donative on the same generous scale as that of his father, and was saluted as Imperator. The verdict of the troops was followed by the senatorial decrees; nor was any hesitation evinced in the provinces. Divine honours were voted to Claudius, and his funeral solemnities were celebrated precisely as those of the deified Augustus, Agrippina emulating the magnificence of her great-grandmother Livia. His will, however, was not read, lest the preference of the stepson to the son should leave a disquieting impression of injustice and invidiousness upon the mind of the common people. 13.1.  The first death under the new principate, that of Junius Silanus, proconsul of Asia, was brought to pass, without Nero's cognizance, by treachery on the part of Agrippina. It was not that he had provoked his doom by violence of temper, lethargic as he was, and so completely disdained by former despotisms that Gaius Caesar usually styled him "the golden sheep"; but Agrippina, who had procured the death of his brother Lucius Silanus, feared him as a possible avenger, since it was a generally expressed opinion of the multitude that Nero, barely emerged from boyhood and holding the empire in consequence of a crime, should take second place to a man of settled years, innocent character, and noble family, who — a point to be regarded in those days — was counted among the posterity of the Caesars: for Silanus, like Nero, was the son of a great-grandchild of Augustus. Such was the cause of death: the instruments were the Roman knight, Publius Celer, and the freedman Helius, who were in charge of the imperial revenues in Asia. By these poison was administered to the proconsul at a dinner, too openly to avoid detection. With no less speed, Claudius' freedman Narcissus, whose altercations with Agrippina I have already noticed, was forced to suicide by a rigorous confinement and by the last necessity, much against the will of the emperor, with whose still hidden vices his greed and prodigality were in admirable harmony. 13.4.  However, when the mockeries of sorrow had been carried to their close, he entered the curia; and, after an opening reference to the authority of the Fathers and the uimity of the army, stated that "he had before him advice and examples pointing him to an admirable system of government. Nor had his youth been poisoned by civil war or family strife: he brought to his task no hatreds, no wrongs, no desire for vengeance. He then outlined the character of the coming principate, the points which had provoked recent and intense dissatisfaction being specially discounteced:— "He would not constitute himself a judge of all cases, secluding accusers and defendants within the same four walls and allowing the influence of a few individuals to run riot. Under his roof would be no venality, no loophole for intrigue: the palace and the state would be things separate. Let the senate retain its old prerogatives! Let Italy and the public provinces take their stand before the judgement-seats of the consuls, and let the consuls grant them access to the Fathers: for the armies delegated to his charge he would himself be responsible." 14.3.  Nero, therefore, began to avoid private meetings with her; when she left for her gardens or the estates at Tusculum and Antium, he commended her intention of resting; finally, convinced that, wherever she might be kept, she was still an incubus, he decided to kill her, debating only whether by poison, the dagger, or some other form of violence. The first choice fell on poison. But, if it was to be given at the imperial table, then the death could not be referred to chance, since Britannicus had already met a similar fate. At the same time, it seemed an arduous task to tamper with the domestics of a woman whose experience of crime had made her vigilant for foul play; and, besides, she had herself fortified her system by taking antidotes in advance. Cold steel and bloodshed no one could devise a method of concealing: moreover, there was the risk that the agent chosen for such an atrocity might spurn his orders. Mother wit came to the rescue in the person of Anicetus the freedman, preceptor of Nero's boyish years, and detested by Agrippina with a vigour which was reciprocated. Accordingly, he pointed out that it was possible to construct a ship, part of which could be artificially detached, well out at sea, and throw the unsuspecting passenger overboard:— "Nowhere had accident such scope as on salt water; and, if the lady should be cut off by shipwreck, who so captious as to read murder into the delinquency of wind and wave? The sovereign, naturally, would assign the deceased a temple and the other displays of filial piety." 14.4.  This ingenuity commended itself: the date, too, was in its favour, as Nero was in the habit of celebrating the festival of Minerva at Baiae. Thither he proceeded to lure his mother, observing from time to time that outbreaks of parental anger had to be tolerated, and that he must show a forgiving spirit; his aim being to create a rumour of reconciliation, which Agrippina, with the easy faith of her sex in the agreeable, would probably accept. — In due course, she came. He went down to the beach to meet her (she was arriving from Antium), took her hand, embraced her, and escorted her to Bauli, the name of a villa washed by the waters of a cove between the promontory of Misenum and the lake of Baiae. Here, among others, stood a more handsomely appointed vessel; apparently one attention the more to his mother, as she had been accustomed to use a trireme with a crew of marines. Also, she had been invited to dinner for the occasion, so that night should be available for the concealment of the crime. It is well established that someone had played the informer, and that Agrippina, warned of the plot, hesitated whether to believe or not, but made the journey to Baiae in a litter. There her fears were relieved by the blandishments of a cordial welcome and a seat above the prince himself. At last, conversing freely, — one moment boyishly familiar, the next grave-browed as though making some serious communication, — Nero, after the banquet had been long protracted, escorted her on her way, clinging more closely than usual to her breast and kissing her eyes; possibly as a final touch of hypocrisy, or possibly the last look upon his doomed mother gave pause even to that brutal spirit. 14.5.  A starlit night and the calm of an unruffled sea appeared to have been sent by Heaven to afford proof of guilt. The ship had made no great way, and two of Agrippina's household were in attendance, Crepereius Gallus standing not far from the tiller, while Acerronia, bending over the feet of the recumbent princess, recalled exultantly the penitence of the son and the re-entry of the mother into favour. Suddenly the signal was given: the canopy above them, which had been heavily weighted with lead, dropped, and Crepereius was crushed and killed on the spot. Agrippina and Acerronia were saved by the height of the couch-sides, which, as it happened, were too solid to give way under the impact. Nor did the break-up of the vessel follow: for confusion was universal, and even the men accessory to the plot were impeded by the large numbers of the ignorant. The crew then decided to throw their weight on one side and so capsize the ship; but, even on their own part, agreement came too slowly for a sudden emergency, and a counter-effort by others allowed the victims a gentler fall into the waves. Acerronia, however, incautious enough to raise the cry that she was Agrippina, and to demand aid for the emperor's mother, was despatched with poles, oars, and every nautical weapon that came to hand. Agrippina, silent and so not generally recognised, though she received one wound in the shoulder, swam until she was met by a few fishing-smacks, and so reached the Lucrine lake, whence she was carried into her own villa. 14.6.  There she reflected on the evident purpose of the treacherous letter of invitation and the exceptional honour with which she had been treated, and on the fact that, hard by the shore, a vessel, driven by no gale and striking no reef, had collapsed at the top like an artificial structure on land. She reviewed as well the killing of Acerronia, glanced simultaneously at her own wound, and realized that the one defence against treachery was to leave it undetected. Accordingly she sent the freedman Agermus to carry word to her son that, thanks to divine kindness and to his fortunate star, she had survived a grave accident; but that, however great his alarm at his mother's danger, she begged him to defer the attention of a visit: for the moment, what she needed was rest. Meanwhile, with affected unconcern, she applied remedies to her wound and fomentations to her body: Acerronia's will, she gave instructions was to be sought, and her effects sealed up, — the sole measure not referable to dissimulation. 14.7.  Meanwhile, as Nero was waiting for the messengers who should announce the doing of the deed, there came the news that she had escaped with a wound from a light blow, after running just sufficient risk to leave no doubt as to its author. Half-dead with terror, he protested that any moment she would be here, hot for vengeance. And whether she armed her slaves or inflamed the troops, or made her way to the senate and the people, and charged him with the wreck, her wound, and the slaying of her friends, what counter-resource was at his own disposal? Unless there was hope in Seneca and Burrus! He had summoned them immediately: whether to test their feeling, or as cognizant already of the secret, is questionable. — There followed, then, a long silence on the part of both: either they were reluctant to dissuade in vain, or they believed matters to have reached a point at which Agrippina must be forestalled or Nero perish. After a time, Seneca so far took the lead as to glance at Burrus and inquire if the fatal order should be given to the military. His answer was that the guards, pledged as they were to the Caesarian house as a whole, and attached to the memory of Germanicus, would flinch from drastic measures against his issue: Anicetus must redeem his promise. He, without any hesitation, asked to be given full charge of the crime. The words brought from Nero a declaration that that day presented him with an empire, and that he had a freedman to thank for so great a boon: Anicetus must go with speed and take an escort of men distinguished for implicit obedience to orders. He himself, on hearing that Agermus had come with a message from Agrippina, anticipated it by setting the stage for a charge of treason, threw a sword at his feet while he was doing his errand, then ordered his arrest as an assassin caught in the act; his intention being to concoct a tale that his mother had practised against the imperial life and taken refuge in suicide from the shame of detection. 14.8.  In the interval, Agrippina's jeopardy, which was attributed to accident, had become generally known; and there was a rush to the beach, as man after man learned the news. Some swarmed up the sea-wall, some into the nearest fishing-boats: others were wading middle-deep into the surf, a few standing with outstretched arms. The whole shore rang with lamentations and vows and the din of conflicting questions and vague replies. A huge multitude streamed up with lights, and, when the knowledge of her safety spread, set out to offer congratulations; until, at the sight of an armed and threatening column, they were forced to scatter. Anicetus drew a cordon around the villa, and, breaking down the entrance, dragged off the slaves as they appeared, until he reached the bedroom-door. A few servants were standing by: the rest had fled in terror at the inrush of men. In the chamber was a dim light and a single waiting-maid; and Agrippina's anxiety deepened every instant. Why no one from her son — nor even Agermus? Had matters prospered, they would have worn another aspect. Now, nothing but solitude, hoarse alarms, and the symptoms of irremediable ill! Then the maid rose to go. "Dost thou too forsake me?" she began, and saw Anicetus behind her, accompanied by Herculeius, the trierarch, and Obaritus, a centurion of marines. "If he had come to visit the sick, he might take back word that she felt refreshed. If to do murder, she would believe nothing of her son: matricide was no article of their instructions." The executioners surrounded the couch, and the trierarch began by striking her on the head with a club. The centurion was drawing his sword to make an end, when she proffered her womb to the blow. "Strike here," she exclaimed, and was despatched with repeated wounds. 14.9.  So far the accounts concur. Whether Nero inspected the corpse of his mother and expressed approval of her figure is a statement which some affirm and some deny. She was cremated the same night, on a dinner-couch, and with the humblest rites; nor, so long as Nero reigned, was the earth piled over the grave or enclosed. Later, by the care of her servants, she received a modest tomb, hard by the road to Misenum and that villa of the dictator Caesar which looks from its dizzy height to the bay outspread beneath. As the pyre was kindled, one of her freedmen, by the name of Mnester, ran a sword through his body, whether from love of his mistress or from fear of his own destruction remains unknown. This was that ending to which, years before, Agrippina had given her credence, and her contempt. For to her inquiries as to the destiny of Nero the astrologers answered that he should reign, and slay his mother; and "Let him slay," she had said, "so that he reign." 15.1.  Meanwhile, the Parthian king Vologeses — apprized of Corbulo's feats and the elevation of the alien Tigranes to the throne of Armenia, and anxious furthermore to take steps to avenge the slur cast upon the majesty of the Arsacian line by the expulsion of his brother Tiridates — was drawn, on the other hand, to different lines of thought by considerations of Roman power and by respect for a long-standing treaty. For he was by nature prone to temporize, and he was hampered by a revolt of the powerful Hyrcanian tribe and by the numerous campaigns which it involved. He was still in doubt, when news of a fresh indignity stung him into action: for Tigranes, emerging from Armenia, had ravaged the bordering country of Adiabene too widely and too long for a plundering foray, and the grandees of the nations were becoming restive; complaining that they had sunk to a point of humiliation where they could be harried, not even by a Roman general, but by the temerity of a hostage whom for years the enemy had counted among his chattels. Their resentment was inflamed by Monobazus, the ruling prince of Adiabene:— "What protection," he kept demanding, "was he to seek? or from what quarter? Armenia had already been ceded; the adjacent country was following; and, if Parthia refused protection, then the Roman yoke pressed more lightly upon a surrendered than upon a conquered nation!" Tiridates too, dethroned and exiled, carried a weight increased by his silence or his restrained protests:— "Great empires were not conserved by inaction — they needed the conflict of men and arms. With princes might was the only right. To retain its own possessions was the virtue of a private family: in contending for those of others lay the glory of a king." 15.2.  Vologeses, accordingly, moved by all this, convened a council, installed Tiridates next to himself, and opened thus:— "This prince, the issue of the same father as myself, having renounced to me the supreme title upon grounds of age, I placed him in possession of Armenia, the recognized third degree of power; for Media had already fallen to Pacorus. And it seemed to me that, in contrast with the old brotherly hatreds and jealousies, I had by fair means brought order to our domestic hearth. The Romans forbid; and the peace, which they have never themselves challenged with success, they are now again breaking to their destruction. I shall not deny it: equity and not bloodshed, reason and not arms, were the means by which I should have preferred to retain the acquisitions of my fathers. If I have erred by hesitancy, I shall make amends by valour. In any event, your power and fame are intact; and you have added to them that character for moderation which is not to be scorned by the most exalted of mankind and is taken into account by Heaven." — Therewith he bound the diadem on the brows of Tiridates. A body of cavalry, regularly in attendance on the king, was at hand: he transferred it to a noble named Monaeses, adding a number of Adiabenian auxiliaries, and commissioned him to eject Tigranes from Armenia; while he himself laid aside his quarrel with Hyrcania and called up his internal forces, with the full machinery of war, as a threat to the Roman provinces. 15.3.  So soon as Corbulo had the news by sure messengers, he sent two legions under Verulanus Severus and Vettius Bolanus to reinforce Tigranes; with private instructions, however, that all their actions were to be circumspect rather than rapid; for in truth, he was more desirous to have war upon his hands than to wage it. Also he had written to Nero that a separate commander was required for the defence of Armenia: Syria, he observed, stood in the graver danger, if Vologeses attacked. In the interval, he stationed his remaining legion on the Euphrates bank, armed an improvised force of provincials, and closed the hostile avenues of approach by garrison-posts. Further, as the region is deficient in water, forts were thrown up to command the springs: a few brooks he buried under piles of sand. 15.4.  While Corbulo was thus preparing for the defence of Syria, Monaeses, who had marched at full speed in order to outstrip the rumour of his coming, failed none the less to catch Tigranes unawares or off his guard. He had occupied Tigranocerta, a town formidable by the number of its defenders and the scale of its fortifications. In addition, a part of the walls is encircled by the Nicephorius, a river of respectable width; and a huge fosse had been drawn at points where the stream was not to be relied upon. Within lay Roman troops, and supplies to which attention had been given beforehand: that, in bringing them up, a few men had advanced too eagerly and been cut off by the sudden appearance of the enemy, had excited more anger than alarm in the remainder. But the Parthian lacks the boldness at close quarters demanded for the prosecution of a siege: he resorts to occasional flights of arrows, which both fail to terrify the garrison and delude himself. The Adiabeni, on beginning to push forward their ladders and machines, were easily thrown back, then cut to pieces by a sally of our men. 15.5.  Corbulo, however, favourably though matters were turning, decided not to press fortune too hard, and forwarded a protest to Vologeses:— "Violence had been offered to his province: siege was being laid to an allied and friendly monarch and to Roman cohorts. It would be better to raise the blockade, or he also would pitch his camp in hostile territory." The centurion Casperius, who had been selected for the mission, approached the king at Nisibis, a town thirty-seven miles distant from Tigranocerta, and delivered his message with spirit. With Vologeses it was an old and deep-seated principle to avoid the Roman arms; nor at the moment was the current of events too smooth. The siege had been fruitless; Tigranes was safe with his garrison and supplies; the force which had undertaken to storm the position had been routed; legions had been sent into Armenia, and more stood ready on the Syrian frontier to take the offensive by an invasion. His own cavalry, he reflected, was incapacitated by lack of fodder; for a swarm of locusts had made its appearance and destroyed every trace of grass or foliage. Hence, while keeping his fears in the background, he adopted a milder tone, and replied that he would send ambassadors to the Roman emperor to discuss his application for Armenia and the establishment of peace on a firm footing. Monaeses he ordered to abandon Tigranocerta, while he himself began his retirement. 15.6.  By the majority of men these results were being acclaimed as a triumph due to the fears of the king and to Corbulo's threats. Others found the explanation in a private compact stipulating that, if hostilities were suspended on both sides and Vologeses withdrew, Tigranes would also make his exit from Armenia. "For why," it was asked, "should the Roman army have been withdrawn from Tigranocerta? Why abandon in peace what they had defended in war? Was it an advantage to have wintered upon the verge of Cappadocia in hastily erected hovels rather than in the capital of a kingdom which they had but lately saved? The fact was, the clash had been deferred, so that Vologeses might be pitted against another antagonist than Corbulo, and Corbulo risk no further the laurels earned in the course of so many years!" For, as I have related, he had demanded a separate general for the defence of Armenia, and it was heard that Caesennius Paetus was at hand. Before long he was on the spot, the forces being so divided that the fourth and twelfth legions, reinforced by the fifth, which had recently been called up from Moesia, and the auxiliaries of Pontus, Galatia, and Cappadocia, were placed at the orders of Paetus; the third, sixth, and tenth legions, and the old troops in Syria, remaining with Corbulo, while the rest were to be employed in conjunction or separately as the course of events should require. However, not only was Corbulo impatient of rivals, but Paetus, for whom it might have been glory enough to rank second to such a leader, treated his achievements with high disdain. "Bloodshed and booty," he kept repeating, "there had been none; to speak of the storming of cities was nothing but a form of words it remained for himself to impose on the conquered tributes, laws, and Roman jurisdiction in place of a phantom king." 15.7.  Almost at the same time, the deputies of Vologeses, whose mission to the emperor I have already noticed, returned without result, and Parthia embarked upon undisguised war. Paetus did not evade the challenge, but with two legions — the fourth, at that time commanded by Funisulanus Vettonianus, and the twelfth, under Calavius Sabinus — entered Armenia under sinister auspices. For at the passage of the Euphrates, which the troops were crossing by a bridge, the horse carrying the consular insignia took fright for no obvious reason and escaped to the rear. A victim standing by in the winter camp, while it was being fortified, broke away, dashed through the half-completed works, and made its way of the entrenchments. Fire, too, played on the javelins of the troops — a prodigy the more striking that the Parthian is an enemy whose battles are decided by missiles. 15.8.  Paetus, however, ignoring the portents, with his winter quarters still inadequately protected, and no provision made for his supply of grain, hurried the army across the Taurus range, with the avowed intention of recovering Tigranocerta and devastating the districts which Corbulo had left untouched. He took, in fact, a few fortified places, and gained a certain amount of glory and plunder, had he but accepted his glory with moderation or kept his plunder with vigilance. But, while he was overrunning in protracted marches districts impossible of retention, the grain he had captured was ruined, and winter began to threaten: he therefore led back the army, and, to give the impression that the war was now closed, indited a letter to the Caesar, as grandiloquently phrased as it was void of content. 15.9.  In the meantime, Corbulo occupied the bank of the Euphrates, which he had never neglected, with a still closer line of posts; while, to ensure that the task of laying a pontoon should not be impeded by the mounted squadrons of the enemy — already an imposing spectacle, as they manoeuvred in the adjacent plains — he threw across the stream a number of large-sized vessels connected with planking and surmounted by turrets, and, using his catapults and ballistae, forced back the barbarians, the stones and spears being effective at a range with which the counter-discharge of arrows was unable to compete. The bridge was now complete, and the hills in front were occupied, first by the allied cohorts, then by a legionary camp, with a speed and a display of strength which induced the Parthians to drop their preparations for invading Syria and to stake their whole hopes upon Armenia; where Paetus, unconscious of the impending storm, was keeping the fifth legion sequestered in Pontus, and had weakened the rest by indiscriminate grants of furlough, till news came that Vologeses was on the march with a formidable and threatening array. 15.10.  The twelfth legion was called to the scene, and the measure by which he had hoped to advertise the increase in his forces revealed their inadequacy. Even so, he might still have held the camp and foiled the Parthian by a strategy of delay, had he possessed the strength of mind to stand either by his own decisions or by the decisions of another. As it was, no sooner had the professional soldiers given him courage to face an urgent crisis than he changed front, and, reluctant to seem dependent on outside advice, passed over to the opposite and more disadvantageous course. So now, leaving his winter quarters and clamouring that not moat or rampart but men and arms were the means assigned him for dealing with a foe, he led on his legions as if to contest a pitched field; then, after the loss of one centurion and a few soldiers whom he had sent ahead to inspect the enemy's force, he retraced his steps in trepidation. And as Vologeses had pressed the pursuit less keenly than he might, his ie self-confidence returned, and he posted three thousand picked infantry on the neighbouring heights of the Taurus, where they were to bar the passage of the king: the Pannonian squadrons, also, composing the flower of his cavalry, were stationed in a part of the plain. His wife and son found concealment in a fortress known as Arsamosata, to which he allowed a cohort by way of garrison; thus dispersing a force which, if concentrated, might have coped more effectively with its shifting adversary. Only with a struggle, it is said, could he be brought to admit the hostile pressure to Corbulo. Nor was there any haste on the part of Corbulo himself, who hoped that, if the dangers came to a head, the glory of a rescue would also be heightened. Still, he ordered a thousand men from each of the three legions, with eight hundred auxiliary horse, and a body of similar strength from the cohorts, to prepare themselves for the road. 15.11.  Vologeses, on the other hand, though he had information that Paetus had beset the routes with infantry here and cavalry there, made no change in his plan, but by force and threats struck panic into the mounted squadrons and crushed the legionaries; of whom a solitary centurion, Tarquitius Crescens, had courage to defend the tower which he was garrisoning, repeating his sorties and cutting down the barbarians who ventured too close up, until he succumbed to showers of firebrands. The few infantrymen unhurt took their way to the distant wilds: the wounded made back for the camp, exulting in their fear the prowess of the king, the fierceness and numbers of the tribes, in one word everything, and finding easy belief among listeners agitated by the same alarms. Even the commander offered no resistance to adversity, but had abdicated all his military functions after sending a second petition to Corbulo:— "He must come quickly and save the eagles and standards, and the name which was all that was left of an unhappy army; they, meanwhile, would preserve their loyalty while life held out." 15.12.  Corbulo, undismayed, left part of his forces in Syria to hold the forts erected on the Euphrates, and made his way by the shortest route not destitute of supplies to the district of Commagene, then to Cappadocia, and from Cappadocia to Armenia. Over and above the usual appurteces of war, the army was accompanied by a large train of camels loaded with corn, so that he had means of defence as well against hunger as the enemy. The first of the beaten army whom he met was the leading centurion Paccius, soon followed by a crowd of private soldiers, whose contradictory excuses for their flight he answered by advising them to return to their standards and test the mercy of Paetus:— "For his own part, he was implacable, except to conquerors." At the same time, he went up to his own legionaries, encouraged them, reminded them of their past, and pointed to fresh glory:— "Their goal was not the Armenian villages or towns, but a Roman camp and in it two legions as the reward of their labour. If the glorious wreath which commemorated the saving of a Roman life was conferred on the individual soldier by the hand of his emperor, how inestimable the meed of honour, when the rescued were seen to be in equal numbers with the rescuers!" Animated with a common alacrity by this appeal and others similar, the troops — some of whom, with brothers or relatives in danger, had incentives of their own to fire them — marched day and night at their best speed without a break. 15.13.  With all the more vigour did Vologeses press the besieged, at one time threatening the legionary encampment, at another the fort which sheltered the non-combatants; venturing closer in than is usual with the Parthians, on the chance of luring the enemy to an engagement by his rashness. His opponents, however, could with difficulty be drawn from their quarters and confined themselves to defending the fortifications; some by command of the general, others from cowardice or a desire to wait for Corbulo, coupled with the reflection that, if the attack were pressed home, there were the precedents of the Caudine and Numantine disasters. "Nor, indeed," they argued, "had the Samnites, a tribe of provincial Italy, the strength of the Parthians who rivalled imperial Rome. Even the stout and lauded ancients, whenever fortune registered an adverse verdict, had taken thought for their lives!" Beaten though he was by the despondency in the ranks, the general's first letter to Vologeses was couched less in the terms of a petition than of a protest against his armed action on behalf of the Armenians, always under Roman suzerainty or subject to a king selected by the emperor. "Peace was an interest of both parties alike: the king must not look solely to the present — he had come up against a couple of legions with the full forces of his realm. Rome had the world in reserve, with which to support the war." 15.14.  Vologeses wrote an evasive reply, to the effect that he must wait for his brothers, Pacorus and Tiridates:— "This was the date and place they had arranged for considering what was to be their decision with regard to Armenia: Heaven had added a task worthy of the Arsacian house — that of settling at the same time the fate of Roman legions." Messengers were then sent by Paetus, asking for an interview with the king, who ordered his cavalry-commander Vasaces to go. At the meeting, Paetus recalled the names of Lucullus and Pompey, and the various acts by which the Caesars had kept or given away the crown of Armenia; Vasaces, the fact that only a phantom power of retention or disposal rested with us — the reality was with Parthia. After much parleying on both sides, Monobazus of Adiabene was called in for the following day as witness to the arrangement concluded. The agreement was that the blockade of the legions should be raised, the whole of the troops withdrawn from Armenian territory, and the forts and supplies handed over to the Parthians. When all this had been consummated, Vologeses was to be accorded leave to send an embassy to Nero. 15.15.  In the interval, Paetus threw a bridge over the river Arsanias (which ran hard past the camp), ostensibly to prepare himself a line of retreat in that direction, though the work had, in fact, been ordered by the Parthians as evidence of their victory: for it was they who utilized it — our men leaving by the opposite route. Rumour added that the legions had been passed under the yoke; and other particulars were given, harmonizing well enough with our unfortunate position, and indeed paralleled by the behaviour of the Armenians. For not only did they enter the fortifications before the Roman column left, but they lined the roads, identifying and dragging off slaves or sumpter-animals which had been captured long before: even clothing was snatched and weapons detained, our terrified troops offering no resistance, lest some pretext for hostilities should emerge. Vologeses, after piling up the arms and corpses of the slain to serve as evidence of our disaster, abstained from viewing the flight of the legions: he was laying up a character for moderation, now that his arrogance had been satisfied. Mounted on an elephant, he charged through the stream of the Arsanias, while his immediate attendants followed with an effort on horseback; for a rumour had gained currency that the bridge, by a ruse of the constructors, would succumb beneath its burden. Those, however, who ventured upon it found it substantial and trustworthy. 15.16.  For the rest, it is established that the beleaguered forces were so well supplied with corn that they set fire to their granaries; while, on the other hand, Corbulo has put it on record that the Parthians were on the point of raising the siege through the scarcity of supplies and the dwindling of the forage, and that he himself was not more than three days' march distant. He adds that a sworn guarantee was given by Paetus, in face of the standards and in presence of witnesses deputed by the king, that not a Roman would enter Armenia until Nero's despatch came to hand intimating whether he assented to the peace. This version was doubtless composed to darken the disgrace, but to the rest of the tale no obscurity attaches:— that in one day Paetus covered a distance of forty miles, abandoning his wounded everywhere; and that the panic-stricken rush of fugitives was not less ugly than if they had turned their backs on a field of battle. Corbulo, who met them with his own force on the bank of the Euphrates, made no such display of ensigns and arms as to turn the contrast into a reproach: the rank and file, gloomy and affected by the lot of their brother-soldiers, could not so much as restrain their tears; the military salute could hardly be exchanged for weeping. All rivalry in valour and all competition for glory, emotions confined to the fortunate, had taken their leave: pity alone held sway — more particularly among the inferior ranks. 15.17.  Between the leaders followed a brief conversation, Corbulo complaining that his labour had been wasted — "the campaign might have been settled by a Parthian flight." Paetus replied that with each of them the position was quite uncompromised; they had only to turn the eagles round, join forces, and invade Armenia, now enfeebled by the withdrawal of Vologeses. Corbulo "had no orders to that effect from the emperor: only because he was moved by the danger of the legions had he left his province; and, as the Parthian designs were quite uncertain, he would make his way back to Syria. Even so, he must pray for fortune to be at her kindest, if his infantry, outworn by their long marches, were to come up with active cavalry, almost sure to outstrip him along level and easy ground." Paetus then took up his winter quarters in Cappadocia: Vologeses sent emissaries to Corbulo, proposing that he should withdraw his posts across the Euphrates and make the river as formerly a line of delimitation. The Roman demanded that Armenia should be similarly cleared of the various scattered garrisons. In the long run, the king gave way: Corbulo demolished his defensive works beyond the Euphrates, and the Armenians were left to their own devices. 15.18.  But at Rome trophies over the Parthians and arches were being erected in the middle of the Capitoline Hill: they had been voted by the senate while the issue of the war was still open, and now they were not abandoned — appearances being consulted, though known truth had to be ignored. Moreover, to cloak his uneasiness as to the situation abroad, Nero had the grain for the populace — which had been spoilt by age — thrown into the Tiber, as proof that the corn-supply was not a matter for anxiety. The price was not raised, though some two hundred vessels actually in port had been destroyed by a raging tempest, and a hundred more, which had made their way up the Tiber, by a chance outbreak of fire. He proceeded to appoint three consulars, Lucius Piso, Ducenius Geminus, and Pompeius Paulinus, to supervise the contributions to the national treasury, adding a stricture on the previous emperors, "who with their ruinous expenditure had forestalled the legal revenue: personally, he was making the state a yearly present of sixty million sesterces." 15.24.  Meanwhile, at the beginning of spring, a Parthian legation brought a message from King Vologeses and a letter to the same purport:— "He was now dropping his earlier and often-vented claims to the possession of Armenia, since the gods, arbiters of the fate of nations however powerful, had transferred the ownership to Parthia, not without some humiliation to Rome. Only recently he had besieged Tigranes: a little later, when he might have crushed them, he had released Paetus and the legions with their lives. He had sufficiently demonstrated his power; he had also given an example of his clemency. Nor would Tiridates have declined to come to Rome and receive his diadem, were he not detained by the scruples attaching to his priesthood; he would visit the standards and the effigies of the emperor, there to inaugurate his reign in the presence of the legions." 15.25.  As this missive from Vologeses could not be reconciled with Paetus' report, which spoke of the situation as still uncompromised, the centurion who had arrived with the deputies was examined on the condition of Armenia, and replied that all Romans had left the country. The irony of the barbarians in asking for what had been taken was now obvious, and Nero held a council of state to decide the choice between a hazardous war and an ignominious peace. There was no hesitation about the verdict for war. Corbulo, familiar for years with his troops and his enemy, was put at the head of operations, lest there should be a fresh blunder from the incompetence of another substitute, seeing that Paetus had inspired complete disgust. The deputation was therefore sent back with its purpose unachieved, but with presents leaving room for hope that Tiridates would not make the same requests in vain, if he brought his suit in person. The administration of Syria was entrusted to Gaius Cestius, the military forces to Corbulo, with the addition of the fifteenth legion from Pannonia under the command of Marius Celsus. Instructions in writing were given to the tetrarchs and kings, the prefects and procurators, and the praetors in charge of the neighbouring provinces, to take their orders from Corbulo, whose powers were raised to nearly the same level as that allowed by the Roman nation to Pompey for the conduct of the Pirate War. When Paetus returned, with apprehensions of a graver cast, the Caesar contented himself with a jocular reprimand, the wording of which was roughly, that "he was pardoning him on the spot, lest a person with such a tendency to panic might fall ill if his suspense were protracted." 15.26.  Meanwhile Corbulo, who regarded the fourth and twelfth legions as incapacitated for active service by the loss of their bravest men and the demoralization of the rest, transferred them to Syria; whence he took the sixth and third legions, fresh troops, seasoned by numerous and successful labours, and led them into Armenia. He reinforced them with the fifth, which through being stationed in Pontus had escaped the disaster; also with the men of the fifteenth, recently brought up, and picked detachments from Illyricum and Egypt; with the whole of the allied horse and foot; and with auxiliaries of the tributary princes, concentrated at Melitene, where he was making ready for the passage of the Euphrates. Then, after the usual lustration, he convoked the army for an address, and opened with a florid reference to the auspices of the emperor and his own exploits, the reverses being attributed to the incompetence of Paetus: all with a weight which in a professional soldier was a fair substitute for eloquence. 15.27.  Soon, he took the road along which Lucius Lucullus had once penetrated, first clearing the parts which time had obstructed. On the arrival of envoys from Vologeses and Tiridates to discuss a peace, instead of rejecting their overtures, he sent back in their company a few centurions with instructions not unconciliatory in tone:— "For matters had not yet come to a pass where war to the bitter end was necessary. Rome had been favoured with many successes, Parthia with a few, so that both had received a lesson against arrogance. Not only, therefore, was it to the advantage of Tiridates to accept the free gift of a realm untouched by the ravager, but Vologeses would better consult the interest of the Parthian nation by an alliance with Rome than by a policy of reciprocal injury. He knew how many were the internal discords of his kingdom — how intractable and fierce the peoples over whom he ruled. In contrast, his own emperor enjoyed unshaken peace everywhere, and this was his solitary war." At the same time, he reinforced persuasion by terror, expelled from their homes the Armenian grandees who had been the first to rebel against us, and razed their strongholds, filling plain and mountain, strong and weak, with equal consternation. 15.28.  The name of Corbulo was regarded by the barbarians themselves without bitterness and with no rancour of hostility: consequently they believed his advice to be trustworthy. Hence Vologeses, without showing himself inexorable on the main question, asked for a truce for certain prefectures: Tiridates demanded a place and day for an interview. The date was to be early; for the place, the scene of the recent investment of Paetus and the legions was chosen by the barbarians in memory of their success there; and it was not avoided by Corbulo, who wished the contrast in fortune to enhance his fame. The slur upon Paetus gave him no qualms, as was very clearly shown by the fact that he ordered the defeated general's son, a tribune, to put himself at the head of a few maniples and bury the relics of the disastrous field. On the day fixed upon, Tiberius Alexander, a Roman knight of the first rank, who had been appointed a commissioner for the campaign, and Annius Vinicianus, a son-in‑law of Corbulo, still under senatorial age, and acting legate in command of the fifth legion, entered the camp of Tiridates, partly out of compliment to him, but also, by such a pledge, to remove all fear of treachery. On each side twenty mounted men were then taken into attendance. On descrying Corbulo, the king was the first to leap from his horse; Corbulo was not slow to follow, and the pair clasped hands on foot. 15.29.  The Roman then praised the young monarch, who had rejected adventure and was choosing the safe and salutary course: the other, after a long preface on the nobility of his family, proceeded temperately:— "He would go," he said, "to Rome and carry the Caesar a new distinction — an Arsacid in the guise of a suppliant, though the fortunes of Parthia were unclouded." It was then arranged that Tiridates should lay the emblem of his royalty before the statue of the emperor, to resume it only from the hand of Nero; and the dialogue was closed by a kiss. Then, after a few days' interval, came in impressive pageant on both sides: on the one hand, cavalry ranged in squadrons and carrying their national decorations; on the other, columns of legionaries standing amid a glitter of eagles and standards and effigies of gods which gave the scene some resemblance to a temple: in the centre, the tribunal sustained a curule chair, and the chair a statue of Nero. To this Tiridates advanced, and, after the usual sacrifice of victims, lifted the diadem from his head and placed it at the feet of the image; arousing among all present a deep emotion increased by the picture of the slaughter or siege of Roman armies which was still imprinted on their eyes:— "But now the tide had turned: Tiridates was about to depart (how little less than a captive!) to be a gazing-stock to the nations!" 15.30.  To his glories Corbulo added courtesy and a banquet; and upon the inquiries of the king, whenever he observed some novelty — the announcement, for instance, by a centurion of the beginning of the watches; the dismissal of the company by bugle-note; the application of a torch to fire the altar raised in front of the general's pavilion — he so far exaggerated each point as to inspire him with admiration for our ancient customs. On the next day, Tiridates applied for a respite in which to visit his brothers and his mother before embarking on so long a journey: in the interval, he handed over his daughter as a hostage, together with a letter of petition to Nero. 15.31.  On his departure, he found Pacorus in Media and Vologeses at Ecbatana — the latter not inattentive to his brother; for he had even requested Corbulo by special couriers that Tiridates should be exposed to none of the outward signs of vassalage, should not give up his sword, should not be debarred from embracing the provincial governors or be left to stand and wait at their doors, and in Rome should receive equal distinction with the consuls. Evidently, accustomed as he was to foreign pride, he lacked all knowledge of ourselves who prize the essentials of sovereignty and ignore his vanities. 15.37.  He himself, to create the impression that no place gave him equal pleasure with Rome, began to serve banquets in the public places and to treat the entire city as his palace. In point of extravagance and notoriety, the most celebrated of the feasts was that arranged by Tigellinus; which I shall describe as a type, instead of narrating time and again the monotonous tale of prodigality. He constructed, then, a raft on the Pool of Agrippa, and superimposed a banquet, to be set in motion by other craft acting as tugs. The vessels were gay with gold and ivory, and the oarsmen were catamites marshalled according to their ages and their libidinous attainments. He had collected birds and wild beasts from the ends of the earth, and marine animals from the ocean itself. On the quays of the lake stood brothels, filled with women of high rank; and, opposite, naked harlots met the view. First came obscene gestures and dances; then, as darkness advanced, the whole of the neighbouring grove, together with the dwelling-houses around, began to echo with song and to glitter with lights. Nero himself, defiled by every natural and unnatural lust had left no abomination in reserve with which to crown his vicious existence; except that, a few days later, he became, with the full rites of legitimate marriage, the wife of one of that herd of degenerates, who bore the name of Pythagoras. The veil was drawn over the imperial head, witnesses were despatched to the scene; the dowry, the couch of wedded love, the nuptial torches, were there: everything, in fine, which night enshrouds even if a woman is the bride, was left open to the view. 15.39.  Nero, who at the time was staying in Antium, did not return to the capital until the fire was nearing the house by which he had connected the Palatine with the Gardens of Maecenas. It proved impossible, however, to stop it from engulfing both the Palatine and the house and all their surroundings. Still, as a relief to the homeless and fugitive populace, he opened the Campus Martius, the buildings of Agrippa, even his own Gardens, and threw up a number of extemporized shelters to accommodate the helpless multitude. The necessities of life were brought up from Ostia and the neighbouring municipalities, and the price of grain was lowered to three sesterces. Yet his measures, popular as their character might be, failed of their effect; for the report had spread that, at the very moment when Rome was aflame, he had mounted his private stage, and typifying the ills of the present by the calamities of the past, had sung the destruction of Troy. 16.6.  After the close of the festival, Poppaea met her end through a chance outburst of anger on the part of her husband, who felled her with a kick during pregcy. That poison played its part I am unable to believe, though the assertion is made by some writers less from conviction than from hatred; for Nero was desirous of children, and love for his wife was a ruling passion. The body was not cremated in the Roman style, but, in conformity with the practice of foreign courts, was embalmed by stuffing with spices, then laid to rest in the mausoleum of the Julian race. Still, a public funeral was held; and the emperor at the Rostra eulogized her beauty, the fact that she had been the mother of an infant daughter now divine, and other favours of fortune which did duty for virtues.
229. Tacitus, Dialogus De Oratoribus, 28.5-28.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •vipsanius agrippa, m., on public art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 58
230. Suetonius, Titus, 5.1, 7.1-7.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii •berenice, agrippa ii’s sister •agrippa i Found in books: Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 164, 165; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 543
231. Tacitus, Germania (De Origine Et Situ Germanorum), 18.2, 40.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa postumus Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 44; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 108
232. Hippolytus, Commentary On The Prophet Daniel, 4.28.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 166
233. Tatian, Oration To The Greeks, 32 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa and four concubines Found in books: Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 146
234. Hippolytus, Refutation of All Heresies, 1.22 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 657
235. Tertullian, To Scapula, 3-5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 117
5. Your cruelty is our glory. Only see you to it, that in having such things as these to endure, we do not feel ourselves constrained to rush forth to the combat, if only to prove that we have no dread of them, but on the contrary, even invite their infliction. When Arrius Antoninus was driving things hard in Asia, the whole Christians of the province, in one united band, presented themselves before his judgment-seat; on which, ordering a few to be led forth to execution, he said to the rest, O miserable men, if you wish to die, you have precipices or halters. If we should take it into our heads to do the same thing here, what will you make of so many thousands, of such a multitude of men and women, persons of every sex and every age and every rank, when they present themselves before you? How many fires, how many swords will be required? What will be the anguish of Carthage itself, which you will have to decimate, as each one recognises there his relatives and companions, as he sees there it may be men of your own order, and noble ladies, and all the leading persons of the city, and either kinsmen or friends of those of your own circle? Spare yourself, if not us poor Christians! Spare Carthage, if not yourself! Spare the province, which the indication of your purpose has subjected to the threats and extortions at once of the soldiers and of private enemies. We have no master but God. He is before you, and cannot be hidden from you, but to Him you can do no injury. But those whom you regard as masters are only men, and one day they themselves must die. Yet still this community will be undying, for be assured that just in the time of its seeming overthrow it is built up into greater power. For all who witness the noble patience of its martyrs, as struck with misgivings, are inflamed with desire to examine into the matter in question; and as soon as they come to know the truth, they straightway enrol themselves its disciples.
236. Tertullian, Apology, 1, 37 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 117
37. If we are enjoined, then, to love our enemies, as I have remarked above, whom have we to hate? If injured, we are forbidden to retaliate, lest we become as bad ourselves: who can suffer injury at our hands? In regard to this, recall your own experiences. How often you inflict gross cruelties on Christians, partly because it is your own inclination, and partly in obedience to the laws! How often, too, the hostile mob, paying no regard to you, takes the law into its own hand, and assails us with stones and flames! With the very frenzy of the Bacchanals, they do not even spare the Christian dead, but tear them, now sadly changed, no longer entire, from the rest of the tomb, from the asylum we might say of death, cutting them in pieces, rending them asunder. Yet, banded together as we are, ever so ready to sacrifice our lives, what single case of revenge for injury are you able to point to, though, if it were held right among us to repay evil by evil, a single night with a torch or two could achieve an ample vengeance? But away with the idea of a sect divine avenging itself by human fires, or shrinking from the sufferings in which it is tried. If we desired, indeed, to act the part of open enemies, not merely of secret avengers, would there be any lacking in strength, whether of numbers or resources? The Moors, the Marcomanni, the Parthians themselves, or any single people, however great, inhabiting a distinct territory, and confined within its own boundaries, surpasses, forsooth, in numbers, one spread over all the world! We are but of yesterday, and we have filled every place among you - cities, islands, fortresses, towns, market-places, the very camp, tribes, companies, palace, senate, forum - we have left nothing to you but the temples of your gods. For what wars should we not be fit, not eager, even with unequal forces, we who so willingly yield ourselves to the sword, if in our religion it were not counted better to be slain than to slay? Without arms even, and raising no insurrectionary banner, but simply in enmity to you, we could carry on the contest with you by an ill-willed severance alone. For if such multitudes of men were to break away from you, and betake themselves to some remote corner of the world, why, the very loss of so many citizens, whatever sort they were, would cover the empire with shame; nay, in the very forsaking, vengeance would be inflicted. Why, you would be horror-struck at the solitude in which you would find yourselves, at such an all-prevailing silence, and that stupor as of a dead world. You would have to seek subjects to govern. You would have more enemies than citizens remaining. For now it is the immense number of Christians which makes your enemies so few - almost all the inhabitants of your various cities being followers of Christ. Yet you choose to call us enemies of the human race, rather than of human error. Nay, who would deliver you from those secret foes, ever busy both destroying your souls and ruining your health? Who would save you, I mean, from the attacks of those spirits of evil, which without reward or hire we exorcise? This alone would be revenge enough for us, that you were henceforth left free to the possession of unclean spirits. But instead of taking into account what is due to us for the important protection we afford you, and though we are not merely no trouble to you, but in fact necessary to your well-being, you prefer to hold us enemies, as indeed we are, yet not of man, but rather of his error.
237. Tertullian, On Idolatry, 11.3-11.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa i Found in books: Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 164
238. Tertullian, On The Games, 15, 12 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 158
12. It remains for us to examine the spectacle most noted of all, and in highest favour. It is called a dutiful service (munus), from its being an office, for it bears the name of officium as well as munus. The ancients thought that in this solemnity they rendered offices to the dead; at a later period, with a cruelty more refined, they somewhat modified its character. For formerly, in the belief that the souls of the departed were appeased by human blood, they were in the habit of buying captives or slaves of wicked disposition, and immolating them in their funeral obsequies. Afterwards they thought good to throw the veil of pleasure over their iniquity. Those, therefore, whom they had provided for the combat, and then trained in arms as best they could, only that they might learn to die, they, on the funeral day, killed at the places of sepulture. They alleviated death by murders. Such is the origin of the Munus. But by degrees their refinement came up to their cruelty; for these human wild beasts could not find pleasure exquisite enough, save in the spectacle of men torn to pieces by wild beasts. offerings to propitiate the dead then were regarded as belonging to the class of funeral sacrifices; and these are idolatry: for idolatry, in fact, is a sort of homage to the departed; the one as well as the other is a service to dead men. Moreover, demons have abode in the images of the dead. To refer also to the matter of names, though this sort of exhibition has passed from honours of the dead to honours of the living, I mean, to qu storships and magistracies - to priestly offices of different kinds; yet, since idolatry still cleaves to the dignity's name, whatever is done in its name partakes of its impurity. The same remark will apply to the procession of the Munus, as we look at that in the pomp which is connected with these honours themselves; for the purple robes, the fasces, the fillets, the crowns, the proclamations too, and edicts, the sacred feasts of the day before, are not without the pomp of the devil, without invitation of demons. What need, then, of dwelling on the place of horrors, which is too much even for the tongue of the perjurer? For the amphitheatre is consecrated to names more numerous and more dire than is the Capitol itself, temple of all demons as it is. There are as many unclean spirits there as it holds men. To conclude with a single remark about the arts which have a place in it, we know that its two sorts of amusement have for their patrons Mars and Diana.
239. Sextus, Outlines of Pyrrhonism, 1.35-1.86, 1.164, 1.180 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa Found in books: Bett (2019), How to be a Pyrrhonist: The Practice and Significance of Pyrrhonian Scepticism, 108
240. Sextus, Against The Mathematicians, 8.56, 8.347 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa (pyrrhonist) Found in books: Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 50, 51
241. Apuleius, Apology, 1.1, 55.12, 65.8, 67.5, 76.5, 85.2, 98.2, 99.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 255
242. Justin, Dialogue With Trypho, 80 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa i Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 657
80. The opinion of Justin with regard to the reign of a thousand years. Several Catholics reject it Trypho: I remarked to you sir, that you are very anxious to be safe in all respects, since you cling to the Scriptures. But tell me, do you really admit that this place, Jerusalem, shall be rebuilt; and do you expect your people to be gathered together, and made joyful with Christ and the patriarchs, and the prophets, both the men of our nation, and other proselytes who joined them before your Christ came? Or have you given way, and admitted this in order to have the appearance of worsting us in the controversies? Justin: I am not so miserable a fellow, Trypho, as to say one thing and think another. I admitted to you formerly, that I and many others are of this opinion, and [believe] that such will take place, as you assuredly are aware; but, on the other hand, I signified to you that many who belong to the pure and pious faith, and are true Christians, think otherwise. Moreover, I pointed out to you that some who are called Christians, but are godless, impious heretics, teach doctrines that are in every way blasphemous, atheistical, and foolish. But that you may know that I do not say this before you alone, I shall draw up a statement, so far as I can, of all the arguments which have passed between us; in which I shall record myself as admitting the very same things which I admit to you. For I choose to follow not men or men's doctrines, but God and the doctrines [delivered] by Him. For if you have fallen in with some who are called Christians, but who do not admit this [truth], and venture to blaspheme the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob; who say there is no resurrection of the dead, and that their souls, when they die, are taken to heaven; do not imagine that they are Christians, even as one, if he would rightly consider it, would not admit that the Sadducees, or similar sects of Genistæ, Meristæ, Galilæans, Hellenists, Pharisees, Baptists, are Jews (do not hear me impatiently when I tell you what I think), but are [only] called Jews and children of Abraham, worshipping God with the lips, as God Himself declared, but the heart was far from Him. But I and others, who are right-minded Christians on all points, are assured that there will be a resurrection of the dead, and a thousand years in Jerusalem, which will then be built, adorned, and enlarged, [as] the prophets Ezekiel and Isaiah and others declare.
243. Polyaenus, Stratagems, 3.9.22 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •menenius agrippa (politician) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 101
244. Irenaeus, Refutation of All Heresies, 1.146, 3.14.1, 4.30.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa castor •agrippa ii •cassius agrippa Found in books: Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 117; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 552; Vinzent (2013), Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament, 179
245. Apuleius, Florida, 9.10 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa, m. vipsanius Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 255
246. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 2.8-2.9, 2.23, 2.30, 3.1-3.10, 8.24, 9.31, 10.6, 11.21 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa, m. vipsanius •agrippa postumus Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 255; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 108
11.21. This done, I retired to the service of the goddess in hope of greater benefits. I considered that I had received a sign and token whereby my courage increased more and more each day to take up the orders and sacraments of the temple. Thus I often communed with the priest, desiring him greatly to give me the degree of the religion. But he, a man of gravity and well-renowned in the order of priesthood, deferred my desire from day to day. He comforted me and gave me better hope, just like as parents who commonly bridle the desires of their children when they attempt or endeavor any unprofitable thing. He said that the day when any one would be admitted into their order is appointed by the goddess. He said that the priest who would minister the sacrifice is chosen by her providence, and the necessary charges of the ceremonies is allotted by her command. Regarding all these things he urged me to attend with marvelous patience, and he told me that I should beware either of too much haste or too great slackness. He said that there was like danger if, being called, I should delay or, not being called. I should be hasty. Moreover he said that there were none in his company either of so desperate a mind or who were so rash and hardy that they would attempt anything without the command of the goddess. If anyone were to do so, he should commit a deadly offence, considering how it was in the power of the goddess to condemn and save all persons. And if anyone should be at the point of death and on the path to damnation, so that he might be capable of receiving the secrets of the goddess, it was in her power by divine providence to reduce him to the path of health, as though by a certain kind of regeneration. Finally he said that I must attend the celestial precept, although it was evident and plain that the goddess had already vouchsafed to call and appoint me to her ministry. He urged me to refrain from profane and unlawful foods just like those priests who had already been received. This was so that I might come more apt and clean to the knowledge of the secrets of religion.
247. Anon., Sifre Deuteronomy, 43, 157 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 546
248. Lucian, Amores, 13-17 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 113
249. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 5.6.7, 7.16.10, 7.20.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa i •agrippa, m. vipsanius Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 496; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 246, 255
5.6.7. κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἐς Ὀλυμπίαν ὁδόν, πρὶν ἢ διαβῆναι τὸν Ἀλφειόν, ἔστιν ὄρος ἐκ Σκιλλοῦντος ἐρχομένῳ πέτραις ὑψηλαῖς ἀπότομον· ὀνομάζεται δὲ Τυπαῖον τὸ ὄρος. κατὰ τούτου τὰς γυναῖκας Ἠλείοις ἐστὶν ὠθεῖν νόμος, ἢν φωραθῶσιν ἐς τὸν ἀγῶνα ἐλθοῦσαι τὸν Ὀλυμπικὸν ἢ καὶ ὅλως ἐν ταῖς ἀπειρημέναις σφίσιν ἡμέραις διαβᾶσαι τὸν Ἀλφειόν. οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ ἁλῶναι λέγουσιν οὐδεμίαν, ὅτι μὴ Καλλιπάτειραν μόνην· εἰσὶ δὲ οἳ τὴν αὐτὴν ταύτην Φερενίκην καὶ οὐ Καλλιπάτειραν καλοῦσιν. 7.16.10. ἔτεσι δὲ οὐ πολλοῖς ὕστερον ἐτράποντο ἐς ἔλεον Ῥωμαῖοι τῆς Ἑλλάδος, καὶ συνέδριά τε κατὰ ἔθνος ἀποδιδόασιν ἑκάστοις τὰ ἀρχαῖα καὶ τὸ ἐν τῇ ὑπερορίᾳ κτᾶσθαι, ἀφῆκαν δὲ καὶ ὅσοις ἐπιβεβλήκει Μόμμιος ζημίαν· Βοιωτούς τε γὰρ Ἡρακλεώταις καὶ Εὐβοεῦσι τάλαντα ἑκατὸν καὶ Ἀχαιοὺς Λακεδαιμονίοις διακόσια ἐκέλευσεν ἐκτῖσαι. τούτων μὲν δὴ ἄφεσιν παρὰ Ῥωμαίων εὕροντο Ἕλληνες, ἡγεμὼν δὲ ἔτι καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἀπεστέλλετο· καλοῦσι δὲ οὐχ Ἑλλάδος, ἀλλὰ Ἀχαΐας ἡγεμόνα οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι, διότι ἐχειρώσαντο Ἕλληνας διʼ Ἀχαιῶν τότε τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ προεστηκότων. ὁ δὲ πόλεμος ἔσχεν οὗτος τέλος Ἀντιθέου μὲν Ἀθήνῃσιν ἄρχοντος, Ὀλυμπιάδι δὲ ἑξηκοστῇ πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατόν, ἣν ἐνίκα Διόδωρος Σικυώνιος. 7.20.6. ἔχεται δὲ τῆς ἀγορᾶς τὸ Ὠιδεῖον, καὶ Ἀπόλλων ἐνταῦθα ἀνάκειται θέας ἄξιος· ἐποιήθη δὲ ἀπὸ λαφύρων, ἡνίκα ἐπὶ τὸν στρατὸν τῶν Γαλατῶν οἱ Πατρεῖς ἤμυναν Αἰτωλοῖς Ἀχαιῶν μόνοι. κεκόσμηται δὲ καὶ ἐς ἄλλα τὸ Ὠιδεῖον ἀξιολογώτατα τῶν ἐν Ἕλλησι, πλήν γε δὴ τοῦ Ἀθήνῃσι· τοῦτο γὰρ μεγέθει τε καὶ ἐς τὴν πᾶσαν ὑπερῆρκε κατασκευήν, ἀνὴρ δὲ Ἀθηναῖος ἐποίησεν Ἡρώδης ἐς μνήμην ἀποθανούσης γυναικός. ἐμοὶ δὲ ἐν τῇ Ἀτθίδι συγγραφῇ τὸ ἐς τοῦτο παρείθη τὸ Ὠιδεῖον, ὅτι πρότερον ἔτι ἐξείργαστό μοι τὰ ἐς Ἀθηναίους ἢ ὑπῆρκτο Ἡρώδης τοῦ οἰκοδομήματος. 5.6.7. As you go from Scillus along the road to Olympia , before you cross the Alpheius,there is a mountain with high, precipitous cliffs. It is called Mount Typaeum. It is a law of Elis to cast down it any women who are caught present at the Olympic games, or even on the other side of the Alpheius, on the days prohibited to women. However, they say that no woman has been caught, except Callipateira only; some, however, give the lady the name of Pherenice and not Callipateira. 7.16.10. A few years later the Romans took pity on Greece , restored the various old racial confederacies, with the right to acquire property in a foreign country, and remitted the fines imposed by Mummius. For he had ordered the Boeotians to pay a hundred talents to the people of Heracleia and Euboea , and the Achaeans to pay two hundred to the Lacedaemonians. Although the Romans granted the Greeks remission of these payments, yet down to my day a Roman governor has been sent to the country. The Romans call him the Governor, not of Greece , but of Achaia , because the cause of the subjection of Greece was the Achaeans, at that time at the head of the Greek nation. With Frazer's reading: “when the Romans subdued Greece , Achaia was at the head, etc.” This war came to an end when Antitheus was archon at Athens , in the hundred and sixtieth Olympiad 140 B.C. , at which Diodorus of Sicyon was victorious. Pausanias seems to have made a mistake, as Corinth was taken in 146 B.C. 7.20.6. Next to the market-place is the Music Hall, where has been dedicated an Apollo well worth seeing. It was made from the spoils taken when alone of the Achaeans the people of Patrae helped the Aetolians against the army of the Gauls. The Music Hall is in every way the finest in Greece , except, of course, the one at Athens . This is unrivalled in size and magnificence, and was built by Herodes, an Athenian,in memory of his dead wife. The reason why I omitted to mention this Music Hall in my history of Attica is that my account of the Athenians was finished before Herodes began the building.
250. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 3.6, 7.16.5, 10.5-10.10 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •vipsanius agrippa, m., on public art •furius (fusus), agrippa •agrippa i •cypros, wife of agrippa i Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 15; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 58; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 265
3.6. To Annius Severus, Out of a legacy which I have come in for I have just bought a Corinthian bronze, small it is true, but a charming and sharply-cut piece of work, so far as I have any knowledge of art, and that, as in everything else perhaps, is very slight. But as for the statue in question even I can appreciate its merits. For it is a nude, and neither conceals its faults, if there are any, nor hides at all its strong points. It represents an old man in a standing posture; the bones, muscles, nerves, veins, and even the wrinkles appear quite life-like; the hair is thin and scanty on the forehead; the brow is broad; the face wizened; the neck thin; the shoulders are bowed; the breast is flat, and the belly hollow. The back too gives the same impression of age, as far as a back view can. The bronze itself, judging by the genuine colour, is old and of great antiquity. In fact, in every respect it is a work calculated to catch the eye of a connoisseur and to delight the eye of an amateur, and this is what tempted me to purchase it, although I am the merest novice. But I bought it not to keep it at home - for as yet I have no Corinthian art work in my house - but that I might put it up in my native country in some frequented place, and I specially had in mind the Temple of Jupiter. For the statue seems to me to be worthy of the temple, and the gift to be worthy of the god. So I hope that you will show me your usual kindness when I give you a commission, and that you will undertake the following for me. Will you order a pedestal to be made, of any marble you like, to be inscribed with my name and titles, if you think the latter ought to be mentioned? I will send you the statue as soon as I can find anyone who is not overburdened with luggage, or I will bring myself along with it, as I dare say you would prefer me to do. For, if only my duties allow me, I am intending to run down thither. You are glad that I promise to come, but you will frown when I add that I can only stay a few days. For the business which hitherto has kept me from getting away will not allow of my being absent any longer. Farewell. 10.5. To Trajan. Last year, Sir, when I was in serious ill-health and was in some danger of my life I called in an ointment-doctor {iatroliptes}, and I can only adequately repay him for the pains and interest he took in my case if you are kind enough to help me. Let me, therefore, entreat you to bestow on him the Roman citizenship, for he belongs to a foreign race and was manumitted by a foreign lady. His name is Harpocras, his patroness being Thermuthis, the daughter of Theon, but she has been dead for some years. I also beg you to give full Roman citizenship * to the freedwomen of Antonia Maximilla, a lady of great distinction, Hedia, and Antonia Harmeris. It is at the request of their patroness that I beg this favour. 10.6. To Trajan. I thank you, Sir, for having so promptly granted my request and for your bestowal of full citizenship on the freedwomen of a lady who is my intimate friend, and the Roman citizenship upon Harpocras, my ointment-doctor. But though I gave particulars, in accordance with your wishes, of his age and ficial position, I have been reminded by those more skilled in such matters than I am that as Harpocras is an Egyptian, I ought first to have obtained for him the Egyptian citizenship before asking for the Roman. For my own part, I thought that no distinction was drawn between Egyptians and all other foreigners, and so was satisfied with merely informing you that he had received his freedom at the hands of a foreign lady, and that his patroness had been dead for some time. I do not regret my ignorance in this matter, inasmuch as it has enabled me to owe you a deeper debt of gratitude for the same individual. So I beg that you will bestow upon him both the Alexandrine and the Roman citizenship, that I may lawfully enjoy the full extent of your kindness. I have sent particulars of his age and income to your freedmen, according to your instructions, so as to prevent any further accidental delay of your goodness. 10.7. Trajan to Pliny. I make a practice of following the rules of my predecessors in not making promiscuous grants of the Alexandrine citizenship, but since you have already obtained the Roman citizenship for Harpocras, your ointment-doctor, I cannot very well refuse this further request of yours. You must let me know to what district he belongs, so that I may write to my friend Pompeius Planta, who is praefect of Egypt. 10.8. To Trajan. When, Sir, your late father, * both by a very fine speech and by setting them a most honourable example himself, urged every citizen to deeds of liberality, I sought permission from him to transfer to a neighbouring township all the statues of the emperors which had come into my possession by various bequests and were kept just as I had received them ill my distant estates, and to add thereto a statue of himself. He granted the request and made most flattering references to myself, and I immediately wrote to the decurions asking them to assign me a plot of ground upon which I might erect a temple ** at my own cost, and they offered to let me choose the site myself as a mark of appreciation of the task I had undertaken. But first my own ill-health, then your father's illness, and subsequently the anxieties of the office you bestowed upon me, have prevented my proceeding with the work. However, I think the present is a convenient opportunity for getting on with it, for my month of duty ends on the Kalends of September and the following month contains a number of holidays. I ask, therefore, as a special favour, that you will allow me to adorn with your statue the work which I am about to begin ; and secondly, that in order to complete it as soon as possible, you will grant me leave of absence. It would be alien to my frank disposition if I were to conceal from your goodness the fact that you will, if you grant me leave, be incidentally aiding very materially my private fices. The rent of my estates in that district exceeds 400,000 sesterces, and if the new tets are to be settled in time for the next pruning, the letting of the farms must not be any further delayed. Besides, the succession of bad vintages we have had forces me to consider the question of making certain abatements, and I cannot enter into that question unless I am on the spot. So, Sir, if for these reasons you grant me leave for thirty days, I shall owe to your kindness the speedy fulfilment of a work of loyalty and the settlement of my private fices. I cannot reduce the length of leave I ask for to narrower limits, inasmuch as the township and the estates I have spoken of are more than a hundred and fifty miles from Rome. 0 10.9. Trajan to Pliny. You have given me an abundance of private and all the public reasons I could desire for asking leave of absence, but, personally, I should have been quite content to accept the mere expression of your wish, for I have not the slightest doubt that you will return as early as you possibly can to resume your busy post. I give you permission to erect a statue of mine in the place you ask - although I am very loath to accept such honours - so as to avoid appearing to check the flow of your loyalty towards me. 10.10. To Trajan. I cannot express, Sir, in words the joy I experienced when I received your letter telling me that you had granted the Alexandrine as well as the Roman citizenship upon my ointment-doctor Harpocras, although you have made it a rule to follow the practice of your predecessors and not grant it promiscuously. I beg to inform you that Harpocras belongs to the district of Memphis. Let me beg of your great kindness, Sir, to send me a letter, as you promised, for your friend Pompeius Planta, the praefect of Egypt. As, Sir, I shall come to meet you that I may enjoy the pleasure at the earliest moment of welcoming you on your long-hoped-for return, * I pray that you will permit me to join you on the road as far out from Rome as possible.
251. Achilles Tatius, The Adventures of Leucippe And Cleitophon, 7.13 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa i Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 496
252. Clement of Alexandria, Excerpts From Theodotus, 16, 28 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Vinzent (2013), Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament, 179
28. The followers of Basilides refer 'God visiting the disobedient unto the third and fourth generation' to reincarnations, but the followers of Valentinus maintain that the three places mean those on the left, while the 'fourth generation' is their own seed, and 'showing mercy unto thousands,' refers to those on the right.
253. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 113
254. Palestinian Talmud, Sotah, 7.7 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan
255. Palestinian Talmud, Pesahim, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii Found in books: Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 171
256. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 489, 624, 520 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 342
257. Charax of Pergamum, Fragments, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 799
258. Gellius, Attic Nights, 6.22.4, 15.7.3, 15.11.3-15.11.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •memmius, c., menenius agrippa, fable of •agrippa postumus •agrippa Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 101; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 41; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 14
259. Aelius Aristides, Hymn To Serapis, 21.3, 28.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa Found in books: Pandey (2018), The Poetics of Power in Augustan Rome, 173, 181
260. Cassius Dio, Roman History, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 145
49.32.5.  and because he had presented them with extensive portions of Arabia, in the districts both of Malchus and of the Ituraeans (for he executed Lysanias, whom he himself had made king over them, on the charge that he had favoured Pacorus), and also extensive portions of Phoenicia and Palestine, parts of Crete, and Cyrene and Cyprus as well.
261. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 3.6, 7.16.5, 8.6.14, 10.5-10.10, 10.96 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •vipsanius agrippa, m., on public art •furius (fusus), agrippa •agrippa •agrippa i •cypros, wife of agrippa i •agrippa i (jewish king), exemplary function of •cassius agrippa Found in books: Edwards (2023), In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus, 158; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 49; Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 15; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 117; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 58; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 265
3.6. To Annius Severus, Out of a legacy which I have come in for I have just bought a Corinthian bronze, small it is true, but a charming and sharply-cut piece of work, so far as I have any knowledge of art, and that, as in everything else perhaps, is very slight. But as for the statue in question even I can appreciate its merits. For it is a nude, and neither conceals its faults, if there are any, nor hides at all its strong points. It represents an old man in a standing posture; the bones, muscles, nerves, veins, and even the wrinkles appear quite life-like; the hair is thin and scanty on the forehead; the brow is broad; the face wizened; the neck thin; the shoulders are bowed; the breast is flat, and the belly hollow. The back too gives the same impression of age, as far as a back view can. The bronze itself, judging by the genuine colour, is old and of great antiquity. In fact, in every respect it is a work calculated to catch the eye of a connoisseur and to delight the eye of an amateur, and this is what tempted me to purchase it, although I am the merest novice. But I bought it not to keep it at home - for as yet I have no Corinthian art work in my house - but that I might put it up in my native country in some frequented place, and I specially had in mind the Temple of Jupiter. For the statue seems to me to be worthy of the temple, and the gift to be worthy of the god. So I hope that you will show me your usual kindness when I give you a commission, and that you will undertake the following for me. Will you order a pedestal to be made, of any marble you like, to be inscribed with my name and titles, if you think the latter ought to be mentioned? I will send you the statue as soon as I can find anyone who is not overburdened with luggage, or I will bring myself along with it, as I dare say you would prefer me to do. For, if only my duties allow me, I am intending to run down thither. You are glad that I promise to come, but you will frown when I add that I can only stay a few days. For the business which hitherto has kept me from getting away will not allow of my being absent any longer. Farewell. 10.5. To Trajan. Last year, Sir, when I was in serious ill-health and was in some danger of my life I called in an ointment-doctor {iatroliptes}, and I can only adequately repay him for the pains and interest he took in my case if you are kind enough to help me. Let me, therefore, entreat you to bestow on him the Roman citizenship, for he belongs to a foreign race and was manumitted by a foreign lady. His name is Harpocras, his patroness being Thermuthis, the daughter of Theon, but she has been dead for some years. I also beg you to give full Roman citizenship * to the freedwomen of Antonia Maximilla, a lady of great distinction, Hedia, and Antonia Harmeris. It is at the request of their patroness that I beg this favour. 10.6. To Trajan. I thank you, Sir, for having so promptly granted my request and for your bestowal of full citizenship on the freedwomen of a lady who is my intimate friend, and the Roman citizenship upon Harpocras, my ointment-doctor. But though I gave particulars, in accordance with your wishes, of his age and ficial position, I have been reminded by those more skilled in such matters than I am that as Harpocras is an Egyptian, I ought first to have obtained for him the Egyptian citizenship before asking for the Roman. For my own part, I thought that no distinction was drawn between Egyptians and all other foreigners, and so was satisfied with merely informing you that he had received his freedom at the hands of a foreign lady, and that his patroness had been dead for some time. I do not regret my ignorance in this matter, inasmuch as it has enabled me to owe you a deeper debt of gratitude for the same individual. So I beg that you will bestow upon him both the Alexandrine and the Roman citizenship, that I may lawfully enjoy the full extent of your kindness. I have sent particulars of his age and income to your freedmen, according to your instructions, so as to prevent any further accidental delay of your goodness. 10.7. Trajan to Pliny. I make a practice of following the rules of my predecessors in not making promiscuous grants of the Alexandrine citizenship, but since you have already obtained the Roman citizenship for Harpocras, your ointment-doctor, I cannot very well refuse this further request of yours. You must let me know to what district he belongs, so that I may write to my friend Pompeius Planta, who is praefect of Egypt. 10.8. To Trajan. When, Sir, your late father, * both by a very fine speech and by setting them a most honourable example himself, urged every citizen to deeds of liberality, I sought permission from him to transfer to a neighbouring township all the statues of the emperors which had come into my possession by various bequests and were kept just as I had received them ill my distant estates, and to add thereto a statue of himself. He granted the request and made most flattering references to myself, and I immediately wrote to the decurions asking them to assign me a plot of ground upon which I might erect a temple ** at my own cost, and they offered to let me choose the site myself as a mark of appreciation of the task I had undertaken. But first my own ill-health, then your father's illness, and subsequently the anxieties of the office you bestowed upon me, have prevented my proceeding with the work. However, I think the present is a convenient opportunity for getting on with it, for my month of duty ends on the Kalends of September and the following month contains a number of holidays. I ask, therefore, as a special favour, that you will allow me to adorn with your statue the work which I am about to begin ; and secondly, that in order to complete it as soon as possible, you will grant me leave of absence. It would be alien to my frank disposition if I were to conceal from your goodness the fact that you will, if you grant me leave, be incidentally aiding very materially my private fices. The rent of my estates in that district exceeds 400,000 sesterces, and if the new tets are to be settled in time for the next pruning, the letting of the farms must not be any further delayed. Besides, the succession of bad vintages we have had forces me to consider the question of making certain abatements, and I cannot enter into that question unless I am on the spot. So, Sir, if for these reasons you grant me leave for thirty days, I shall owe to your kindness the speedy fulfilment of a work of loyalty and the settlement of my private fices. I cannot reduce the length of leave I ask for to narrower limits, inasmuch as the township and the estates I have spoken of are more than a hundred and fifty miles from Rome. 0 10.9. Trajan to Pliny. You have given me an abundance of private and all the public reasons I could desire for asking leave of absence, but, personally, I should have been quite content to accept the mere expression of your wish, for I have not the slightest doubt that you will return as early as you possibly can to resume your busy post. I give you permission to erect a statue of mine in the place you ask - although I am very loath to accept such honours - so as to avoid appearing to check the flow of your loyalty towards me. 10.10. To Trajan. I cannot express, Sir, in words the joy I experienced when I received your letter telling me that you had granted the Alexandrine as well as the Roman citizenship upon my ointment-doctor Harpocras, although you have made it a rule to follow the practice of your predecessors and not grant it promiscuously. I beg to inform you that Harpocras belongs to the district of Memphis. Let me beg of your great kindness, Sir, to send me a letter, as you promised, for your friend Pompeius Planta, the praefect of Egypt. As, Sir, I shall come to meet you that I may enjoy the pleasure at the earliest moment of welcoming you on your long-hoped-for return, * I pray that you will permit me to join you on the road as far out from Rome as possible.
262. Palestinian Talmud, Taanit, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii, agrippa, vineyard/estate of Found in books: Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 222
263. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 1.1456-1.1464, 2.361, 3.1-3.3, 4.811-4.831, 5.32-5.33 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa castor Found in books: Vinzent (2013), Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament, 179
264. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 49
265. Anon., Targum Pseudo-Jonathan, None (2nd cent. CE - 7th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 799
266. Anon., Leviticus Rabba, 3.5 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, rabbinical tale of agrippa Found in books: Satlow (2013), The Gift in Antiquity, 225, 226
3.5. וְשִׁסַּע אֹתוֹ בִּכְנָפָיו לֹא יַבְדִּיל (ויקרא א, יז), אָמַר רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן הַהֶדְיוֹט הַזֶּה אִם מֵרִיחַ הוּא רֵיחַ כְּנָפַיִם נַפְשׁוֹ קָצָה עָלָיו, וְאַתְּ אֲמַרְתְּ (ויקרא א, ט): וְהִקְטִיר הַכֹּהֵן אֶת הַכֹּל הַמִּזְבֵּחָה, וְכָל כָּךְ לָמָּה, אֶלָּא כְּדֵי שֶׁיְהֵא הַמִּזְבֵּחַ מְהֻדָּר בְּקָרְבָּנוֹ שֶׁל עָנִי. אַגְרִיפַּס הַמֶּלֶךְ בִּקֵּשׁ לְהַקְרִיב בְּיוֹם אֶחָד אֶלֶף עוֹלוֹת, שָׁלַח וְאָמַר לַכֹּהֵן גָּדוֹל אַל יַקְרִיב אָדָם הַיּוֹם חוּץ מִמֶּנִּי, בָּא עָנִי אֶחָד וּבְיָדוֹ שְׁתֵּי תוֹרִים, אָמַר לַכֹּהֵן הַקְרֵב אֶת אֵלּוּ, אָמַר לוֹ, הַמֶּלֶךְ צִוַּנִּי וְאָמַר לִי אַל יַקְרִיב אָדָם חוּץ מִמֶּנִּי הַיּוֹם. אָמַר לוֹ, אֲדוֹנִי כֹהֵן גָּדוֹל, אַרְבָּעָה אֲנִי צָד בְּכָל יוֹם וַאֲנִי מַקְרִיב שְׁנַיִם וּמִתְפַּרְנֵס מִשְּׁנַיִם, אִם אִי אַתָּה מַקְרִיבָן אַתָּה חוֹתֵךְ פַּרְנָסָתִי, נְטָלָן וְהִקְרִיבָן. נִרְאָה לוֹ לְאַגְרִיפַּס בַּחֲלוֹם קָרְבָּן שֶׁל עָנִי קְדָמָךְ. שָׁלַח וְאָמַר לַכֹּהֵן גָּדוֹל, לֹא כָךְ צִוִּיתִיךָ אַל יַקְרִיב אָדָם חוּץ מִמֶּנִּי הַיּוֹם. אָמַר לוֹ, אֲדוֹנִי הַמֶּלֶךְ בָּא עָנִי אֶחָד וּבְיָדוֹ שְׁתֵּי תוֹרִים, אָמַר לִי הַקְרֵב אֵלַי אֶת אֵלּוּ, אָמַרְתִּי לוֹ הַמֶּלֶךְ צִוַּנִּי וְאָמַר לִי אַל יַקְרִיב אָדָם חוּץ מִמֶּנִּי הַיּוֹם, אָמַר, אַרְבָּעָה אֲנִי צָד בְּכָל יוֹם וַאֲנִי מַקְרִיב שְׁנַיִם וּמִתְפַּרְנֵס מִשְּׁנַיִם, אִם אִי אַתָּה מַקְרִיב אַתָּה חוֹתֵךְ אֶת פַּרְנָסָתִי, לֹא הָיָה לִי לְהַקְרִיבָן. אָמַר לוֹ, יָפֶה עָשִׂיתָ כָּל מַה שֶּׁעָשִׂיתָ. מַעֲשֶׂה בְּשׁוֹר אֶחָד שֶׁהָיוּ מוֹשְׁכִין לְקָרְבָּן וְלֹא נִמְשָׁךְ, בָּא עָנִי וּבְיָדוֹ אֲגֻדָּה אַחַת שֶׁל טְרוֹקְסִימָא וְהוֹשִׁיט לוֹ וַאֲכָלָהּ וְגָעַשׁ הַשּׁוֹר וְהוֹצִיא מַחַט וְנִמְשָׁךְ לְקָרְבָּן, נִרְאָה לְבַעַל הַשּׁוֹר בַּחֲלוֹמוֹ, קָרְבָּנוֹ שֶׁל עָנִי קְדָמָךְ. מַעֲשֶׂה בְּאִשָּׁה אַחַת שֶׁהֵבִיאָה קֹמֶץ שֶׁל סֹלֶת, וְהָיָה כֹּהֵן מְבַזֶּה עָלֶיהָ, וְאָמַר, רְאוּ מָה הֵן מַקְרִיבוֹת, מַה בָּזֶה לֶאֱכֹל, מַה בָּזֶה לְהַקְרִיב, נִרְאָה לַכֹּהֵן בַּחֲלוֹם אַל תְּבַזֶּה עָלֶיהָ, כְּאִלּוּ נַפְשָׁהּ הִקְרִיבָה. וַהֲרֵי דְבָרִים קַל וָחֹמֶר, וּמַה אִם מִי שֶׁאֵינוֹ מַקְרִיב נֶפֶשׁ כְּתִיב בּוֹ נֶפֶשׁ, מִי שֶׁהוּא מַקְרִיב נֶפֶשׁ, עַל אַחַת כַּמָּה וְכַמָּה כְּאִלּוּ נַפְשׁוֹ הִקְרִיב.
267. Hermas, Mandates, 5.2.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa and four concubines Found in books: Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 146
268. Sextus Empiricus, Against The Logicians, 7.345 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa Found in books: Bett (2019), How to be a Pyrrhonist: The Practice and Significance of Pyrrhonian Scepticism, 108
269. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 1.20, 2.22 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa ii, ruler in galilee and peraia •vipsanius agrippa, m., his commentarii •vipsanius agrippa, m., his map Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 392; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 31
1.20. παριόντας δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐς τὴν μέσην τῶν ποταμῶν ὁ τελώνης ὁ ἐπιβεβλημένος τῷ Ζεύγματι πρὸς τὸ πινάκιον ἦγε καὶ ἠρώτα, ὅ τι ἀπάγοιεν, ὁ δὲ ̓Απολλώνιος “ἀπάγω” ἔφη “σωφροσύνην δικαιοσύνην ἀρετὴν ἐγκράτειαν ἀνδρείαν ἄσκησιν,” πολλὰ καὶ οὕτω θήλεα εἴρας ὀνόματα. ὁ δ' ἤδη βλέπων τὸ ἑαυτοῦ κέρδος “ἀπόγραψαι οὖν” ἔφη “τὰς δούλας”. ὁ δὲ “οὐκ ἔξεστιν,” εἶπεν “οὐ γὰρ δούλας ἀπάγω ταύτας, ἀλλὰ δεσποίνας.” τὴν δὲ τῶν ποταμῶν μέσην ὁ Τίγρις ἀποφαίνει καὶ ὁ Εὐφράτης ῥέοντες μὲν ἐξ ̓Αρμενίας καὶ Ταύρου λήγοντος, περιβάλλοντες δὲ ἤπειρον, ἐν ᾗ καὶ πόλεις μέν, τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον κῶμαι, ἔθνη τε ̓Αρμένια καὶ ̓Αράβια, ἃ ξυγκλέίσαντες οἱ ποταμοὶ ἔχουσιν, ὧν καὶ νομάδες οἱ πολλοὶ στείχουσιν, οὕτω τι νησιώτας ἑαυτοὺς νομίζοντες, ὡς ἐπὶ θάλαττάν τε καταβαίνειν φάσκειν, ὅτ' ἐπὶ τοὺς ποταμοὺς βαδίζοιεν, ὅρον τε ποιεῖσθαι τῆς γῆς τὸν τῶν ποταμῶν κύκλον: ἀποτορνεύσαντες γὰρ τὴν προειρημένην ἤπειρον ἐπὶ τὴν αὐτὴν ἵενται θάλατταν. εἰσὶ δ', οἵ φασιν ἐς ἕλος ἀφανίζεσθαι τὸ πολὺ τοῦ Εὐφράτου καὶ τελευτᾶν τὸν ποταμὸν τοῦτον ἐν τῇ γῇ. λόγου δ' ἔνιοι θρασυτέρου ἐφάπτονται, φάσκοντες αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῇ γῇ ῥέοντα ἐς Αἴγυπτον ἀναφαίνεσθαι καὶ Νείλῳ συγκεράννυσθαι. ἀκριβολογίας μὲν δὴ ἕνεκα καὶ τοῦ μηδὲν παραλελεῖφθαί μοι τῶν γεγραμμένων ὑπὸ τοῦ Δάμιδος ἐβουλόμην ἂν καὶ τὰ διὰ τῶν βαρβάρων τούτων ̔πορευομένοις' σπουδασθέντα εἰπεῖν, ξυνελαύνει δὲ ἡμᾶς ὁ λόγος ἐς τὰ μείζω τε καὶ θαυμασιώτερα, οὐ μὴν ὡς δυοῖν γε ἀμελῆσαι τούτοιν, τῆς τε ἀνδρείας, ᾗ χρώμενος ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος διεπορεύθη βάρβαρα ἔθνη καὶ λῃστρικά, οὐδ' ὑπὸ ̔Ρωμαίοις πω ὄντα, τῆς τε σοφίας, ᾗ τὸν ̓Αράβιον τρόπον ἐς ξύνεσιν τῆς τῶν ζῴων φωνῆς ἦλθεν. ἔμαθε δὲ τοῦτο διὰ τουτωνὶ τῶν ̓Αραβίων πορευόμενος ἄριστα γιγνωσκόντων τε αὐτὸ καὶ πραττόντων. ἔστι γὰρ τῶν ̓Αραβίων ἤδη κοινὸν καὶ τῶν ὀρνίθων ἀκούειν μαντευομένων, ὁπόσα οἱ χρησμοί, ξυμβάλλονται δὲ τῶν ἀλόγων σιτούμενοι τῶν δρακόντων οἱ μὲν καρδίαν φασίν, οἱ δὲ ἧπαρ. 2.22. ὃν δὲ διέτριβεν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ χρόνον, πολὺς δὲ οὗτος ἐγένετο, ἔστ' ἂν ἀγγελθῇ τῷ βασιλεῖ ξένους ἥκειν, “ὦ Δάμι” ἔφη ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος, “ἔστι τι γραφική;” “εἴ γε” εἶπε “καὶ ἀλήθεια.” “πράττει δὲ τί ἡ τέχνη αὕτη;” “τὰ χρώματα” ἔφη “ξυγκεράννυσιν, ὁπόσα ἐστί, τὰ κυανᾶ τοῖς βατραχείοις καὶ τὰ λευκὰ τοῖς μέλασι καὶ τὰ πυρσὰ τοῖς ὠχροῖς.” “ταυτὶ δὲ” ἦ δ' ὃς “ὑπὲρ τίνος μίγνυσιν; οὐ γὰρ ὑπὲρ μόνου τοῦ ἄνθους, ὥσπερ αἱ κήριναι.” “ὑπὲρ μιμήσεως” ἔφη “καὶ τοῦ κύνα τε ἐξεικάσαι καὶ ἵππον καὶ ἄνθρωπον καὶ ναῦν καὶ ὁπόσα ὁρᾷ ὁ ἥλιος: ἤδη δὲ καὶ τὸν ἥλιον αὐτὸν ἐξεικάζει τοτὲ μὲν ἐπὶ τεττάρων ἵππων, οἷος ἐνταῦθα λέγεται φαίνεσθαι, τοτὲ δ' αὖ καὶ διαπυρσεύοντα τοῦ οὐρανοῦ, ἐπειδὰν αἰθέρα ὑπογράφῃ καὶ θεῶν οἶκον.” “μίμησις οὖν ἡ γραφική, ὦ Δάμι;” “τί δὲ ἄλλο;” εἶπεν “εἰ γὰρ μὴ τοῦτο πράττοι, γελοία δόξει χρώματα ποιοῦσα εὐήθως.” “τὰ δ' ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ” ἔφη “βλεπόμενα, ἐπειδὰν αἱ νεφέλαι διασπασθῶσιν ἀπ' ἀλλήλων, τοὺς κενταύρους καὶ τραγελάφους καὶ, νὴ Δί', οἱ λύκοι τε καὶ οἱ ἵπποι, τί φήσεις; ἆρ' οὐ μιμητικῆς εἶναι ἔργα;” “ἔοικεν,” ἔφη. “ζωγράφος οὖν ὁ θεός, ὦ Δάμι, καὶ καταλιπὼν τὸ πτηνὸν ἅρμα, ἐφ' οὗ πορεύεται διακοσμῶν τὰ θεῖά τε καὶ ἀνθρώπεια, κάθηται τότε ἀθύρων τε καὶ γράφων ταῦτα, ὥσπερ οἱ παῖδες ἐν τῇ ψάμμῳ;” ἠρυθρίασεν ὁ Δάμις ἐς οὕτως ἄτοπον ἐκπεσεῖν δόξαντος τοῦ λόγου. οὐχ ὑπεριδὼν οὖν αὐτὸν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος, οὐδὲ γὰρ πικρὸς πρὸς τὰς ἐλέγξεις ἦν, “ἀλλὰ μὴ τοῦτο” ἔφη “βούλει λέγειν, ὦ Δάμι, τὸ ταῦτα μὲν ἄσημά τε καὶ ὡς ἔτυχε διὰ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ φέρεσθαι τόγε ἐπὶ τῷ θεῷ, ἡμᾶς δὲ φύσει τὸ μιμητικὸν ἔχοντας ἀναρρυθμίζειν τε αὐτὰ καὶ ποιεῖν;” “μᾶλλον” ἔφη “τοῦτο ἡγώμεθα, ὦ ̓Απολλώνιε, πιθανώτερον γὰρ καὶ πολλῷ βέλτιον.” “διττὴ ἄρα ἡ μιμητική, ὦ Δάμι, καὶ τὴν μὲν ἡγώμεθα οἵαν τῇ χειρὶ ἀπομιμεῖσθαι καὶ τῷ νῷ, γραφικὴν δὲ εἶναι ταύτην, τὴν δ' αὖ μόνῳ τῷ νῷ εἰκάζειν.” “οὐ διττήν,” ἔφη ὁ Δάμις “ἀλλὰ τὴν μὲν τελεωτέραν ἡγεῖσθαι προσήκει γραφικήν γε οὖσαν, ἣ δύναται καὶ τῷ νῷ καὶ τῇ χειρὶ ἐξεικάσαι, τὴν δὲ ἑτέραν ἐκείνης μόριον, ἐπειδὴ ξυνίησι μὲν καὶ μιμεῖται τῷ νῷ καὶ μὴ γραφικός τις ὤν, τῇ χειρὶ δὲ οὐκ ἂν ἐς τὸ γράφειν αὐτὰ χρήσαιτο.” “ἆρα,” ἔφη “ὦ Δάμι, πεπηρωμένος τὴν χεῖρα ὑπὸ πληγῆς τινος ἢ νόσου;” “μὰ Δί'” εἶπεν “ἀλλ' ὑπὸ τοῦ μήτε γραφίδος τινὸς ἧφθαι, μήτε ὀργάνου τινὸς ἢ χρώματος, ἀλλ' ἀμαθῶς ἔχειν τοῦ γράφειν.” “οὐκοῦν,” ἔφη “ὦ Δάμι, ἄμφω ὁμολογοῦμεν μιμητικὴν μὲν ἐκ φύσεως τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἥκειν, τὴν γραφικὴν δὲ ἐκ τέχνης. τουτὶ δ' ἂν καὶ περὶ τὴν πλαστικὴν φαίνοιτο. τὴν δὲ δὴ ζωγραφίαν αὐτὴν οὔ μοι δοκεῖς μόνον τὴν διὰ τῶν χρωμάτων ἡγεῖσθαι, καὶ γὰρ ἓν χρῶμα ἐς αὐτὴν ἤρκεσε τοῖς γε ἀρχαιοτέροις τῶν γραφέων καὶ προϊοῦσα τεττάρων εἶτα πλειόνων ἥψατο, ἀλλὰ καὶ γραμμὴν καὶ τὸ ἄνευ χρώματος, ὃ δὴ σκιᾶς τε ξύγκειται καὶ φωτός, ζωγραφίαν προσήκει καλεῖν: καὶ γὰρ ἐν αὐτοῖς ὁμοιότης τε ὁρᾶται εἶδός τε καὶ νοῦς καὶ αἰδὼς καὶ θρασύτης, καίτοι χηρεύει χρωμάτων ταῦτα, καὶ οὔτε αἷμα ἐνσημαίνει οὔτε κόμης τινὸς ἢ ὑπήνης ἄνθος, ἀλλὰ μονοτρόπως ξυντιθέμενα τῷ τε ξανθῷ ἀνθρώπῳ ἔοικε καὶ τῷ λευκῷ, κἂν τούτων τινὰ τῶν ̓Ινδῶν λευκῇ τῇ γραμμῇ γράψωμεν, μέλας δήπου δόξει, τὸ γὰρ ὑπόσιμον τῆς ῥινὸς καὶ οἱ ὀρθοὶ βόστρυχοι καὶ ἡ περιττὴ γένυς καὶ ἡ περὶ τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς οἷον ἔκπληξις μελαίνει τὰ ὁρώμενα καὶ ̓Ινδὸν ὑπογράφει τοῖς γε μὴ ἀνοήτως ὁρῶσιν. ὅθεν εἴποιμ' ἂν καὶ τοὺς ὁρῶντας τὰ τῆς γραφικῆς ἔργα μιμητικῆς δεῖσθαι: οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἐπαινέσειέ τις τὸν γεγραμμένον ἵππον ἢ ταῦρον μὴ τὸ ζῷον ἐνθυμηθείς, ᾧ εἴκασται, οὐδ' ἂν τὸν Αἴαντά τις τὸν Τιμομάχου ἀγασθείη, ὃς δὴ ἀναγέγραπται αὐτῷ μεμηνώς, εἰ μὴ ἀναλάβοι τι ἐς τὸν νοῦν Αἴαντος εἴδωλον καὶ ὡς εἰκὸς αὐτὸν ἀπεκτονότα τὰ ἐν τῇ Τροίᾳ βουκόλια καθῆσθαι ἀπειρηκότα, βουλὴν ποιούμενον καὶ ἑαυτὸν κτεῖναι. ταυτὶ δέ, ὦ Δάμι, τὰ τοῦ Πώρου δαίδαλα μήτε χαλκευτικῆς μόνον ἀποφαινώμεθα, γεγραμμένοις γὰρ εἴκασται, μήτε γραφικῆς, ἐπειδὴ ἐχαλκεύθη, ἀλλ' ἡγώμεθα σοφίσασθαι αὐτὰ γραφικόν τε καὶ χαλκευτικὸν ἕνα ἄνδρα, οἷον δή τι παρ' ̔Ομήρῳ τὸ τοῦ ̔Ηφαίστου περὶ τὴν τοῦ ̓Αχιλλέως ἀσπίδα ἀναφαίνεται. μεστὰ γὰρ καὶ ταῦτα ὀλλύντων τε καὶ ὀλλυμένων, καὶ τὴν γῆν ᾑματῶσθαι φήσεις χαλκῆν οὖσαν.” 1.20. SUCH was the companion and admirer that he had met with, and in common with him most of his travels and life were passed. And as they fared on into Mesopotamia, the tax-gatherer who presided over the Bridge (Zeugma) led them into the registry and asked them what they were taking out of the country with them. And Apollonius replied: I am taking with me temperance, justice, virtue, continence, valor, discipline. And in this way he strung together a number of feminine nouns or names. The other, already scenting his own perquisites, said: You must then write down in the register these female slaves. Apollonius answered: Impossible, for they are not female slaves that I am taking out with me, but ladies of quality.Now Mesopotamia is bordered on one side by the Tigris, and on the other by the Euphrates, rivers which flow from Armenia and from the lowest slopes of Taurus; but they contain a tract like a continent, in which there are some cities, though for the most part only villages, and the races that inhabit them are the Armenian and the Arab. These races are so shut in by the rivers that most of them, who lead the life of nomads, are so convinced that they are islanders, as to say that they are going down to the sea, when they are merely on their way to the rivers, and think that these rivers border the earth and encircle it. For they curve around the continental tract in question, and discharge their waters into the same sea. But there are people who say that the greater part of the Euphrates is lost in a marsh, and that this river ends in the earth. But some have a bolder theory to which they adhere, and declare that it runs under the earth to turn up in Egypt and mingle itself with the Nile. Well, for the sake of accuracy and truth, and in order to leave out nothing of the things that Damis wrote, I should have liked to relate all the incidents that occurred on their journey through these barbarous regions; but my subject hurries me on to greater and more remarkable episodes. Nevertheless, I must perforce dwell upon two topics: on the courage which Apollonius showed, in making a journey through races of barbarians and robbers, which were not at that time even subject to the Romans, and at the cleverness with which after the matter of the Arabs he managed to understand the language of the animals. For he learnt this on his way through these Arab tribes, who best understand and practice it. For it is quite common for the Arabs to listen to the birds prophesying like any oracles, but they acquire this faculty of understanding them by feeding themselves, so they say, either on the heart or liver of serpents. 2.22. While he was waiting in the Temple, — and it took a long time for the king to be informed that strangers had arrived, — Apollonius said: O Damis, is there such a thing as painting? Why yes, he answered, if there be any such thing as truth. And what does this art do? It mixes together, replied Damis, all the colors there are, blue with green, and white with black, and red with yellow. And for what reason, said the other, does it mix these? For it isn't merely to get a color, like dyed wax. It is, said Damis, for the sake of imitation, and to get a likeness of a dog, or a horse, or a man, or a ship, or of anything else under the sun; and what is more, you see the sun himself represented, sometimes borne upon a four horse car, as he is said to be seen here, and sometimes again traversing the heaven with his torch, in case you are depicting the ether and the home of the gods. Then, O Damis, painting is imitation? And what else could it be? said he: for if it did not effect that, it would voted to be an idle playing with colors. And, said the other, the things which are seen in heaven, whenever the clouds are torn away from one another, I mean the centaurs and stag-antelopes, yes, and the wolves too, and the horses, what have you got to say about them? Are we not to regard them as works of imitation? It would seem so, he replied. Then, Damis, God is a painter, and has left his winged chariot, upon which he travels, as he disposes of affairs human and divine, and he sits down on these occasions to amuse himself by drawing these pictures, as children make figures in the sand. Damis blushed, for he felt that his argument was reduced to such an absurdity. But Apollonius, on his side, had no wish to humiliate him, for he was not unfeeling in his refutations of people, and said: But I am sure, Damis, you did not mean that; rather that these figures flit through the heaven not only without meaning, but, so far as providence is concerned, by mere chance; while we who by nature are prone to imitation rearrange and create them in these regular figures. We may, he said, rather consider this to be the case, O Apollonius, for it is more probable, and a much sounder idea. Then, O Damis, the mimetic art is twofold, and we may regard the one kind as an employment of the hands and mind in producing imitations, and declare that this is painting, whereas the other kind consists in making likenesses with the mind alone. Not twofold, replied Damis, for we ought to regard the former as the more perfect and more complete kind, being anyhow painting and a faculty of making likenesses with the help both of mind and hand; but we must regard the other kind as a department that, since its possessor perceives and imitates with the mind, without having the delineative faculty, and would never use his hand in depicting its objects. Then, said Apollonius, you mean, Damis, that the hand may be disabled by a blow or by disease? No, he answered, but it is disabled, because it has never handled pencil nor any instrument or color, and has never learned to draw. Then, said the other, we are both of us, Damis, agreed that man owes his mimetic faculty to nature, but his power of painting to art. And the same would appear to be true of plastic art. But, methinks, you would not confine painting itself to the mere use of colors, for a single color was often found sufficient for this purpose by our older painters; and as the art advanced, it employed four, and later, yet more; but we must also concede the name of a painting to an outline drawn without any color at all, and composed merely of shadow and light. For in such designs we see a resemblance, we see form and expression, and modesty and bravery, although they are altogether devoid of color; and neither blood is represented, nor the color of a man's hair or beard; nevertheless these compositions in monochrome are likenesses of people either tawny or white, and if we drew one of these Indians with a pencil without color, yet he would be known for a negro, for his flat nose, and his stiff curling locks and prominent jaw, and a certain gleam about his eyes, would give a black look to the picture and depict an Indian to the eyes of all those who have intelligence. And for this reason I should say that those who look at works of painting and drawing require a mimetic faculty; for no one could appreciate or admire a picture of a horse or of a bull, unless he had formed an idea of the picture represented. Nor again could one admire a picture of Ajax, by the painter Timomachus, which represents him in a state of madness, unless one had conceived in one's mind first an idea or notion of Ajax, and had entertained the probability that after killing the flocks in Troy he would sit down exhausted and even meditate suicide. But these elaborate works of Porus we cannot, Damis, regard as works of brass founding alone, for they are cast in brass; so let us regard them as the chefs d'oeuvre of a man who is both painter and brass-founder at once, and as similar to the work of Hephaestus upon the shield of Achilles, as revealed in Homer. For they are crowded together in that work too men slaying and slain, and you would say that the earth was stained with gore, though it is made of brass.
270. Babylonian Talmud, Sotah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa i, parallels between rabbinic literture and josephus on •agrippa Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 770; Thiessen (2011), Contesting Conversion: Genealogy, Circumcision, and Identity in Ancient Judaism and Christianity, 107, 186
41b. מאתחלתא דמועד,וחזן הכנסת נוטל ס"ת ונותנו לראש הכנסת שמעת מינה חולקין כבוד לתלמיד במקום הרב אמר אביי כולה משום כבודו דמלך,והמלך עומד ומקבל וקורא יושב אגריפס המלך עמד וקיבל וקרא עומד עומד מכלל דיושב והאמר מר אין ישיבה בעזרה אלא למלכי בית דוד בלבד שנא' (שמואל ב ז, יח) ויבא המלך דוד וישב לפני ה' ויאמר וגו' כדאמר רב חסדא בעזרת נשים הכא נמי בעזרת נשים,ושבחוהו חכמים שבחוהו מכלל דשפיר עבד האמר רב אשי אפי' למ"ד נשיא שמחל על כבודו כבודו מחול מלך שמחל על כבודו אין כבודו מחול שנא' (דברים יז, טו) שום תשים עליך מלך שתהא אימתו עליך,מצוה שאני,וכשהגיע ללא תוכל לתת תנא משמיה דרבי נתן באותה שעה נתחייבו שונאי ישראל כלייה שהחניפו לו לאגריפס,אמר ר' שמעון בן חלפתא מיום שגבר אגרופה של חנופה נתעוותו הדינין ונתקלקלו המעשים ואין אדם יכול לומר לחבירו מעשי גדולים ממעשיך,דרש ר' יהודה בר מערבא ואיתימא ר' שמעון בן פזי מותר להחניף לרשעים בעולם הזה שנאמר (ישעיהו לב, ה) לא יקרא עוד לנבל נדיב ולכילי לא יאמר שוע מכלל דבעולם הזה שרי,ר' שמעון בן לקיש אמר מהכא (בראשית לג, י) כראות פני אלהים ותרצני,ופליגא דרבי לוי דאמר רבי לוי משל של יעקב ועשו למה הדבר דומה לאדם שזימן את חבירו והכיר בו שמבקש להורגו אמר לו טעם תבשיל זה שאני טועם כתבשיל שטעמתי בבית המלך אמר ידע ליה מלכא מיסתפי ולא קטיל ליה,אמר רבי אלעזר כל אדם שיש בו חנופה מביא אף לעולם שנא' (איוב לו, יג) וחנפי לב ישימו אף ולא עוד אלא שאין תפלתו נשמעת שנאמר (איוב לו, יג) לא ישועו כי אסרם,סימן א"ף עוב"ר גיהנ"ם ביד"ו ניד"ה גול"ה,ואמר רבי אלעזר כל אדם שיש בו חנופה אפילו עוברין שבמעי אמן מקללין אותו שנא' (משלי כד, כד) אומר לרשע צדיק אתה יקבוהו עמים יזעמוהו לאומים ואין קוב אלא קללה שנא' (במדבר כג, ח) לא קבה אל ואין לאום אלא עוברין שנא' (בראשית כה, כג) ולאום מלאום יאמץ,ואמר רבי אלעזר כל אדם שיש בו חנופה נופל בגיהנם שנא' (ישעיהו ה, כ) הוי האומרים לרע טוב ולטוב רע וגו' מה כתיב אחריו לכן כאכל קש לשון אש וחשש להבה ירפה וגו',ואמר רבי אלעזר כל המחניף לחבירו סוף נופל בידו ואם אינו נופל בידו נופל ביד בניו ואם אינו נופל ביד בניו נופל ביד בן בנו שנא' (ירמיהו כח, ה) ויאמר ירמיה לחנניה אמן כן יעשה ה' יקם ה' את דבריך וכתי' 41b. implying that the assembly takes place b at the beginning of the Festival, /b when the entire Jewish people comes to Jerusalem.,§ It is taught in the mishna: b And the synagogue attendant takes a Torah scroll and gives it to the head of the synagogue, /b until it is eventually passed to the king. The Gemara suggests: b You can learn from /b the fact that all of these dignitaries receive the Torah scroll before the king that b honor may be given to a student in the presence of the teacher. Abaye said: /b A proof may not be adduced from here, as the b entire /b process b is for the honor of the king, /b to show that he is removed from ordinary people by many ranks.,It is taught in the mishna: b And the king stands, and receives /b the Torah scroll, b and reads /b from it while b sitting. King Agrippa arose, and received /b the Torah scroll, b and read /b from it while b standing. /b The Gemara asks: b By inference, /b until that point he had been b sitting. But didn’t the Master say /b ( i Tosefta /i , i Sanhedrin /i 4:4) that b sitting in the /b Temple b courtyard /b is permitted b only for kings from the house of David, as it is stated: “Then King David went in, and sat before the Lord; and he said: /b Who am I?” (II Samuel 7:18). The Gemara answers: b As Rav Ḥisda said /b in a similar context: This took place not in the Israelite courtyard, where the prohibition against sitting applies, but b in the women’s courtyard. Here too, /b the assembly was b in the women’s courtyard. /b ,It is stated in the mishna that King Agrippa read from the Torah while standing, b and the Sages praised him /b for this. The Gemara asks: b From the fact /b that b they praised him, /b can it be concluded b that he acted appropriately? Didn’t Rav Ashi say: Even according to the one who says /b with regard to b a i Nasi /i who relinquished /b the b honor /b due b him, his honor is relinquished, /b i.e., he may do so, with regard to b a king who relinquished /b the b honor /b due b him, his honor is not relinquished, as it is stated: “You shall place a king over you” /b (Deuteronomy 17:15). This is interpreted to mean b that his awe shall be upon you. /b The Torah establishes that awe is an essential component of kingship, and it is not the prerogative of the king to relinquish it.,The Gemara answers: Since he relinquished his honor for the sake of b a mitzva, /b this situation b is different /b and does not dishonor him.,The mishna continues: b And when /b Agrippa b arrived at /b the verse: b “You may not appoint /b a foreigner over you” (Deuteronomy 17:15), tears flowed from his eyes because he was a descendant of the house of Herod and was not of Jewish origin. The entire nation said to him: You are our brother. It is b taught in the name of Rabbi Natan: At that moment the enemies of the Jewish people, /b a euphemism for the Jewish people, b were sentenced to destruction for flattering Agrippa. /b , b Rabbi Shimon ben Ḥalafta says: From the day that the power of flattery prevailed, the judgment has become corrupted, and /b people’s b deeds have become corrupted, and a person cannot say to another: My deeds are greater than your deeds, /b as everyone flatters one another and people no longer know the truth., b Rabbi Yehuda of the West, /b Eretz Yisrael, b and some say Rabbi Shimon ben Pazi, taught: It is permitted to flatter wicked people in this world, as it is stated /b concerning the future: b “The vile person shall no longer be called generous, nor shall the churl be said to be noble” /b (Isaiah 32:5). b By inference, /b this indicates b that in this world it is permitted /b to flatter them., b Rabbi Shimon ben Lakish said /b that this can be proven b from here. /b Jacob said to Esau: “I have seen your face, b as one sees the face of angels, and you were pleased with me” /b (Genesis 33:10). Jacob flattered him by comparing seeing him to seeing a divine vision.,The Gemara notes: b And /b Rabbi Shimon ben Lakish, in interpreting Jacob’s statement, b disagrees with Rabbi Levi, as Rabbi Levi says: /b With regard to the interaction between b Jacob and Esau, to what is this matter comparable? To a person who invited another /b to his home b and /b the guest b realized that he wants to kill him. /b The guest b said to him: The flavor of this dish that I taste is like a dish that I tasted in the king’s house. /b The host then b said /b to himself: b The king /b must b know him. /b Therefore, b he was afraid and did not kill him. /b Similarly, when Jacob told Esau that his face is like the face of an angel, he intended to let him know that he had seen angels, in order to instill fear in him so that Esau would not seek to harm him., b Rabbi Elazar says: Any person who has flattery in him brings wrath to the world, as it is stated: “But those with flattery in their hearts bring about wrath” /b (Job 36:13). b And moreover, his prayer is not heard, as it is stated /b in that same verse: b “They do not cry for help when He binds them.” /b ,The Gemara cites b a mnemonic /b device for the statements of Rabbi Elazar: b Wrath, fetus, Gehenna, in his hands, menstruating woman, exiled. /b , b And Rabbi Elazar says: Any person who has flattery in him, even fetuses in their mothers’ wombs curse him, as it is stated: “He who says to the wicked: You are righteous, peoples shall curse him [ i yikkevuhu /i ], nations [ i leummim /i ] shall execrate him” /b (Proverbs 24:24); b and i kov /i , /b the linguistic root of the word i yikkevuhu /i , means b only a curse, as it is stated: /b Balaam explained that he did not curse the Jewish people, as he said: “How can I curse [ i ekkov /i ] b whom God has not cursed [ i kabbo /i ]?” /b (Numbers 23:8). b And i le’om /i /b is homiletically interpreted to mean b only fetuses, as it is stated /b with regard to Jacob and Esau, when they were still in Rebecca’s womb: b “And one people [ i le’om /i ] shall be stronger than the other people [ i le’om /i ]” /b (Genesis 25:23)., b And Rabbi Elazar says: Any person who has flattery in him falls into Gehenna, as it is stated: “Woe to those who call evil good, and good evil” /b (Isaiah 5:20). b What is written afterward? “Therefore, as the tongue of fire devours straw, and as the chaff is consumed by the flame” /b (Isaiah 5:24), meaning that the people described in the earlier verse will end up burning like straw in the fires of Gehenna., b And Rabbi Elazar says: Anyone who flatters another ultimately falls into his hands. And if he does not fall into his hands, he falls into his children’s hands. And if he does not fall into his children’s hands, he falls into his grandchild’s hands, as it is stated: “Then the prophet Jeremiah said to Haiah…Amen, the Lord should do so, the Lord should perform your words” /b (Jeremiah 28:5–6). This was a form of flattery, as Jeremiah did not explicitly say that Haiah was a false prophet. b And it is written: /b
271. Babylonian Talmud, Yevamot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Thiessen (2011), Contesting Conversion: Genealogy, Circumcision, and Identity in Ancient Judaism and Christianity, 107, 108
72b. אין נימולין אלא ביום שלא בזמנו נימולין ביום ובלילה מאי לאו בהא קמיפלגי דמר סבר משוך דאורייתא ומר סבר משוך דרבנן,ותסברא קטן שעבר זמנו מי איכא למ"ד דרבנן,אלא דכולי עלמא משוך דרבנן וקטן שעבר זמנו דאורייתא והכא בהא קמיפלגי מר סבר דרשינן וביום ומר סבר לא דרשינן וביום,כי הא דיתיב רבי יוחנן וקדריש נותר בזמנו אינו נשרף אלא ביום שלא בזמנו נשרף בין ביום בין בלילה,ואיתיביה רבי אלעזר לרבי יוחנן אין לי אלא נימול לשמיני שאין נימול אלא ביום מנין לרבות לתשעה לעשרה לאחד עשר לשנים עשר (מנין) תלמוד לומר וביום,ואפילו למאן דלא דריש וא'ו וא"ו וה"י דריש אישתיק,בתר דנפק א"ל רבי יוחנן לר"ל ראיתי לבן פדת שיושב ודורש כמשה מפי הגבורה א"ל ר"ל דידיה היא מתניתא היא היכא תנא ליה בתורת כהנים נפק תנייה בתלתא יומי וסברה בתלתא ירחי,אמר רבי אלעזר ערל שהזה הזאתו כשרה מידי דהוה אטבול יום שאע"פ שאסור בתרומה כשר בפרה,מה לטבול יום שכן מותר במעשר אטו אנן לאכילה קאמרינן אנן לנגיעה קאמרינן ומה טבול יום שאסור בנגיעה דתרומה מותר בפרה ערל שמותר בנגיעה אינו דין שמותר בפרה,תניא נמי הכי ערל שהזה הזאתו כשרה ומעשה היה והכשירו חכמים הזאתו,מיתיבי טומטום שקידש קידושו פסול מפני שהוא ספק ערל וערל פסול לקדש ואנדרוגינוס שקידש קידושו כשר רבי יהודה אומר אף אנדרוגינוס שקידש קדושיו פסולים מפני שספק אשה ואשה פסולה מלקדש קתני מיהא ערל וספק ערל פסול מלקדש,אמר רב יוסף האי תנא תנא דבי רבי עקיבא הוא דמרבי ליה לערל כטמא דתניא ר"ע אומר (ויקרא כב, ד) איש איש לרבות הערל,אמר רבא הוה יתיבנא קמיה דרב יוסף וקשיא לי לא לישתמיט תנא וליתני הערל והטמא ולימא ר' עקיבא היא,ולא והא קתני הערל והטמא פטורים מן הראייה התם משום דמאיס,ואזדו לטעמייהו דתניא הכל כשרים לקדש חוץ מחרש שוטה וקטן רבי יהודה מכשיר בקטן ופוסל באשה ובאנדרוגינוס,מאי טעמא דרבנן דכתיב (במדבר יט, יז) ולקחו לטמא מעפר שריפת החטאת הנך דפסלי באסיפה פסולין בקידוש הנך דכשרין באסיפה כשרים בקידוש,ורבי יהודה אמר לך א"כ נימא קרא ולקח מאי ולקחו דאפי' הנך דפסולין התם כשרים הכא,אי הכי אשה נמי ונתן ולא ונתנה ורבנן אי כתיב ולקח ונתן הוה אמינא שקיל חד ויהיב חד כתב רחמנא ולקחו,ואי כתב רחמנא ולקחו ונתנו ה"א דשקלי תרי ויהבי תרי כתב רחמנא ולקחו ונתן דאפי' שקלי תרי ויהיב חד 72b. b they may be circumcised only during the day. /b However, if the circumcision is performed b not at its /b appropriate b time, they may be circumcised /b either b during the day or at night. What, is it not /b the case that b they disagree about the following: One Sage, /b the Rabbis, b holds /b that the obligation to circumcise one whose foreskin was b drawn forward /b is b by Torah law, /b and therefore he must be circumcised during the day despite the fact that the procedure is not performed at the proper time, b and one Sage, /b Rabbi Elazar bar Shimon, b holds /b that the circumcision of one whose foreskin was b drawn forward /b is b by rabbinic law. /b ,The Gemara rejects this suggestion: b And /b how can b you understand /b the disagreement in that way? With regard to b a child whose /b appropriate b time /b for circumcision b has /b already b passed, is there anyone who says that /b the obligation to circumcise him is only b by rabbinic law? /b Even after the eighth day, there is certainly a Torah obligation to circumcise him, and yet the i tanna’im /i disagree about this case as well., b Rather, everyone /b agrees that the obligation to circumcise one whose foreskin was b drawn forward /b is b by rabbinic law, and /b that the obligation to circumcise b a child whose /b appropriate b time /b for circumcision b has /b already b passed /b is b by Torah law. And here they disagree with regard to the following: One Sage holds /b that b we expound /b the phrase b “and on the day” /b in the verse “And on the eighth day the flesh of his foreskin shall be circumcised” (Leviticus 12:3). The superfluous word “and” indicates that even if the child was not circumcised on the eighth day, the procedure must still be performed during the day. b And one Sage, /b Rabbi Elazar bar Shimon, b holds /b that b we do not expound /b the phrase b “and on the day,” /b and therefore a circumcision must be performed during the day only when it takes place on the eighth day, but afterward it may be performed even at night., b As in /b the case b where Rabbi Yoḥa was sitting and he expounded: i Notar /i , /b the flesh of an offering that is left over beyond its allotted time, requires burning. If it is burnt b at its /b appropriate b time, /b i.e., on the same day that it became i notar /i , it b may be burned only during the day. /b If it is burnt b not at its /b appropriate b time, /b it b may be burned either during the day or at night. /b , b And Rabbi Elazar raises an objection to /b the opinion of b Rabbi Yoḥa /b from the following i baraita /i : b I have /b derived b only /b that a child who b is circumcised on /b the b eighth /b day b may be circumcised only during the day. From where /b do I derive b to include /b in this i halakha /i a child who is circumcised b on the ninth, tenth, eleventh, /b or b twelfth /b day? b From where /b is it derived that he, too, may be circumcised only during the day? Therefore, b the verse states: “And on the day,” /b which teaches that the obligation to circumcise during the day extends beyond the eighth day itself., b And even /b the Sage b who does not expound /b the letter b i vav /i , /b meaning “and,” as superfluous, b expounds /b the letters b i vav /i and i heh /i /b when they come together and understands them as alluding to cases not explicitly mentioned in the biblical text. Regarding i notar /i the verse states: “And that which remains [ i vehanotar /i ] of the flesh of the offering on the third day shall be burnt with fire” (Leviticus 7:17), where the letters i vav /i and i heh /i teach that the obligation to burn i notar /i during the day extends beyond the third day itself. Rabbi Yoḥa b was silent, /b as he had no response., b After /b Rabbi Elazar b left, Rabbi Yoḥa, /b who was impressed with Rabbi Elazar’s exposition, b said to Reish Lakish: I saw that /b Rabbi Elazar, b son of Pedat, was sitting and expounding /b the Torah b as Moses /b had received it directly b from the mouth of the Almighty. Reish Lakish said to him: /b Was this exposition b his own? It is a i baraita /i . /b Rabbi Yoḥa inquired: b Where is this /b i baraita /i b taught? /b Reish Lakish replied: It is b in i Torat Kohanim /i , /b otherwise known as i Sifra /i , a work of halakhic midrash on the book of Leviticus. Rabbi Yoḥa b went out /b and b learned /b the entire i Torat Kohanim /i b in three days, and reached /b a full b understanding of it in three months. /b ,§ b Rabbi Elazar said: /b If b an uncircumcised /b priest b sprinkled /b the purification waters containing the ashes of a red heifer in order to purify someone who had contracted ritual impurity imparted by a corpse, b his sprinkling is valid, just as it is /b in the case of a priest b who immersed himself that day /b but does not become completely purified until nightfall. b As, although /b such an individual b is prohibited from /b eating b i teruma /i , /b he is b fit for /b all the rites connected to the red b heifer. /b ,The Gemara raises a difficulty: If b one who immersed himself that day /b is fit for all the rites connected to the red heifer, that is because b he is /b at least b permitted to /b eat b tithes, /b and so he is treated more leniently than one who is uncircumcised, for whom it is prohibited to partake of second tithe. The Gemara answers: b Is that to say /b that b we are speaking about eating? We spoke /b in reference b to touching, /b and the proof was as follows: b If one who immersed himself that day /b and b who is forbidden to touch i teruma /i , /b as he invalidates i teruma /i by touch, is nevertheless b permitted /b to participate b in /b all the rites connected to the red b heifer; /b then with regard to one who is b uncircumcised, who is permitted to touch /b i teruma /i according to all opinions, b is it not right that /b he should be b permitted /b to participate b in /b the rites connected to b the /b red b heifer? /b ,The Gemara comments: b That /b opinion b is also taught /b in a i baraita /i : If b an uncircumcised /b priest b sprinkled /b the purification waters, b his sprinkling is valid. And an incident occurred /b in which such an individual sprinkled the purification waters b and the Sages validated his sprinkling. /b ,The Gemara b raises an objection /b from that which was taught in the i Tosefta /i ( i Para /i 5:5): If b a i tumtum /i sanctified /b the purification waters by placing a small amount of ashes from the red heifer into springwater that had been placed into a container for that purpose, b his sanctification is invalid because /b there is b uncertainty /b as to whether he is b uncircumcised, and an uncircumcised /b man b is disqualified from sanctifying /b the purification waters. b But /b if b a hermaphrodite sanctified /b the purification waters, b his sanctification is valid. Rabbi Yehuda /b disagrees and b says: Even /b if b a hermaphrodite sanctified /b the purification waters, b his sanctification is invalid, because /b there is b uncertainty /b as to whether a hermaphrodite is b a woman, and a woman is disqualified from sanctifying /b the purification waters. b In any event, /b the i baraita /i b teaches /b that one who is definitely b uncircumcised, and /b even one about whom there is b uncertainty /b as to whether he is b un-circumcised, is disqualified from sanctifying /b the purification waters., b Rav Yosef said: This i tanna /i /b of the i baraita /i , who disqualifies one who is uncircumcised from sanctifying the purification waters, b is a i tanna /i from the school of Rabbi Akiva, who includes the uncircumcised /b in the same i halakha /i b as /b that which governs b the ritually impure. As it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b Rabbi Akiva says /b that the words “any man” in the verse b “Any man /b from the seed of Aaron who is a leper or a i zav /i shall not eat of the holy things until he be pure” (Leviticus 22:4), come b to include /b one who is b uncircumcised, /b and it is prohibited for him as well to partake of consecrated food. And so too, with regard to other matters as well, e.g., sanctifying the purification waters, one who is uncircumcised has the same status as one who is ritually impure., b Rava said: I was sitting /b at the time b before Rav Yosef, and I had /b the following b difficulty: /b If so, according to Rav Yosef’s opinion that the uncircumcised and the ritually impure have the same status, should one b not /b be able b to find a i tanna /i who teaches /b the i halakha /i of b the uncircumcised and /b that of b the ritually impure /b together, b and we should say /b that this is the opinion of b Rabbi Akiva? /b There should be some source that reflects this view.,The Gemara asks: b And /b is there b not /b such a source? b But isn’t it taught /b in a i baraita /i : One who is b uncircumcised and /b one who is b ritually impure are exempt from /b making an b appearance /b in the Temple on each of the three pilgrim Festivals. The Gemara refutes this argument: This is no proof, as b there /b it can be argued that one who is uncircumcised is exempt from appearing in the Temple b because he is repulsive, /b and it is unbefitting that one who is uncircumcised appear in the Temple courtyard, but this does not mean that with regard to other matters as well he is treated like one who is ritually impure.,The Gemara comments: b And /b the Rabbis and Rabbi Yehuda b follow their /b usual line of b reasoning /b with regard to a hermaphrodite. b As it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b All are fit to sanctify /b the purification waters b except for a deaf-mute, an imbecile, and a minor. Rabbi Yehuda deems a minor fit /b for the task, b but deems a woman and a hermaphrodite unfit. /b ,The Gemara explains: b What is the reasoning of the Rabbis? As it is written: “And they shall take for the impure of the ashes of the burning of the sin-offering, /b and he shall place on it running water in a vessel” (Numbers 19:17). The juxtaposition of the placement of the water to the gathering of the ashes indicates that they are governed by the same i halakha /i . Therefore, b those who are unfit for gathering /b the ashes b are /b likewise b unfit for sanctification, /b whereas b those who are fit for gathering /b the ashes b are /b likewise b fit for sanctification. /b Since a woman is fit to gather the ashes of the red heifer, she may also sanctify its waters., b And Rabbi Yehuda /b could have b said to you: If so, /b then b let the verse state: And he shall take. What /b is the significance of the shift to the plural form: b “And they shall take”? /b It teaches b that even those who are unfit there are fit here. /b As the i halakhot /i of the two cases are not identical, Rabbi Yehuda deems a minor fit to perform the sanctification.,The Gemara raises a difficulty: b If so, /b according to Rabbi Yehuda b a woman /b should b also /b be fit to sanctify the purification waters. The Gemara answers: Rabbi Yehuda reads the verse precisely. It says: b “And he shall place /b on it,” b and not: And she shall place /b on it. The Gemara asks: b And /b how do b the Rabbis /b respond to this claim? b If /b the verse b was written: And he shall take…and he shall place, I would say /b that b one /b individual must b take /b the ashes b and /b the same b one /b must also b place /b the water on them. b The Merciful One /b therefore b writes: “And they shall take,” /b indicating that the ritual is valid even when performed by two different individuals., b And if the Merciful One had written: And they shall take…and they shall place, I would say that two /b people must b take /b the ashes b and two /b must b place /b the water on them, but if these rites are performed by fewer than two people they are invalid. b The Torah /b therefore b states: “And they shall take…and he shall place,” /b to teach b that even /b if b two /b people b take /b the ashes b and one /b person b places /b the water on them, the ritual is valid. Since the verse had to be formulated precisely in this manner in order to teach that i halakha /i , the words “and he shall place” cannot be understood as coming to exclude a woman.
272. Babylonian Talmud, Megillah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •agrippa i (jewish king), exemplary function of Found in books: Edwards (2023), In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus, 176
7a. השנית ואיצטריך למיכתב בכל שנה ושנה דאי מבכל שנה ושנה הוה אמינא כי קושין קא משמע לן השנית ואי אשמועינן השנית הוה אמינא בתחילה בראשון ובשני קמ"ל בכל שנה ושנה,ורבי אליעזר בר' יוסי האי השנית מאי עביד ליה מיבעי ליה לכדרב שמואל בר יהודה דאמר רב שמואל בר יהודה בתחילה קבעוה בשושן ולבסוף בכל העולם כולו,אמר רב שמואל בר יהודה שלחה להם אסתר לחכמים קבעוני לדורות שלחו לה קנאה את מעוררת עלינו לבין האומות שלחה להם כבר כתובה אני על דברי הימים למלכי מדי ופרס,רב ורב חנינא ורבי יוחנן ורב חביבא מתנו בכוליה סדר מועד כל כי האי זוגא חלופי רבי יוחנן ומעייל רבי יונתן שלחה להם אסתר לחכמים כתבוני לדורות שלחו לה (משלי כב, כ) הלא כתבתי לך שלישים שלישים ולא רבעים,עד שמצאו לו מקרא כתוב בתורה (שמות יז, יד) כתב זאת זכרון בספר כתב זאת מה שכתוב כאן ובמשנה תורה זכרון מה שכתוב בנביאים בספר מה שכתוב במגלה,כתנאי כתב זאת מה שכתוב כאן זכרון מה שכתוב במשנה תורה בספר מה שכתוב בנביאים דברי רבי יהושע ר' אלעזר המודעי אומר כתב זאת מה שכתוב כאן ובמשנה תורה זכרון מה שכתוב בנביאים בספר מה שכתוב במגילה,אמר רב יהודה אמר שמואל אסתר אינה מטמאה את הידים,למימרא דס