1. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 1.1 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africanus • Donatism, African theology
Found in books: Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 964; James (2021), Learning the Language of Scripture: Origen, Wisdom, and the Logic of Interpretation, 47
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1.1 אַשְׁרֵי־הָאִישׁ אֲשֶׁר לֹא הָלַךְ בַּעֲצַת רְשָׁעִים וּבְדֶרֶךְ חַטָּאִים לֹא עָמָד וּבְמוֹשַׁב לֵצִים לֹא יָשָׁב׃'' None | sup>
1.1 HAPPY IS the man that hath not walked in the counsel of the wicked, Nor stood in the way of sinners, nor sat in the seat of the scornful.'' None |
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2. Hesiod, Works And Days, 289-292 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, apotheosis of • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 298; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 298
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289 τῆς δʼ ἀρετῆς ἱδρῶτα θεοὶ προπάροιθεν ἔθηκαν'290 ἀθάνατοι· μακρὸς δὲ καὶ ὄρθιος οἶμος ἐς αὐτὴν 291 καὶ τρηχὺς τὸ πρῶτον· ἐπὴν δʼ εἰς ἄκρον ἵκηται, 292 ῥηιδίη δὴ ἔπειτα πέλει, χαλεπή περ ἐοῦσα. ' None | sup>
289 of force. The son of Cronus made this act'290 For men - that fish, wild beasts and birds should eat 291 Each other, being lawless, but the pact 292 He made with humankind is very meet – ' None |
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3. Homer, Iliad, 1.247-1.248, 2.816, 7.213, 11.57, 19.217-19.219 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 295; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 295
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1.247 Ἀτρεΐδης δʼ ἑτέρωθεν ἐμήνιε· τοῖσι δὲ Νέστωρ 1.248 ἡδυεπὴς ἀνόρουσε λιγὺς Πυλίων ἀγορητής,
2.816 Τρωσὶ μὲν ἡγεμόνευε μέγας κορυθαίολος Ἕκτωρ
7.213 ἤϊε μακρὰ βιβάς, κραδάων δολιχόσκιον ἔγχος.
11.57 Ἕκτορά τʼ ἀμφὶ μέγαν καὶ ἀμύμονα Πουλυδάμαντα
19.217 κρείσσων εἰς ἐμέθεν καὶ φέρτερος οὐκ ὀλίγον περ 19.218 ἔγχει, ἐγὼ δέ κε σεῖο νοήματί γε προβαλοίμην 19.219 πολλόν, ἐπεὶ πρότερος γενόμην καὶ πλείονα οἶδα.'' None | sup>
1.247 the staff studded with golden nails, and himself sat down, while over against him the son of Atreus continued to vent his wrath. Then among them arose Nestor, sweet of speech, the clear-voiced orator of the Pylians, from whose tongue flowed speech sweeter than honey. Two generations of mortal men had passed away in his lifetime,
2.816 There on this day did the Trojans and their allies separate their companies.The Trojans were led by great Hector of the flashing helm, the son of Priam, and with him were marshalled the greatest hosts by far and the goodliest, raging with the spear.
7.213 hath brought together to contend in the fury of soul-devouring strife. Even in such wise sprang forth huge Aias, the bulwark of the Achaeans, with a smile on his grim face; and he went with long strides of his feet beneath him, brandishing his far-shadowing spear. Then were the Argives glad as they looked upon him,
11.57 to send forth to Hades many a valiant head.And the Trojans over against them on the rising ground of the plain mustered about great Hector and peerless Polydamas and Aeneas that was honoured of the folk of the Trojans even as a god, and the three sons of Antenor, Polybus and goodly Agenor
19.217 Then Odysseus of many wiles answered him, and said:O Achilles, son of Peleus, far the mightiest of the Achaeans, better art thou than I and mightier not a little with the spear, howbeit in counsel might I surpass thee by far, seeing I am the elder-born and know the more; 19.219 Then Odysseus of many wiles answered him, and said:O Achilles, son of Peleus, far the mightiest of the Achaeans, better art thou than I and mightier not a little with the spear, howbeit in counsel might I surpass thee by far, seeing I am the elder-born and know the more; '' None |
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4. None, None, nan (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Africans, call Isis Queen Isis • Isis, called Queen Isis by Ethiopians, Africans and Egyptians • Isis, to Africans Queen Isis • Libya (see also Africa) • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 17, 295, 301, 302, 303; Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 185; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 94, 241; Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 154; McGowan (1999), Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals, 110; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 17, 295, 301, 302, 303
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5. Herodotus, Histories, 2.15, 4.42-4.43 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Cape Guardafui (see also Horn of Africa) • Libya (see also Africa) • North Africa/Africans
Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 5, 6, 7, 40; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 49; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 30
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2.15 εἰ ὦν βουλόμεθα γνώμῃσι τῇσι Ἰώνων χρᾶσθαι τὰ περὶ Αἴγυπτον, οἳ φασὶ τὸ Δέλτα μοῦνον εἶναι Αἴγυπτον, ἀπὸ Περσέος καλεομένης σκοπιῆς λέγοντες τὸ παρὰ θάλασσαν εἶναι αὐτῆς μέχρι Ταριχηίων τῶν Πηλουσιακῶν, τῇ δὴ τεσσεράκοντα εἰσὶ σχοῖνοι, τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ θαλάσσης λεγόντων ἐς μεσόγαιαν τείνειν αὐτὴν μέχρι Κερκασώρου πόλιος, κατʼ ἣν σχίζεται ὁ Νεῖλος ἔς τε Πηλούσιον ῥέων καὶ ἐς Κάνωβον, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα λεγόντων τῆς Αἰγύπτου τὰ μὲν Λιβύης τὰ δὲ Ἀραβίης εἶναι, ἀποδεικνύοιμεν ἂν τούτῳ τῷ λόγῳ χρεώμενοι Αἰγυπτίοισι οὐκ ἐοῦσαν πρότερον χώρην. ἤδη γάρ σφι τό γε Δέλτα, ὡς αὐτοὶ λέγουσι Αἰγύπτιοι καὶ ἐμοὶ δοκέει, ἐστὶ κατάρρυτόν τε καὶ νεωστὶ ὡς λόγῳ εἰπεῖν ἀναπεφηνός. εἰ τοίνυν σφι χώρη γε μηδεμία ὑπῆρχε, τί περιεργάζοντο δοκέοντες πρῶτοι ἀνθρώπων γεγονέναι; οὐδὲ ἔδει σφέας ἐς διάπειραν τῶν παιδίων ἰέναι, τίνα γλῶσσαν πρώτην ἀπήσουσι. ἀλλʼ οὔτε Αἰγυπτίους δοκέω ἅμα τῷ Δέλτα τῷ ὑπὸ Ἰώνων καλεομένῳ γενέσθαι αἰεί τε εἶναι ἐξ οὗ ἀνθρώπων γένος ἐγένετο, προϊούσης δὲ τῆς χώρης πολλοὺς μὲν τοὺς ὑπολειπομένους αὐτῶν γενέσθαι πολλοὺς δὲ τοὺς ὑποκαταβαίνοντας. τὸ δʼ ὦν πάλαι αἱ Θῆβαι Αἴγυπτος ἐκαλέετο, τῆς τὸ περίμετρον στάδιοι εἰσὶ εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν καὶ ἑξακισχίλιοι.
4.42 θωμάζω ὦν τῶν διουρισάντων καὶ διελόντων Λιβύην τε καὶ Ἀσίην καὶ Εὐρώπην· οὐ γὰρ σμικρὰ τὰ διαφέροντα αὐτέων ἐστί· μήκεϊ μὲν γὰρ παρʼ ἀμφοτέρας παρήκει ἡ Εὐρώπη, εὔρεος δὲ πέρι οὐδὲ συμβάλλειν ἀξίη φαίνεταί μοι εἶναι. Λιβύη μὲν γὰρ δηλοῖ ἑωυτὴν 1 ἐοῦσα περίρρυτος, πλὴν ὅσον αὐτῆς πρὸς τὴν Ἀσίην οὐρίζει, Νεκῶ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίων βασιλέος πρώτου τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν καταδέξαντος· ὃς ἐπείτε τὴν διώρυχα ἐπαύσατο ὀρύσσων τὴν ἐκ τοῦ Νείλου διέχουσαν ἐς τὸν Ἀράβιον κόλπον, ἀπέπεμψε Φοίνικας ἄνδρας πλοίοισι, ἐντειλάμενος ἐς τὸ ὀπίσω διʼ Ἡρακλέων στηλέων ἐκπλέειν ἕως ἐς τὴν βορηίην θάλασσαν καὶ οὕτω ἐς Αἴγυπτον ἀπικνέεσθαι. ὁρμηθέντες ὦν οἱ Φοίνικες ἐκ τῆς Ἐρυθρῆς θαλάσσης ἔπλεον τὴν νοτίην θάλασσαν· ὅκως δὲ γίνοιτο φθινόπωρον προσσχόντες ἂν σπείρεσκον τὴν γῆν, ἵνα ἑκάστοτε τῆς Λιβύης πλέοντες γινοίατο, καὶ μένεσκον τὸν ἄμητον· θερίσαντες δʼ ἂν τὸν σῖτον ἔπλεον, ὥστε δύο ἐτέων διεξελθόντων τρίτῳ ἔτεϊ κάμψαντες Ἡρακλέας στήλας ἀπίκοντο ἐς Αἴγυπτον. καὶ ἔλεγον ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐ πιστά, ἄλλῳ δὲ δή τεῳ, ὡς περιπλώοντες τὴν Λιβύην τὸν ἥλιον ἔσχον ἐς τὰ δεξιά. 4.43 οὕτω μὲν αὕτη ἐγνώσθη τὸ πρῶτον, μετὰ δὲ Καρχηδόνιοι εἰσὶ οἱ λέγοντες· ἐπεὶ Σατάσπης γε ὁ Τεάσπιος ἀνὴρ Ἀχαιμενίδης οὐ περιέπλωσε Λιβύην, ἐπʼ αὐτὸ τοῦτο πεμφθείς, ἀλλὰ δείσας τό τε μῆκος τοῦ πλόου καὶ τὴν ἐρημίην ἀπῆλθε ὀπίσω, οὐδʼ ἐπετέλεσε τὸν ἐπέταξε οἱ ἡ μήτηρ ἄεθλον. θυγατέρα γὰρ Ζωπύρου τοῦ Μεγαβύζου ἐβιήσατο παρθένον· ἔπειτα μέλλοντος αὐτοῦ διὰ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίην ἀνασκολοπιεῖσθαι ὑπὸ Ξέρξεω βασιλέος, ἡ μήτηρ τοῦ Σατάσπεος ἐοῦσα Δαρείου ἀδελφεὴ παραιτήσατο, φᾶσά οἱ αὐτὴ μέζω ζημίην ἐπιθήσειν ἤ περ ἐκεῖνον· Λιβύην γάρ οἱ ἀνάγκην ἔσεσθαι περιπλώειν, ἐς ὃ ἂν ἀπίκηται περιπλέων αὐτὴν ἐς τὸν Ἀράβιον κόλπον. συγχωρήσαντος δὲ Ξέρξεω ἐπὶ τούτοισι, ὁ Σατάσπης ἀπικόμενος ἐς Αἴγυπτον καὶ λαβὼν νέα τε καὶ ναύτας παρὰ τούτων ἔπλεε ἐπὶ Ἡρακλέας στήλας· διεκπλώσας δὲ καὶ κάμψας τὸ ἀκρωτήριον τῆς Λιβύης τῷ οὔνομα Σολόεις ἐστί, ἔπλεε πρὸς μεσαμβρίην· περήσας δὲ θάλασσαν πολλὴν ἐν πολλοῖσι μησί, ἐπείτε τοῦ πλεῦνος αἰεὶ ἔδεε, ἀποστρέψας ὀπίσω ἀπέπλεε ἐς Αἴγυπτον. ἐκ δὲ ταύτης ἀπικόμενος παρὰ βασιλέα Ξέρξεα ἔλεγε φὰς τὰ προσωτάτω ἀνθρώπους μικροὺς παραπλέειν ἐσθῆτι φοινικηίῃ διαχρεωμένους, οἳ ὅκως σφεῖς καταγοίατο τῇ νηὶ φεύγεσκον πρὸς τὰ ὄρεα λείποντες τὰς πόλιας· αὐτοὶ δὲ ἀδικέειν οὐδὲν ἐσιόντες, βρωτὰ δὲ μοῦνα ἐξ αὐτέων λαμβάνειν. τοῦ δὲ μὴ περιπλῶσαι Λιβύην παντελέως αἴτιον τόδε ἔλεγε, τὸ πλοῖον τὸ πρόσω οὐ δυνατὸν ἔτι εἶναι προβαίνειν ἀλλʼ ἐνίσχεσθαι. Ξέρξης δὲ οὔ οἱ συγγινώσκων λέγειν ἀληθέα οὐκ ἐπιτελέσαντά τε τὸν προκείμενον ἄεθλον ἀνεσκολόπισε, τὴν ἀρχαίην δίκην ἐπιτιμῶν. τούτου δὲ τοῦ Σατάσπεος εὐνοῦχος ἀπέδρη ἐς Σάμον, ἐπείτε ἐπύθετο τάχιστα τὸν δεσπότεα τετελευτηκότα, ἔχων χρήματα μεγάλα, τὰ Σάμιος ἀνὴρ κατέσχε, τοῦ ἐπιστάμενος τὸ οὔνομα ἑκὼν ἐπιλήθομαι.'' None | sup>
2.15 Now if we agree with the opinion of the Ionians, who say that only the Delta is Egypt, and that its seaboard reaches from the so-called Watchtower of Perseus forty schoeni to the Salters' at Pelusium, while inland it stretches as far as the city of Cercasorus, where the Nile divides and flows to Pelusium and Canobus, and that all the rest of Egypt is partly Libya and partly Arabia —if we follow this account, we can show that there was once no land for the Egyptians; ,for we have seen that (as the Egyptians themselves say, and as I myself judge) the Delta is alluvial land and but lately (so to speak) came into being. Then if there was once no land for them, it was an idle notion that they were the oldest nation on earth, and they need not have made that trial to see what language the children would first speak. ,I maintain, rather, that the Egyptians did not come into existence together with what the Ionians call the Delta, but have existed since the human race came into being; and as the land grew in extent, there were many of them who stayed behind, and many who spread down over it. Be that as it may, the Theban district, a land of seven hundred and sixty-five miles in circumference, was in the past called Egypt . " 4.42 I wonder, then, at those who have mapped out and divided the world into Libya, Asia, and Europe; for the difference between them is great, seeing that in length Europe stretches along both the others together, and it appears to me to be wider beyond all comparison. ,For Libya shows clearly that it is bounded by the sea, except where it borders on Asia. Necos king of Egypt first discovered this and made it known. When he had finished digging the canal which leads from the Nile to the Arabian Gulf, he sent Phoenicians in ships, instructing them to sail on their return voyage past the Pillars of Heracles until they came into the northern sea and so to Egypt. ,So the Phoenicians set out from the Red Sea and sailed the southern sea; whenever autumn came they would put in and plant the land in whatever part of Libya they had reached, and there await the harvest; ,then, having gathered the crop, they sailed on, so that after two years had passed, it was in the third that they rounded the pillars of Heracles and came to Egypt. There they said (what some may believe, though I do not) that in sailing around Libya they had the sun on their right hand.' "4.43 Thus was the first knowledge of Libya gained. The next story is that of the Carthaginians: for as for Sataspes son of Teaspes, an Achaemenid, he did not sail around Libya, although he was sent for that purpose; but he feared the length and loneliness of the voyage and so returned without accomplishing the task laid upon him by his mother. ,For he had raped the virgin daughter of Zopyrus son of Megabyzus; and when on this charge he was to be impaled by King Xerxes, Sataspes' mother, who was Darius' sister, interceded for his life, saying that she would impose a heavier punishment on him than Xerxes; ,for he would be compelled to sail around Libya, until he completed his voyage and came to the Arabian Gulf. Xerxes agreed to this, and Sataspes went to Egypt where he received a ship and a crew from the Egyptians, and sailed past the Pillars of Heracles. ,Having sailed out beyond them, and rounded the Libyan promontory called Solois, he sailed south; but when he had been many months sailing over the sea, and always more before him, he turned back and made sail for Egypt. ,Coming to King Xerxes from there, he related in his narrative that, when he was farthest distant, he sailed by a country of little men, who wore palm-leaf clothing; these, whenever he and his men put in to land with their ship, left their towns and fled to the hills; he and his men did no harm when they landed, and took nothing from the people except cattle. ,As to his not sailing completely around Libya, the reason (he said) was that the ship could move no farther, but was stopped. But Xerxes did not believe that Sataspes spoke the truth, and, as the task appointed was unfulfilled, he impaled him, punishing him on the charge first brought against him. ,This Sataspes had a eunuch, who as soon as he heard of his master's death escaped to Samos, with a great hoard of wealth, of which a man of Samos got possession. I know the man's name but deliberately omit it. "" None |
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6. Xenophon, Memoirs, 2.1.21-2.1.34 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas • Scipio the Elder, father of Africanus
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 316; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 316
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2.1.21 καὶ Πρόδικος δὲ ὁ σοφὸς ἐν τῷ συγγράμματι τῷ περὶ Ἡρακλέους, ὅπερ δὴ καὶ πλείστοις ἐπιδείκνυται, ὡσαύτως περὶ τῆς ἀρετῆς ἀποφαίνεται, ὧδέ πως λέγων, ὅσα ἐγὼ μέμνημαι. φησὶ γὰρ Ἡρακλέα, ἐπεὶ ἐκ παίδων εἰς ἥβην ὡρμᾶτο, ἐν ᾗ οἱ νέοι ἤδη αὐτοκράτορες γιγνόμενοι δηλοῦσιν εἴτε τὴν διʼ ἀρετῆς ὁδὸν τρέψονται ἐπὶ τὸν βίον εἴτε τὴν διὰ κακίας, ἐξελθόντα εἰς ἡσυχίαν καθῆσθαι ἀποροῦντα ποτέραν τῶν ὁδῶν τράπηται· 2.1.22 καὶ φανῆναι αὐτῷ δύο γυναῖκας προσιέναι μεγάλας, τὴν μὲν ἑτέραν εὐπρεπῆ τε ἰδεῖν καὶ ἐλευθέριον φύσει, κεκοσμημένην τὸ μὲν σῶμα καθαρότητι, τὰ δὲ ὄμματα αἰδοῖ, τὸ δὲ σχῆμα σωφροσύνῃ, ἐσθῆτι δὲ λευκῇ, τὴν δʼ ἑτέραν τεθραμμένην μὲν εἰς πολυσαρκίαν τε καὶ ἁπαλότητα, κεκαλλωπισμένην δὲ τὸ μὲν χρῶμα ὥστε λευκοτέραν τε καὶ ἐρυθροτέραν τοῦ ὄντος δοκεῖν φαίνεσθαι, τὸ δὲ σχῆμα ὥστε δοκεῖν ὀρθοτέραν τῆς φύσεως εἶναι, τὰ δὲ ὄμματα ἔχειν ἀναπεπταμένα, ἐσθῆτα δὲ ἐξ ἧς ἂν μάλιστα ὥρα διαλάμποι· κατασκοπεῖσθαι δὲ θαμὰ ἑαυτήν, ἐπισκοπεῖν δὲ καὶ εἴ τις ἄλλος αὐτὴν θεᾶται, πολλάκις δὲ καὶ εἰς τὴν ἑαυτῆς σκιὰν ἀποβλέπειν. 2.1.23 ὡς δʼ ἐγένοντο πλησιαίτερον τοῦ Ἡρακλέους, τὴν μὲν πρόσθεν ῥηθεῖσαν ἰέναι τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον, τὴν δʼ ἑτέραν φθάσαι βουλομένην προσδραμεῖν τῷ Ἡρακλεῖ καὶ εἰπεῖν· ὁρῶ σε, ὦ Ἡράκλεις, ἀποροῦντα ποίαν ὁδὸν ἐπὶ τὸν βίον τράπῃ. ἐὰν οὖν ἐμὲ φίλην ποιησάμενος, ἐπὶ τὴν ἡδίστην τε καὶ ῥᾴστην ὁδὸν ἄξω σε, καὶ τῶν μὲν τερπνῶν οὐδενὸς ἄγευστος ἔσει, τῶν δὲ χαλεπῶν ἄπειρος διαβιώσῃ. 2.1.24 πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ οὐ πολέμων οὐδὲ πραγμάτων φροντιεῖς, ἀλλὰ σκοπούμενος διέσῃ τί ἂν κεχαρισμένον ἢ σιτίον ἢ ποτὸν εὕροις, ἢ τί ἂν ἰδὼν ἢ ἀκούσας τερφθείης ἢ τίνων ὀσφραινόμενος ἢ ἁπτόμενος, τίσι δὲ παιδικοῖς ὁμιλῶν μάλιστʼ ἂν εὐφρανθείης, καὶ πῶς ἂν μαλακώτατα καθεύδοις, καὶ πῶς ἂν ἀπονώτατα τούτων πάντων τυγχάνοις. 2.1.25 ἐὰν δέ ποτε γένηταί τις ὑποψία σπάνεως ἀφʼ ὧν ἔσται ταῦτα, οὐ φόβος μή σε ἀγάγω ἐπὶ τὸ πονοῦντα καὶ ταλαιπωροῦντα τῷ σώματι καὶ τῇ ψυχῇ ταῦτα πορίζεσθαι, ἀλλʼ οἷς ἂν οἱ ἄλλοι ἐργάζωνται, τούτοις σὺ χρήσῃ, οὐδενὸς ἀπεχόμενος ὅθεν ἂν δυνατὸν ᾖ τι κερδᾶναι. πανταχόθεν γὰρ ὠφελεῖσθαι τοῖς ἐμοὶ συνοῦσιν ἐξουσίαν ἐγὼ παρέχω. 2.1.26 καὶ ὁ Ἡρακλῆς ἀκούσας ταῦτα, ὦ γύναι, ἔφη, ὄνομα δέ σοι τί ἐστιν; ἡ δέ, οἱ μὲν ἐμοὶ φίλοι, ἔφη, καλοῦσί με Εὐδαιμονίαν, οἱ δὲ μισοῦντές με ὑποκοριζόμενοι ὀνομάζουσι Κακίαν. 2.1.27 καὶ ἐν τούτῳ ἡ ἑτέρα γυνὴ προσελθοῦσα εἶπε· καὶ ἐγὼ ἥκω πρὸς σέ, ὦ Ἡράκλεις, εἰδυῖα τοὺς γεννήσαντάς σε καὶ τὴν φύσιν τὴν σὴν ἐν τῇ παιδείᾳ καταμαθοῦσα, ἐξ ὧν ἐλπίζω, εἰ τὴν πρὸς ἐμὲ ὁδὸν τράποιο, σφόδρʼ ἄν σε τῶν καλῶν καὶ σεμνῶν ἀγαθὸν ἐργάτην γενέσθαι καὶ ἐμὲ ἔτι πολὺ ἐντιμοτέραν καὶ ἐπʼ ἀγαθοῖς διαπρεπεστέραν φανῆναι. οὐκ ἐξαπατήσω δέ σε προοιμίοις ἡδονῆς, ἀλλʼ ᾗπερ οἱ θεοὶ διέθεσαν τὰ ὄντα διηγήσομαι μετʼ ἀληθείας. 2.1.28 τῶν γὰρ ὄντων ἀγαθῶν καὶ καλῶν οὐδὲν ἄνευ πόνου καὶ ἐπιμελείας θεοὶ διδόασιν ἀνθρώποις, ἀλλʼ εἴτε τοὺς θεοὺς ἵλεως εἶναί σοι βούλει, θεραπευτέον τοὺς θεούς, εἴτε ὑπὸ φίλων ἐθέλεις ἀγαπᾶσθαι, τοὺς φίλους εὐεργετητέον, εἴτε ὑπό τινος πόλεως ἐπιθυμεῖς τιμᾶσθαι, τὴν πόλιν ὠφελητέον, εἴτε ὑπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος πάσης ἀξιοῖς ἐπʼ ἀρετῇ θαυμάζεσθαι, τὴν Ἑλλάδα πειρατέον εὖ ποιεῖν, εἴτε γῆν βούλει σοι καρποὺς ἀφθόνους φέρειν, τὴν γῆν θεραπευτέον, εἴτε ἀπὸ βοσκημάτων οἴει δεῖν πλουτίζεσθαι, τῶν βοσκημάτων ἐπιμελητέον, εἴτε διὰ πολέμου ὁρμᾷς αὔξεσθαι καὶ βούλει δύνασθαι τούς τε φίλους ἐλευθεροῦν καὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς χειροῦσθαι, τὰς πολεμικὰς τέχνας αὐτάς τε παρὰ τῶν ἐπισταμένων μαθητέον καὶ ὅπως αὐταῖς δεῖ χρῆσθαι ἀσκητέον· εἰ δὲ καὶ τῷ σώματι βούλει δυνατὸς εἶναι, τῇ γνώμῃ ὑπηρετεῖν ἐθιστέον τὸ σῶμα καὶ γυμναστέον σὺν πόνοις καὶ ἱδρῶτι. 2.1.29 καὶ ἡ Κακία ὑπολαβοῦσα εἶπεν, ὥς φησι Πρόδικος· ἐννοεῖς, ὦ Ἡράκλεις, ὡς χαλεπὴν καὶ μακρὰν ὁδὸν ἐπὶ τὰς εὐφροσύνας ἡ γυνή σοι αὕτη διηγεῖται; ἐγὼ δὲ ῥᾳδίαν καὶ βραχεῖαν ὁδὸν ἐπὶ τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν ἄξω σε. 2.1.30 καὶ ἡ Ἀρετὴ εἶπεν· ὦ τλῆμον, τί δὲ σὺ ἀγαθὸν ἔχεις; ἢ τί ἡδὺ οἶσθα μηδὲν τούτων ἕνεκα πράττειν ἐθέλουσα; ἥτις οὐδὲ τὴν τῶν ἡδέων ἐπιθυμίαν ἀναμένεις, ἀλλὰ πρὶν ἐπιθυμῆσαι πάντων ἐμπίμπλασαι, πρὶν μὲν πεινῆν ἐσθίουσα, πρὶν δὲ διψῆν πίνουσα, ἵνα μὲν ἡδέως φάγῃς, ὀψοποιοὺς μηχανωμένη, ἵνα δὲ ἡδέως πίῃς, οἴνους τε πολυτελεῖς παρασκευάζῃ καὶ τοῦ θέρους χιόνα περιθέουσα ζητεῖς, ἵνα δὲ καθυπνώσῃς ἡδέως, οὐ μόνον τὰς στρωμνὰς μαλακάς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς κλίνας καὶ τὰ ὑπόβαθρα ταῖς κλίναις παρασκευάζῃ· οὐ γὰρ διὰ τὸ πονεῖν, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὸ μηδὲν ἔχειν ὅ τι ποιῇς ὕπνου ἐπιθυμεῖς· τὰ δʼ ἀφροδίσια πρὸ τοῦ δεῖσθαι ἀναγκάζεις, πάντα μηχανωμένη καὶ γυναιξὶ τοῖς ἀνδράσι χρωμένη· οὕτω γὰρ παιδεύεις τοὺς σεαυτῆς φίλους, τῆς μὲν νυκτὸς ὑβρίζουσα, τῆς δʼ ἡμέρας τὸ χρησιμώτατον κατακοιμίζουσα. 2.1.31 ἀθάνατος δὲ οὖσα ἐκ θεῶν μὲν ἀπέρριψαι, ὑπὸ δὲ ἀνθρώπων ἀγαθῶν ἀτιμάζῃ· τοῦ δὲ πάντων ἡδίστου ἀκούσματος, ἐπαίνου σεαυτῆς, ἀνήκοος εἶ, καὶ τοῦ πάντων ἡδίστου θεάματος ἀθέατος· οὐδὲν γὰρ πώποτε σεαυτῆς ἔργον καλὸν τεθέασαι. τίς δʼ ἄν σοι λεγούσῃ τι πιστεύσειε; τίς δʼ ἂν δεομένῃ τινὸς ἐπαρκέσειεν; ἢ τίς ἂν εὖ φρονῶν τοῦ σοῦ θιάσου τολμήσειεν εἶναι; οἳ νέοι μὲν ὄντες τοῖς σώμασιν ἀδύνατοί εἰσι, πρεσβύτεροι δὲ γενόμενοι ταῖς ψυχαῖς ἀνόητοι, ἀπόνως μὲν λιπαροὶ διὰ νεότητος τρεφόμενοι, ἐπιπόνως δὲ αὐχμηροὶ διὰ γήρως περῶντες, τοῖς μὲν πεπραγμένοις αἰσχυνόμενοι, τοῖς δὲ πραττομένοις βαρυνόμενοι, τὰ μὲν ἡδέα ἐν τῇ νεότητι διαδραμόντες, τὰ δὲ χαλεπὰ εἰς τὸ γῆρας ἀποθέμενοι. 2.1.32 ἐγὼ δὲ σύνειμι μὲν θεοῖς, σύνειμι δὲ ἀνθρώποις τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς· ἔργον δὲ καλὸν οὔτε θεῖον οὔτʼ ἀνθρώπειον χωρὶς ἐμοῦ γίγνεται. τιμῶμαι δὲ μάλιστα πάντων καὶ παρὰ θεοῖς καὶ παρὰ ἀνθρώποις οἷς προσήκω, ἀγαπητὴ μὲν συνεργὸς τεχνίταις, πιστὴ δὲ φύλαξ οἴκων δεσπόταις, εὐμενὴς δὲ παραστάτις οἰκέταις, ἀγαθὴ δὲ συλλήπτρια τῶν ἐν εἰρήνῃ πόνων, βεβαία δὲ τῶν ἐν πολέμῳ σύμμαχος ἔργων, ἀρίστη δὲ φιλίας κοινωνός. 2.1.33 ἔστι δὲ τοῖς μὲν ἐμοῖς φίλοις ἡδεῖα μὲν καὶ ἀπράγμων σίτων καὶ ποτῶν ἀπόλαυσις· ἀνέχονται γὰρ ἕως ἂν ἐπιθυμήσωσιν αὐτῶν· ὕπνος δʼ αὐτοῖς πάρεστιν ἡδίων ἢ τοῖς ἀμόχθοις, καὶ οὔτε ἀπολείποντες αὐτὸν ἄχθονται οὔτε διὰ τοῦτον μεθιᾶσι τὰ δέοντα πράττειν. καὶ οἱ μὲν νέοι τοῖς τῶν πρεσβυτέρων ἐπαίνοις χαίρουσιν, οἱ δὲ γεραίτεροι ταῖς τῶν νέων τιμαῖς ἀγάλλονται· καὶ ἡδέως μὲν τῶν παλαιῶν πράξεων μέμνηνται, εὖ δὲ τὰς παρούσας ἥδονται πράττοντες, διʼ ἐμὲ φίλοι μὲν θεοῖς ὄντες, ἀγαπητοὶ δὲ φίλοις, τίμιοι δὲ πατρίσιν· ὅταν δʼ ἔλθῃ τὸ πεπρωμένον τέλος, οὐ μετὰ λήθης ἄτιμοι κεῖνται, ἀλλὰ μετὰ μνήμης τὸν ἀεὶ χρόνον ὑμνούμενοι θάλλουσι. τοιαῦτά σοι, ὦ παῖ τοκέων ἀγαθῶν Ἡράκλεις, ἔξεστι διαπονησαμένῳ τὴν μακαριστοτάτην εὐδαιμονίαν κεκτῆσθαι. 2.1.34 οὕτω πως διώκει Πρόδικος τὴν ὑπʼ Ἀρετῆς Ἡρακλέους παίδευσιν· ἐκόσμησε μέντοι τὰς γνώμας ἔτι μεγαλειοτέροις ῥήμασιν ἢ ἐγὼ νῦν. σοὶ δʼ οὖν ἄξιον, ὦ Ἀρίστιππε, τούτων ἐνθυμουμένῳ πειρᾶσθαί τι καὶ τῶν εἰς τὸν μέλλοντα χρόνον τοῦ βίου φροντίζειν.'' 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2.1.21 Aye, and Prodicus the wise expresses himself to the like effect concerning Virtue in the essay On Heracles that he recites to throngs of listeners. This, so far as I remember, is how he puts it: When Heracles was passing from boyhood to youth’s estate, wherein the young, now becoming their own masters, show whether they will approach life by the path of virtue or the path of vice, he went out into a quiet place, 2.1.22 and sat pondering which road to take. And there appeared two women of great stature making towards him. The one was fair to see and of high bearing; and her limbs were adorned with purity, her eyes with modesty; sober was her figure, and her robe was white. The other was plump and soft, with high feeding. Her face was made up to heighten its natural white and pink, her figure to exaggerate her height. Open-eyed was she; and dressed so as to disclose all her charms. Now she eyed herself; anon looked whether any noticed her; and often stole a glance at her own shadow. 2.1.23 When they drew nigh to Heracles, the first pursued the even tenor of her way: but the other, all eager to outdo her, ran to meet him, crying: Heracles, I see that you are in doubt which path to take towards life. Make me your friend; follow me, and I will lead you along the pleasantest and easiest road. You shall taste all the sweets of life; and hardship you shall never know. 2.1.24 First, of wars and worries you shall not think, but shall ever be considering what choice food or drink you can find, what sight or sound will delight you, what touch or perfume; what tender love can give you most joy, what bed the softest slumbers; and how to come by all these pleasures with least trouble. 2.1.25 And should there arise misgiving that lack of means may stint your enjoyments, never fear that I may lead you into winning them by toil and anguish of body and soul. Nay; you shall have the fruits of others’ toil, and refrain from nothing that can bring you gain. For to my companions I give authority to pluck advantage where they will. 2.1.26 Now when Heracles heard this, he asked, Lady, pray what is your name? My friends call me Happiness, she said, but among those that hate me I am nicknamed Vice. 2.1.27 Meantime the other had drawn near, and she said: I, too, am come to you, Heracles: I know your parents and I have taken note of your character during the time of your education. Therefore I hope that, if you take the road that leads to me, you will turn out a right good doer of high and noble deeds, and I shall be yet more highly honoured and more illustrious for the blessings I bestow. But I will not deceive you by a pleasant prelude: I will rather tell you truly the things that are, as the gods have ordained them. 2.1.28 For of all things good and fair, the gods give nothing to man without toil and effort. If you want the favour of the gods, you must worship the gods: if you desire the love of friends, you must do good to your friends: if you covet honour from a city, you must aid that city: if you are fain to win the admiration of all Hellas for virtue, you must strive to do good to Hellas : if you want land to yield you fruits in abundance, you must cultivate that land: if you are resolved to get wealth from flocks, you must care for those flocks: if you essay to grow great through war and want power to liberate your friends and subdue your foes, you must learn the arts of war from those who know them and must practise their right use: and if you want your body to be strong, you must accustom your body to be the servant of your mind, and train it with toil and sweat. 2.1.29 And Vice, as Prodicus tells, answered and said: Heracles, mark you how hard and long is that road to joy, of which this woman tells? but I will lead you by a short and easy road to happiness. And Virtue said: 2.1.30 What good thing is thine, poor wretch, or what pleasant thing dost thou know, if thou wilt do nought to win them? Thou dost not even tarry for the desire of pleasant things, but fillest thyself with all things before thou desirest them, eating before thou art hungry, drinking before thou art thirsty, getting thee cooks, to give zest to eating, buying thee costly wines and running to and fro in search of snow in summer, to give zest to drinking; to soothe thy slumbers it is not enough for thee to buy soft coverlets, but thou must have frames for thy beds. For not toil, but the tedium of having nothing to do, makes thee long for sleep. Thou dost rouse lust by many a trick, when there is no need, using men as women: thus thou trainest thy friends, waxing wanton by night, consuming in sleep the best hours of day. 2.1.31 Immortal art thou, yet the outcast of the gods, the scorn of good men. Praise, sweetest of all things to hear, thou hearest not: the sweetest of all sights thou beholdest not, for never yet hast thou beheld a good work wrought by thyself. Who will believe what thou dost say? who will grant what thou dost ask? Or what sane man will dare join thy throng? While thy votaries are young their bodies are weak, when they wax old, their souls are without sense; idle and sleek they thrive in youth, withered and weary they journey through old age, and their past deeds bring them shame, their present deeds distress. Pleasure they ran through in their youth: hardship they laid up for their old age. 2.1.32 But I company with gods and good men, and no fair deed of god or man is done without my aid. I am first in honour among the gods and among men that are akin to me: to craftsmen a beloved fellow-worker, to masters a faithful guardian of the house, to servants a kindly protector: good helpmate in the toils of peace, staunch ally in the deeds of war, best partner in friendship. 2.1.33 To my friends meat and drink bring sweet and simple enjoyment: for they wait till they crave them. And a sweeter sleep falls on them than on idle folk: they are not vexed at awaking from it, nor for its sake do they neglect to do their duties. The young rejoice to win the praise of the old; the elders are glad to be honoured by the young; with joy they recall their deeds past, and their present well-doing is joy to them, for through me they are dear to the gods, lovely to friends, precious to their native land. And when comes the appointed end, they lie not forgotten and dishonoured, but live on, sung and remembered for all time. O Heracles, thou son of goodly parents, if thou wilt labour earnestly on this wise, thou mayest have for thine own the most blessed happiness. 2.1.34 Such, in outline, is Prodicus’ story of the training of Heracles by Virtue; only he has clothed the thoughts in even finer phrases than I have done now. But anyhow, Aristippus, it were well that you should think on these things and try to show some regard for the life that lies before you. '' None |
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7. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, apotheosis of • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 293, 294, 298, 312; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 293, 294, 298, 312
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8. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, apotheosis of • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 295, 299, 301; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 295, 299, 301
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9. Cicero, De Finibus, 2.118, 3.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, apotheosis of • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 299, 321; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 299, 321
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2.118 \xa0Not to bring forward further arguments (for they are countless in number), any sound commendation of Virtue must needs keep Pleasure at arm's length. Do not expect me further to argue the point; look within, study your own consciousness. Then after full and careful introspection, ask yourself the question, would you prefer to pass your whole life in that state of calm which you spoke of so often, amidst the enjoyment of unceasing pleasures, free from all pain, and even (an addition which your school is fond of postulating but which is really impossible) free from all fear of pain, or to be a benefactor of the entire human race, and to bring succour and safety to the distressed, even at the cost of enduring the dolours of a Hercules? Dolours â\x80\x94 that was indeed the sad and gloomy name which our ancestors bestowed, even in the case of a god, upon labours which were not to be evaded. <" 3.11 \xa0"That all sounds very fine, Cato," I\xa0replied, "but are you aware that you share your lofty pretensions with Pyrrho and with Aristo, who make all things equal in value? I\xa0should like to know what your opinion is of them." "My opinion?" he said. "You ask what my opinion is? That those good, brave, just and temperate men, of whom history tells us, or whom we have ourselves seen in our public life, who under the guidance of Nature herself, without the aid of any learning, did many glorious deeds, â\x80\x94 that these men were better educated by nature than they could possibly have been by philosophy had they accepted any other system of philosophy than the one that counts Moral Worth the only good and Moral Baseness the only evil. All other philosophical systems â\x80\x94 in varying degrees no doubt, but still all, â\x80\x94 which reckon anything of which virtue is not an element either as a good or an evil, do not merely, as I\xa0hold, give us no assistance or support towards becoming better men, but are actually corrupting to the character. Either this point must be firmly maintained, that Moral Worth is the sole good, or it is absolutely impossible to prove that virtue constitutes happiness. And in that case I\xa0do not see why we should trouble to study philosophy. For if anyone who is wise could be miserable, why, I\xa0should not set much value on your vaunted and belauded virtue." <'" None |
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10. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 2.118, 3.11, 5.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P. • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, P. Cornelius • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, apotheosis of • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 299, 321; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 221; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 86; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 299, 321
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2.118 Ac ne plura complectar—sunt enim innumerabilia—, bene laudata virtus voluptatis aditus intercludat necesse est. quod iam a me expectare noli. tute introspice in mentem tuam ipse eamque omni cogitatione pertractans percontare ipse te perpetuisne malis voluptatibus perfruens in ea, quam saepe usurpabas, tranquillitate degere omnem aetatem sine dolore, adsumpto etiam illo, quod vos quidem adiungere soletis, sed fieri non potest, sine doloris metu, an, cum de omnibus gentibus optime mererere, mererere cod. Paris. Madvigii merere cum opem indigentibus salutemque ferres, vel Herculis perpeti aerumnas. sic enim maiores nostri labores non fugiendos fugiendos RNV figiendos A fingendo BE tristissimo tamen verbo aerumnas etiam in deo nominaverunt.' "
3.11 de quibus cupio scire quid sentias. Egone quaeris, inquit, inquit N inquam quid sentiam? quos bonos viros, fortes, iustos, moderatos aut audivimus in re publica fuisse aut ipsi vidimus, qui sine ulla doctrina naturam ipsam secuti multa laudabilia fecerunt, eos melius a natura institutos fuisse, quam institui potuissent a philosophia, si ullam aliam probavissent praeter eam, quae nihil aliud in bonis haberet nisi honestum, nihil nisi turpe in malis; ceterae philosophorum disciplinae, omnino alia magis alia, sed tamen omnes, quae rem ullam virtutis expertem expertem virtutis BE aut in bonis aut in malis numerent, eas non modo nihil adiuvare arbitror neque firmare, firmare affirmare (adfirmare A). ' Aut confirmare cum Or. scribendum est aut potius firmare, cui ex altero verbo (adiuvare) praepositio adhaesit' Mdv. quo meliores simus, sed ipsam depravare naturam. nam nisi hoc optineatur, id solum bonum esse, quod honestum sit, nullo modo probari possit beatam vitam virtute effici. quod si ita sit, cur cur N om. ABERV opera philosophiae sit danda nescio. si enim sapiens aliquis miser esse possit, ne ego istam gloriosam memorabilemque virtutem non magno aestimandam putem." 5.2 tum Piso: Naturane nobis hoc, inquit, datum dicam an errore quodam, ut, cum ea loca videamus, in quibus memoria dignos viros acceperimus multum esse versatos, magis moveamur, quam si quando eorum ipsorum aut facta audiamus aut scriptum aliquod aliquid R legamus? velut ego nunc moveor. venit enim mihi Platonis in mentem, quem accepimus primum hic disputare solitum; cuius etiam illi hortuli propinqui propinqui hortuli BE non memoriam solum mihi afferunt, sed ipsum videntur in conspectu meo ponere. hic Speusippus, hic Xenocrates, hic eius auditor Polemo, cuius illa ipsa sessio fuit, quam videmus. Equidem etiam curiam nostram—Hostiliam dico, non hanc novam, quae minor mihi esse esse mihi B videtur, posteaquam est maior—solebam intuens Scipionem, Catonem, Laelium, nostrum vero in primis avum cogitare; tanta vis admonitionis inest in locis; ut non sine causa ex iis memoriae ducta sit disciplina.'' None | sup>
2.118 \xa0Not to bring forward further arguments (for they are countless in number), any sound commendation of Virtue must needs keep Pleasure at arm's length. Do not expect me further to argue the point; look within, study your own consciousness. Then after full and careful introspection, ask yourself the question, would you prefer to pass your whole life in that state of calm which you spoke of so often, amidst the enjoyment of unceasing pleasures, free from all pain, and even (an addition which your school is fond of postulating but which is really impossible) free from all fear of pain, or to be a benefactor of the entire human race, and to bring succour and safety to the distressed, even at the cost of enduring the dolours of a Hercules? Dolours â\x80\x94 that was indeed the sad and gloomy name which our ancestors bestowed, even in the case of a god, upon labours which were not to be evaded. <" 3.11 \xa0"That all sounds very fine, Cato," I\xa0replied, "but are you aware that you share your lofty pretensions with Pyrrho and with Aristo, who make all things equal in value? I\xa0should like to know what your opinion is of them." "My opinion?" he said. "You ask what my opinion is? That those good, brave, just and temperate men, of whom history tells us, or whom we have ourselves seen in our public life, who under the guidance of Nature herself, without the aid of any learning, did many glorious deeds, â\x80\x94 that these men were better educated by nature than they could possibly have been by philosophy had they accepted any other system of philosophy than the one that counts Moral Worth the only good and Moral Baseness the only evil. All other philosophical systems â\x80\x94 in varying degrees no doubt, but still all, â\x80\x94 which reckon anything of which virtue is not an element either as a good or an evil, do not merely, as I\xa0hold, give us no assistance or support towards becoming better men, but are actually corrupting to the character. Either this point must be firmly maintained, that Moral Worth is the sole good, or it is absolutely impossible to prove that virtue constitutes happiness. And in that case I\xa0do not see why we should trouble to study philosophy. For if anyone who is wise could be miserable, why, I\xa0should not set much value on your vaunted and belauded virtue." <
5.2 \xa0Thereupon Piso remarked: "Whether it is a natural instinct or a mere illusion, I\xa0can\'t say; but one\'s emotions are more strongly aroused by seeing the places that tradition records to have been the favourite resort of men of note in former days, than by hearing about their deeds or reading their writings. My own feelings at the present moment are a case in point. I\xa0am reminded of Plato, the first philosopher, so we are told, that made a practice of holding discussions in this place; and indeed the garden close at hand yonder not only recalls his memory but seems to bring the actual man before my eyes. This was the haunt of Speusippus, of Xenocrates, and of Xenocrates\' pupil Polemo, who used to sit on the very seat we see over there. For my own part even the sight of our senate-house at home (I\xa0mean the Curia Hostilia, not the present new building, which looks to my eyes smaller since its enlargement) used to call up to me thoughts of Scipio, Cato, Laelius, and chief of all, my grandfather; such powers of suggestion do places possess. No wonder the scientific training of the memory is based upon locality." <'" None |
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11. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 2.62 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, apotheosis of • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 299; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 299
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2.62 Those gods therefore who were the authors of various benefits owned their deification to the value of the benefits which they bestowed, and indeed the names that I just now enumerated express the various powers of the gods that bear them. "Human experience moreover and general custom have made it a practice to confer the deification of renown and gratitude upon of distinguished benefactors. This is the origin of Hercules, of Castor and Pollux, of Aesculapius, and also of Liber (I mean Liber the son of Semele, not the Liber whom our ancestors solemnly and devoutly consecrated with Ceres and Libera, the import of which joint consecration may be gathered from the mysteries; but Liber and Libera were so named as Ceres\' offspring, that being the meaning of our Latin word liberi — a use which has survived in the case of Libera but not of Liber) — and this is also the origin of Romulus, who is believed to be the same as Quirinus. And these benefactors were duly deemed divine, as being both supremely good and immortal, because their souls survived and enjoyed eternal life. '' None |
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12. Cicero, On Duties, 1.118, 2.31-2.51, 3.16, 3.25 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, apotheosis of • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas • Scipio the Elder, father of Africanus
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 299, 316, 317, 318, 321; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 299, 316, 317, 318, 321
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1.118 Nam quodHerculem Prodicus dicit, ut est apud Xenophontem, cum primum pubesceret, quod tempus a natura ad deligendum, quam quisque viam vivendi sit ingressurus, datum est, exisse in solitudinem atque ibi sedentem diu secum multumque dubitasse, cum duas cerneret vias, unam Voluptatis, alteram Virtutis, utram ingredi melius esset, hoc Herculi Iovis satu edito potuit fortasse contingere, nobis non item, qui imitamur, quos cuique visum est, atque ad eorum studia institutaque impellimur; plerumque autem parentium praeceptis imbuti ad eorum consuetudinem moremque deducimur; alii multitudinis iudicio feruntur, quaeque maiori parti pulcherrima videntur, ea maxime exoptant; non nulli tamen sive felicitate quadam sive bonitate naturae sine parentium disciplina rectam vitae secuti sunt viam.
2.31 Honore et gloria et benivolentia civium fortasse non aeque omnes egent, sed tamen, si cui haec suppetunt, adiuvant aliquantum cum ad cetera, tum ad amicitias comparandas. Sed de amicitia alio libro dictum est, qui inscribitur Laelius; nunc dicamus de gloria, quamquam ea quoque de re duo sunt nostri libri, sed attingamus, quandoquidem ea in rebus maioribus administrandis adiuvat plurimum. Summa igitur et perfecta gloria constat ex tribus his: si diligit multitudo, si fidem habet, si cum admiratione quadam honore dignos putat. Haec autem, si est simpliciter breviterque dicendum, quibus rebus pariuntur a singulis, eisdem fere a multitudine. Sed est alius quoque quidam aditus ad multitudinem, ut in universorum animos tamquam influere possimus. 2.32 Ac primum de illis tribus, quae ante dixi, benivolentiae praecepta videamus; quae quidem capitur beneficiis maxime, secundo autem loco voluntate benefica benivolentia movetur, etiamsi res forte non suppetit; vehementer autem amor multitudinis commovetur ipsa fama et opinione liberalitatis, beneficentiae, iustitiae, fidei omniumque earum virtutum, quae pertinent ad mansuetudinem morum ac facilitatem. Etenim illud ipsum, quod honestum decorumque dicimus, quia per se nobis placet animosque omnium natura et specie sua commovet maximeque quasi perlucet ex iis, quas commemoravi, virtutibus, idcirco illos, in quibus eas virtutes esse remur, a natura ipsa diligere cogimur. Atque hae quidem causae diligendi gravissimae; possunt enim praetcrea non nullae esse leviores. 2.33 Fides autem ut habeatur, duabus rebus effici potest, si existimabimur adepti coniunctam cum iustitia prudentiam. Nam et iis fidem habemus, quos plus intellegere quam nos arbitramur quosque et futura prospicere credimus et, cum res agatur in discrimenque ventum sit, expedire rem et consilium ex tempore capere posse; hanc enim utilem homines existimant veramque prudentiam. Iustis autem et fidis hominibus, id est bonis viris, ita fides habetur, ut nulla sit in iis fraudis iniuriaeque suspicio. Itaque his salutem nostram, his fortunas, his liberos rectissime committi arbitramur. 2.34 Harum igitur duarum ad fidem faciendam iustitia plus pollet, quippe cum ea sine prudentia satis habeat auctoritatis, prudentia sine iustitia nihil valet ad faciendam fidem. Quo enim quis versutior et callidior, hoc invisior et suspectior est detracta opinione probitatis. Quam ob rem intellegentiae iustitia coniuncta, quantum volet, habebit ad faciendam fidem virium; iustitia sine prudentia multum poterit, sine iustitia nihil valebit prudentia. 2.35 Sed ne quis sit admiratus, cur, cum inter omnes philosophos constet a meque ipso saepe disputatum sit, qui unam haberet, omnes habere virtutes, nune ita seiungam, quasi possit quisquam, qui non idem prudens sit, iustus esse, alia est illa, cum veritas ipsa limatur in disputatione, subtilitas, alia, cum ad opinionem communem omnis accommodatur oratio. Quam ob rem, ut volgus, ita nos hoc loco loquimur, ut alios fortes, alios viros bonos, alios prudentes esse dicamus; popularibus enim verbis est agendum et usitatis, cum loquimur de opinione populari, idque eodem modo fecit Panaetius. Sed ad propositum revertamur. 2.36 Erat igitur ex iis tribus, quae ad gloriam pertinerent, hoc tertium, ut cum admiratione hominum honore ab iis digni iudicaremur. Admirantur igitur communiter illi quidem omnia, quae magna et praeter opinionem suam animadverterunt, separatim autem, in singulis si perspiciunt necopinata quaedam bona. Itaque eos viros suspiciunt maximisque efferunt laudibus, in quibus existimant se excellentes quasdam et singulares perspicere virtutes, despiciunt autem eos et contemnunt, in quibus nihil virtutis, nihil animi, nihil nervorum putant. Non enim omnes eos contemnunt, de quibus male existimant. Nam quos improbos, maledicos, fraudulentos putant et ad faciendam iniuriam instructos, eos haud contemnunt quidem, sed de iis male existimant. Quam ob rem, ut ante dixi, contemnuntur ii, qui nec sibi nec alteri, ut dicitur, in quibus nullus labor, nulla industria, nulla cura est. 2.37 Admiratione autem afficiuntur ii, qui anteire ceteris virtute putantur et cum omni carere dedecore, tum vero iis vitiis, quibus alii non facile possunt obsistere. Nam et voluptates, blandissimae dominae. maioris partis animos a virtute detorquent et, dolorum cum admoventur faces, praeter modum plerique exterrentur; vita mors, divitiae paupertas omnes homines vehementissime permovent. Quae qui in utramque partem excelso animo magnoque despiciunt, cumque aliqua iis ampla et honesta res obiecta est, totos ad se convertit et rapit, tum quis non admiretur splendorem pulchritudinemque virtutis? 2.38 Ergo et haec animi despicientia admirabilitatem magnam facit et maxime iustitia, ex qua una virtute viri boni appellantur, mirifica quaedam multitudini videtur, nec iniuria; nemo enim iustus esse potest, qui mortem, qui dolorem, qui exsilium, qui egestatem timet, aut qui ea, quae sunt his contraria, aequitati anteponit. Maximeque admirantur eum, qui pecunia non movetur; quod in quo viro perspectum sit, hunc igni spectatum arbitrantur. Itaque illa tria, quae proposita sunt ad gloriarm omnia iustitia conficit, et benivolentiam, quod prodesse vult plurimis, et ob eandem causam fidem et admirationem, quod eas res spernit et neglegit, ad quas plerique inflammati aviditate rapiuntur. 2.39 Ac mea quidem sententia omnis ratio atque institutio vitae adiumenta hominum desiderat, in primisque ut habeat, quibuscum possit familiares conferre sermones; quod est difficile, nisi speciem prae te boni viri feras. Ergo etiam solitario homini atque in agro vitam agenti opinio iustitiae necessaria est, eoque etiam magis, quod, eam si non habebunt, iniusti habebuntur, nullis praesidiis saepti multis afficientur iniuriis. 2.40 Atque iis etiam, qui vendunt emunt, conducunt locant contrahendisque negotiis implicantur, iustitia ad rem gerendam necessaria est, cuius tanta vis est, ut ne illi quidem, qui maleficio et scelere pascuntur, possint sine ulla particula iustitiae vivere. Nam qui eorum cuipiam, qui una latrocitur, furatur aliquid aut eripit, is sibi ne in latrocinio quidem relinquit locum, ille autem, qui archipirata dicitur, nisi aequabiliter praedam dispertiat, aut interficiatur a sociis aut relinquatur; quin etiam leges latronum esse dicuntur, quibus pareant, quas observent. Itaque propter aequabilem praedae partitionem et Bardulis Illyrius latro, de quo est apud Theopompum, magnas opes habuit et multo maiores Viriathus Lusitanus; cui quidem etiam exercitus nostri imperatoresque cesserunt; quem C. Laelius, is qui Sapiens usurpatur, praetor fregit et comminuit ferocitatemque eius ita repressit, ut facile bellum reliquis traderet. Cum igitur tanta vis iustitiae sit, ut ea etiam latronum opes firmet atque augeat, quantam eius vim inter leges et iudicia et in constituta re publica fore putamus? 2.41 Mihi quidem non apud Medos solum, ut ait Herodotus, sed etiam apud maiores nostros iustitiae fruendae causa videntur olim bene morati reges constituti. Nam cum premeretur inops multitudo ab iis, qui maiores opes habebant, ad unum aliquem confugiebant virtute praestantem; qui cum prohiberet iniuria tenuiores, aequitate constituenda summos cum infimis pari iure retinebat. Eademque constituendarum legum fuit causa, quae regum. 2.42 Ius enim semper est quaesitum aequabile; neque enim aliter esset ius. Id si ab uno iusto et bono viro consequebantur, erant eo contenti; cum id minus contingeret, leges sunt inventae, quae cum omnibus semper una atque eadem voce loquerentur. Ergo hoc quidem perspicuum est, eos ad imperandum deligi solitos, quorum de iustitia magna esset opinio multitudinis. Adiuncto vero, ut idem etiam prudentes haberentur, nihil erat, quod homines iis auctoribus non posse consequi se arbitrarentur. Omni igitur ratione colenda et retinenda iustitia est cum ipsa per sese (nam aliter iustitia non esset), tum propter amplificationem honoris et gloriae. Sed ut pecuniae non quaerendae solum ratio est, verum etiam collocandae, quae perpetuos sumptus suppeditet, nec solum necessaries, sed etiam liberales, sic gloria et quaerenda et collocanda ratione est. 2.43 Quamquam praeclare Socrates hanc viam ad gloriam proximam et quasi compendiariam dicebat esse, si quis id ageret, ut, qualis haberi vellet, talis esset. Quodsi qui simulatione et ii ostentatione et ficto non modo sermone, sed etiam voltu stabilem se gloriam consequi posse rentur, vehementer errant. Vera gloria radices agit atque etiam propagatur, ficta omnia celeriter tamquam flosculi decidunt, nee simulatum potest quicquam esse diuturnum. Testes sunt permulti in utramque partem, sed brevitatis causa familia contenti erimus una. Ti. enim Gracchus P. f. tam diu laudabitur, dum memoria rerum Romanarum manebit; at eius filii nec vivi probabantur bonis et mortui numerum optinent iure caesorum. Qui igitur adipisci veram gloriam volet, iustitiae fungatur officiis. Ea quae essent, dictum est in libro superiore. 2.44 Sed ut facillime, quales simus, tales esse videamur, etsi in eo ipso vis maxima est, ut simus ii, qui haberi velimus, tamen quaedam praecepta danda sunt. Nam si quis ab ineunte aetate habet causam celebritatis et nominis aut a patre acceptam, quod tibi, mi Cicero, arbitror contigisse, aut aliquo casu atque fortuna, in hunc oculi omnium coniciuntur atque in eum, quid agat, quem ad modum vivat, inquiritur et, tamquam in clarissima luce versetur, ita nullum obscurum potest nec dictum eius esse nec factum. 2.45 Quorum autem prima aetas propter humilitatem et obscuritatem in hominum ignoratione versatur, ii, simul ac iuvenes esse coeperunt, magna spectare et ad ea rectis studiis debent contendere; quod eo firmiore animo facient, quia non modo non invidetur illi aetati, verum etiam favetur. Prima igitur est adulescenti commendatio ad gloriam, si qua ex bellicis rebus comparari potest, in qua multi apud maiores nostros exstiterunt; semper enim fere bella gerebantur. Tua autem aetas incidit in id bellum, cuius altera pars sceleris nimium habuit, altera felicitatis parum. Quo tamen in bello cum te Pompeius alae alteri praefecisset, magnam laudem et a summo viro et ab exercitu consequebare equitando, iaculando, omni militari labore tolerando. Atque ea quidem tua laus pariter cum re publica cecidit. Mihi autem haec oratio suscepta non de te est, sed de genere toto; quam ob rein pergarnus ad ea, quae restant. 2.46 Ut igitur in reliquis rebus multo maiora opera sunt animi quam corporis, sic eae res, quas ingenio ac ratione persequimur, gratiores sunt quam illae, quas viribus. Prima igitur commendatio proficiscitur a modestia cum pietate in parentes, in suos benivolentia. Facillime autem et in optimam partem cognoscuntur adulescentes, qui se ad claros et sapientes viros bene consulentes rei publicae contulerunt; quibuscum si frequentes sunt, opinionem afferunt populo eorum fore se similes, quos sibi ipsi delegerint ad imitandum. 2.47 P. Rutili adulescentiam ad opinionem et innocentiae et iuris scientiae P. Muci commendavit domus. Nam L. quidem Crassus, cum esset admodum adulescens, non aliunde mutuatus est, sed sibi ipse peperit maximam laudem ex illa accusatione nobili et gloriosa, et, qua aetate qui exercentur, laude affici solent, ut de Demosthene accepimus, ea aetate L. Crassus ostendit id se in foro optime iam facere, quod etiam tum poterat domi cum laude meditari. 2.48 Sed cum duplex ratio sit orationis, quarum in altera sermo sit, in altera contentio, non est id quidem dubium, quin contentio orationis maiorem vim habeat ad gloriam (ea est enim, quam eloquentiam dicimus); sed tamen difficile dictu est, quantopere conciliet animos comitas affabilitasque sermonis. Exstant epistulae et Philippi ad Alexandrum et Antipatri ad Cassandrum et Antigoni ad Philippum filium, trium prudentissimorum (sic enim accepimus); quibus praecipiunt, ut oratione benigna multitudinis animos ad benivolentiam alliciant militesque blande appellando sermone deliniant. Quae autem in multitudine cum contentione habetur oratio, ea saepe universam excitat gloriam ; magna est enim admiratio copiose sapienterque dicentis; quem qui audiunt, intellegere etiam et sapere plus quam ceteros arbitrantur. Si vero inest in oratione mixta modestia gravitas, nihil admirabilius fieri potest, eoque magis, si ea sunt in adulescente. 2.49 Sed cum sint plura causarum genera, quae eloquentiam desiderent, multique in nostra re publica adulescentes et apud iudices et apud populum et apud senatum dicendo laudem assecuti sint, maxima est admiratio in iudiciis. Quorum ratio duplex est. Nam ex accusatione et ex defensione constat; quarum etsi laudabilior est defensio, tamen etiam accusatio probata persaepe est. Dixi paulo ante de Crasso; idem fecit adulescens M. Antonius. Etiam P. Sulpici eloquentiam accusatio illustravit, cum seditiosum et inutilem civem, C. Norbanum, in iudicium vocavit.' "2.50 Sed hoc quidem non est saepe faciendum nec umquam nisi aut rei publicae causa, ut ii, quos ante dixi, aut ulciscendi, ut duo Luculli, aut patrocinii, ut nos pro Siculis, pro Sardis in Albucio Iulius. In accusando etiam M'. Aquilio L. Fufi cognita industria est. Semel igitur aut non saepe certe. Sin erit, cui faciendum sit saepius, rei publicae tribuat hoc muneris, cuius inimicos ulcisci saepius non est reprehendendum; modus tamen adsit. Duri enim hominis vel potius vix hominis videtur periculum capitis inferre multis. Id cum periculosum ipsi est, tum etiam sordidum ad famam, committere, ut accusator nominere; quod contigit M. Bruto summo genere nato, illius filio, qui iuris civilis in primis peritus fuit." '2.51 Atque etiam hoc praeceptum officii diligenter tenendum est, ne quem umquam innocentem iudicio capitis arcessas; id enim sine scelere fieri nullo pacto potest. Nam quid est tam inhumanum quam eloquentiam a natura ad salutem hominum et ad conservationem datam ad bonorum pestem perniciemque convertere? Nec tamen, ut hoc fugiendum est, item est habendum religioni nocentem aliquando, modo ne nefarium impiumque, defendere; vult hoc multitudo, patitur consuetudo, fert etiam humanitas. Iudicis est semper in causis verum sequi, patroni non numquam veri simile, etiamsi minus sit verum, defendere; quod scribere, praesertim cum de philosophia scriberem, non auderem, nisi idem placeret gravissimo Stoicorum, Panaetio. Maxime autem et gloria paritur et gratia defensionibus, eoque maior, si quando accidit, ut ei subveniatur, qui potentis alicuius opibus circumveniri urguerique videatur, ut nos et saepe alias et adulescentes contra L. Sullae domitis opes pro Sex. Roscio Amerino fecimus, quae, ut scis, exstat oratio.
3.16 Itaque iis omnes, in quibus est virtutis indoles, commoventur. Nec vero, cum duo Decii aut duo Scipiones fortes viri commemorantur, aut cum Fabricius aut Aristides iustus nominatur, aut ab illis fortitudinis aut ab hoc iustitiae tamquam a sapiente petitur exemplum; nemo enim horum sic sapiens, ut sapientem volumus intellegi, nec ii, qui sapientes habiti et nominati, M. Cato et C. Laelius, sapientes fuerunt, ne illi quidem septem, sed ex mediorum officiorum frequentia similitudinem quandam gerebant speciemque sapientium.
3.25 Itemque magis est secundum naturam pro omnibus gentibus, si fieri possit, conservandis aut iuvandis maximos labores molestiasque suscipere imitantem Herculem illum, quem hominum fama beneficiorum memor in concilio caelestium collocavit, quam vivere in solitudine non modo sine ullis molestiis, sed etiam in maximis voluptatibus abundantem omnibus copiis, ut excellas etiam pulchritudine et viribus. Quocirca optimo quisque et splendidissimo ingenio longe illam vitam huic anteponit. Ex quo efficitur hominem naturae oboedientem homini nocere non posse.'' None | sup>
1.118 \xa0For we cannot all have the experience of Hercules, as we find it in the words of Prodicus in Xenophon; "When Hercules was just coming into youth\'s estate (the time which Nature has appointed unto every man for choosing the path of life on which he would enter), he went out into a desert place. And as he saw two paths, the path of Pleasure and the path of Virtue, he sat down and debated long and earnestly which one it were better for him to take." This might, perhaps, happen to a Hercules, "scion of the seed of Jove"; but it cannot well happen to us; for we copy each the model he fancies, and we are constrained to adopt their pursuits and vocations. But usually, we are so imbued with the teachings of our parents, that we fall irresistibly into their manners and customs. Others drift with the current of popular opinion and make especial choice of those callings which the majority find most attractive. Some, however, as the result either of some happy fortune or of natural ability, enter upon the right path of life, without parental guidance. <
2.31 \xa0All men do not, perhaps, stand equally in need of political honour, fame and the good-will of their fellow-citizens; nevertheless, if these honours come to a man, they help in many ways, and especially in the acquisition of friends. But friendship has been discussed in another book of mine, entitled "Laelius." Let us now take up the discussion of Glory, although I\xa0have published two books on that subject also. Still, let us touch briefly on it here, since it is of very great help in the conduct of more important business. The highest, truest glory depends upon the following three things: the affection, the confidence, and the mingled admiration and esteem of the people. Such sentiments, if I\xa0may speak plainly and concisely, are awakened in the masses in the same way as in individuals. But there is also another avenue of approach to the masses, by which we can, as it were, steal into the hearts of all at once. <' "2.32 \xa0But of the three above-named requisites, let us look first at good-will and the rules for securing it. Good-will is won principally through kind services; next to that, it is elicited by the will to do a kind service, even though nothing happen to come of it. Then, too, the love of people generally is powerfully attracted by a man's mere name and reputation for generosity, kindness, justice, honour, and all those virtues that belong to gentleness of character and affability of manner. And because that very quality which we term moral goodness and propriety is pleasing to us by and of itself and touches all our hearts both by its inward essence and its outward aspect and shines forth with most lustre through those virtues named above, we are, therefore, compelled by Nature herself to love those in whom we believe those virtues to reside. Now these are only the most powerful motives to love â\x80\x94 not all of them; there may be some minor ones besides. <" '2.33 \xa0Secondly, the command of confidence can be secured on two conditions: (1)\xa0if people think us possessed of practical wisdom combined with a sense of justice. For we have confidence in those who we think have more understanding than ourselves, who, we believe, have better insight into the future, and who, when an emergency arises and a crisis comes, can clear away the difficulties and reach a safe decision according to the exigencies of the occasion; for that kind of wisdom the world accounts genuine and practical. But (2)\xa0confidence is reposed in men who are just and true â\x80\x94 that is, good men â\x80\x94 on the definite assumption that their characters admit of no suspicion of dishonesty or wrong-doing. And so we believe that it is perfectly safe to entrust our lives, our fortunes, and our children to their care. < 2.34 \xa0of these two qualities, then, justice has the greater power to inspire confidence; for even without the aid of wisdom, it has considerable weight; but wisdom without justice is of no avail to inspire confidence; for take from a man his reputation for probity, and the more shrewd and clever he is, the more hated and mistrusted he becomes. Therefore, justice combined with practical wisdom will command all the confidence we can desire; justice without wisdom will be able to do much; wisdom without justice will be of no avail at all. < 2.35 \xa0But I\xa0am afraid someone may wonder why I\xa0am now separating the virtues â\x80\x94 as if it were possible for anyone to be just who is not at the same time wise; for it is agreed upon among all philosophers, and I\xa0myself have often argued, that he who has one virtue has them all. The explanation of my apparent inconsistency is that the precision of speech we employ, when abstract truth is critically investigated in philosophic discussion, is one thing; and that employed, when we are adapting our language entirely to popular thinking, is another. And therefore I\xa0am speaking here in the popular sense, when I\xa0call some men brave, others good, and still others wise; for in dealing with popular conceptions we must employ familiar words in their common acceptation; and this was the practice of Panaetius likewise. But let us return to the subject. < 2.36 \xa0The third, then, of the three conditions I\xa0name as essential to glory is that we be accounted worthy of the esteem and admiration of our fellow-men. While people admire in general everything that is great or better than they expect, they admire in particular the good qualities that they find unexpectedly in individuals. And so they reverence and extol with the highest praises those men in whom they see certain pre-eminent and extraordinary talents; and they look down with contempt upon those who they think have no ability, no spirit, no energy. For they do not despise all those of whom they think ill. For some men they consider unscrupulous, slanderous, fraudulent, and dangerous; they do not despise them, it may be; but they do think ill of them. And therefore, as I\xa0said before, those are despised who are "of no use to themselves or their neighbours," as the saying is, who are idle, lazy, and indifferent. < 2.37 \xa0On the other hand, those are regarded with admiration who are thought to excel others in ability and to be free from all dishonour and also from those vices which others do not easily resist. For sensual pleasure, a most seductive mistress, turns the hearts of the greater part of humanity away from virtue; and when the fiery trial of affliction draws near, most people are terrified beyond measure. Life and death, wealth and want affect all men most powerfully. But when men, with a spirit great and exalted, can look down upon such outward circumstances, whether prosperous or adverse, and when some noble and virtuous purpose, presented to their minds, converts them wholly to itself and carries them away in its pursuit, who then could fail to admire in them the splendour and beauty of virtue? < 2.38 \xa0As, then, this superiority of mind to such externals inspires great admiration, so justice, above all, on the basis of which alone men are called "good men," seems to people generally a quite marvellous virtue â\x80\x94 and not without good reason; for no one can be just who fears death or pain or exile or poverty, or who values their opposites above equity. And people admire especially the man who is uninfluenced by money; and if a man has proved himself in this direction, they think him tried as by fire. Those three requisites, therefore, which were presupposed as the means of obtaining glory, are all secured by justice: (1)\xa0good-will, for it seeks to be of help to the greatest number; (2)\xa0confidence, for the same reason; and (3)\xa0admiration, because it scorns and cares nothing for those things, with a consuming passion for which most people are carried away. < 2.39 \xa0Now, in my opinion at least, every walk and vocation in life calls for human coâ\x80\x91operation â\x80\x94 first and above all, in order that one may have friends with whom to enjoy social intercourse. And this is not easy, unless he is looked upon as a good man. So, even to a man who shuns society and to one who spends his life in the country a reputation for justice is essential â\x80\x94 even more so than to others; for they who do not have it but are considered unjust will have no defence to protect them and so will be the victims of many kinds of wrong. < 2.40 \xa0So also to buyers and sellers, to employers and employed, and to those who are engaged in commercial dealings generally, justice is indispensable for the conduct of business. Its importance is so great, that not even those who live by wickedness and crime can get on without some small element of justice. For if a robber takes anything by force or by fraud from another member of the gang, he loses his standing even in a band of robbers; and if the one called the "Pirate Captain" should not divide the plunder impartially, he would be either deserted or murdered by his comrades. Why, they say that robbers even have a code of laws to observe and obey. And so, because of his impartial division of booty, Bardulis, the Illyrian bandit, of whom we read in Theopompus, acquired great power, Viriathus, of Lusitania, much greater. He actually defied even our armies and generals. But Gaius Laelius â\x80\x94 the one surnamed "the Wise" â\x80\x94 in his praetorship crushed his power, reduced him to terms, and so checked his intrepid daring, that he left to his successors an easy conquest. Since, therefore, the efficacy of justice is so great that it strengthens and augments the power even of robbers, how great do we think its power will be in a constitutional government with its laws and courts? < 2.41 \xa0Now it seems to me, at least, that not only among the Medes, as Herodotus tells us, but also among our own ancestors, men of high moral character were made kings in order that the people might enjoy justice. For, as the masses in their helplessness were oppressed by the strong, they appealed for protection to some one man who was conspicuous for his virtue; and, as he shielded the weaker classes from wrong, he managed by establishing equitable conditions to hold the higher and the lower classes in an equality of right. The reason for making constitutional laws was the same as that for making kings. < 2.42 \xa0For what people have always sought is equality of rights before the law. For rights that were not open to all alike would be no rights. If the people secured their end at the hands of one just and good man, they were satisfied with that; but when such was not their good fortune, laws were invented, to speak to all men at all times in one and the same voice. This, then, is obvious: nations used to select for their rulers those men whose reputation for justice was high in the eyes of the people. If in addition they were also thought wise, there was nothing that men did not think they could secure under such leadership. Justice is, therefore, in every way to be cultivated and maintained, both for its own sake (for otherwise it would not be justice) and for the enhancement of personal honour and glory. But as there is a method not only of acquiring money but also of investing it so as to yield an income to meet our continuously recurring expenses â\x80\x94 both for the necessities and for the more refined comforts of life â\x80\x94 so there must be a method of gaining glory and turning it to account. And yet, as Socrates used to express it so admirably, < 2.43 \xa0"the nearest way to glory â\x80\x94 a\xa0short cut, as it were â\x80\x94 is to strive to be what you wish to be thought to be." For if anyone thinks that he can win lasting glory by pretence, by empty show, by hypocritical talk and looks, he is very much mistaken. True glory strikes deep root and spreads its branches wide; but all pretences soon fall to the ground like fragile flowers, and nothing counterfeit can be lasting. There are very many witnesses to both facts; but, for brevity\'s sake: I\xa0shall confine myself to one family: Tiberius Gracchus, Publius\'s son, will be held in honour as long as the memory of Rome shall endure; but his sons were not approved by patriots while they lived, and since they are dead they are numbered among those whose murder was justifiable. If, therefore, anyone wishes to win true glory, let him discharge the duties required by justice. And what they are has been set forth in the course of the preceding book. 2.44 \xa0But, although the very essence of the problem is that we actually be what we wish to be thought to be, still some rules may be laid down to enable us most easily to secure the reputation of being what we are. For, if anyone in his early youth has the responsibility of living up to a distinguished name acquired either by inheritance from his father (as, I\xa0think, my dear Cicero, is your good fortune) or by some chance or happy combination of circumstances, the eyes of the world are turned upon him; his life and character are scrutinized; and, as if he moved in a blaze of light, not a word and not a deed of his can be kept a secret. <' "2.45 \xa0Those, on the other hand, whose humble and obscure origin has kept them unknown to the world in their early years ought, as soon as they approach young manhood, to set a high ideal before their eyes and to strive with unswerving zeal towards its realization. This they will do with the better heart, because that time of life is accustomed to find favour rather than to meet with opposition. Well, then, the first thing to recommend to a young man in his quest for glory is that he try to win it, if he can, in a military career. Among our forefathers many distinguished themselves as soldiers; for warfare was almost continuous then. The period of your own youth, however, has coincided with that war in which the one side was too prolific in crime, the other in failure. And yet, when Pompey placed you in command of a cavalry squadron in this war, you won the applause of that great man and of the army for your skill in riding and spear-throwing and for endurance of all the hardships of the soldier's life. But that credit accorded to you came to nothing along with the fall of the republic. The subject of this discussion, however, is not your personal history, but the general theme. Let us, therefore, proceed to the sequel. <" '2.46 \xa0As, then, in everything else brain-work is far more important than mere hand-work, so those objects which we strive to attain through intellect and reason gain for us a higher degree of gratitude than those which we strive to gain by physical strength. The best recommendation, then, that a young man can have to popular esteem proceeds from self-restraint, filial affection, and devotion to kinsfolk. Next to that, young men win recognition most easily and most favourably, if they attach themselves to men who are at once wise and renowned as well as patriotic counsellors in public affairs. And if they associate constantly with such men, they inspire in the public the expectation that they will be like them, seeing that they have themselves selected them for imitation. < 2.47 \xa0His frequent visits to the home of Publius Mucius assisted young Publius Rutilius to gain a reputation for integrity of character and for ability as a jurisconsult. Not so, however, Lucius Crassus; for, though he was a mere boy, he looked to no one else for assistance, but by his own unaided ability he won for himself in that brilliant and famous prosecution a splendid reputation as an orator. And at an age when young men are accustomed with their school exercises to win applause as students of oratory, this Roman Demosthenes, Lucius Crassus, was already proving himself in the law-courts a master of the art which he might even then have been studying at home with credit to himself. < 2.48 \xa0But as the classification of discourse is a twofold one â\x80\x94 conversation, on the one side; oratory, on the other â\x80\x94 there can be no doubt that of the two this debating power (for that is what we mean by eloquence) counts for more toward the attainment of glory; and yet, it is not easy to say how far an affable and courteous manner in conversation may go toward winning the affections. We have, for instance, the letters of Philip to Alexander, of Antipater to Cassander, and of Antigonus to Philip the Younger. The authors of these letters were, as we are informed, three of the wisest men in history; and in them they instruct their sons to woo the hearts of the populace to affection by words of kindness and to keep their soldiers loyal by a winning address. But the speech that is delivered in a debate before an assembly often stirs the hearts of thousands at once; for the eloquent and judicious speaker is received with high admiration, and his hearers think him understanding and wise beyond all others. And, if his speech have also dignity combined with moderation, he will be admired beyond all measure, especially if these qualities are found in a young man. < 2.49 \xa0But while there are occasions of many kinds that call for eloquence, and while many young men in our republic have obtained distinction by their speeches in the courts, in the popular assemblies, and in the senate, yet it is the speeches before our courts that excite the highest admiration. The classification of forensic speeches also is a twofold one: they are divided into arguments for the prosecution and arguments for the defence. And while the side of the defence is more honourable, still that of the prosecution also has very often established a reputation. I\xa0spoke of Crassus a moment ago; Marcus Antonius, when a youth, had the same success. A\xa0prosecution brought the eloquence of Publius Sulpicius into favourable notice, when he brought an action against Gaius Norbanus, a seditious and dangerous citizen. < 2.50 \xa0But this should not be done often â\x80\x94 never, in fact, except in the interest of the state (as in the cases of those above mentioned) or to avenge wrongs (as the two Luculli, for example, did) or for the protection of our provincials (as I\xa0did in the defence of the Sicilians, or Julius in the prosecution of Albucius in behalf of the Sardinians). The activity of Lucius Fufius in the impeachment of Manius Aquilius is likewise famous. This sort of work, then, may be done once in a lifetime, or at all events not often. But if it shall be required of anyone to conduct more frequent prosecutions, let him do it as a service to his country; for it is no disgrace to be often employed in the prosecution of her enemies. And yet a limit should be set even to that. For it requires a heartless man, it seems, or rather one who is well-nigh inhuman, to be arraigning one person after another on capital charges. It is not only fraught with danger to the prosecutor himself, but is damaging to his reputation, to allow himself to be called a prosecutor. Such was the effect of this epithet upon Marcus Brutus, the scion of a very noble family and the son of that Brutus who was an eminent authority in the civil law. < 2.51 \xa0Again, the following rule of duty is to be carefully observed: never prefer a capital charge against any person who may be innocent. For that cannot possibly be done without making oneself a criminal. For what is so unnatural as to turn to the ruin and destruction of good men the eloquence bestowed by Nature for the safety and protection of our fellowmen? And yet, while we should never prosecute the innocent, we need not have scruples against undertaking on occasion the defence of a guilty person, provided he be not infamously depraved and wicked. For people expect it; custom sanctions it; humanity also accepts it. It is always the business of the judge in a trial to find out the truth; it is sometimes the business of the advocate to maintain what is plausible, even if it be not strictly true, though I\xa0should not venture to say this, especially in an ethical treatise, if it were not also the position of Panaetius, that strictest of Stoics. Then, too, briefs for the defence are most likely to bring glory and popularity to the pleader, and all the more so, if ever it falls to him to lend his aid to one who seems to be oppressed and persecuted by the influence of someone in power. This I\xa0have done on many other occasions; and once in particular, in my younger days, I\xa0defended Sextus Roscius of Ameria against the power of Lucius Sulla when he was acting the tyrant. The speech is published, as you know. <
3.16 \xa0Accordingly, such duties appeal to all men who have a natural disposition to virtue. And when the two Decii or the two Scipios are mentioned as "brave men" or Fabricius is called "the just," it is not at all that the former are quoted as perfect models of courage or the latter as a perfect model of justice, as if we had in one of them the ideal "wise man." For no one of them was wise in the sense in which we wish to have "wise" understood; neither were Marcus Cato and Gaius Laelius wise, though they were so considered and were surnamed "the wise." Not even the famous Seven were "wise." But because of their constant observance of "mean" duties they bore a certain semblance and likeness to wise men. <
3.25 \xa0In like manner it is more in accord with Nature to emulate the great Hercules and undergo the greatest toil and trouble for the sake of aiding or saving the world, if possible, than to live in seclusion, not only free from all care, but revelling in pleasures and abounding in wealth, while excelling others also in beauty and strength. Thus Hercules denied himself and underwent toil and tribulation for the world, and, out of gratitude for his services, popular belief has given him a place in the council of the gods. The better and more noble, therefore, the character with which a man is endowed, the more does he prefer the life of service to the life of pleasure. Whence it follows that man, if he is obedient to Nature, cannot do harm to his fellow-man. <'' None |
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13. Polybius, Histories, 1.4.8, 1.23.3, 1.39.1, 1.39.3, 1.39.6, 1.39.14, 1.63.9, 6.7.6, 6.53.2, 6.56.6-6.56.15, 10.2.8-10.2.13, 10.3, 10.4.6, 10.11.6-10.11.8, 10.19.3, 14.1.4, 38.22 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Africa, Roman invasion of • Africa, in the Ph. • Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus Africanus, P. (Numantinus) • Cornelius Scipio Africanus Aemilianus, P. • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P. • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P. , leadership qualities • North Africa • North Africa/Africans • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio (Africanus) • Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, L. Cornelius (major, cos. II • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas • Scipio the Elder, father of Africanus • Scipio, Publius Cornelius (Africanus)
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 315; Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 5; Fabre-Serris et al. (2021), Identities, Ethnicities and Gender in Antiquity, 95; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 70; Hubbard (2014), A Companion to Greek and Roman Sexualities, 240, 241; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 246; Joseph (2022), Thunder and Lament: Lucan on the Beginnings and Ends of Epic, 171; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 316; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 153, 258; Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 155; Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 39, 41, 44, 45, 46, 48, 49, 54, 85, 86, 90, 102, 120, 147; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 70; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 23; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 122; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 208, 211; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 315
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6.7.6 ἐπεὶ δʼ ἐκ διαδοχῆς καὶ κατὰ γένος τὰς ἀρχὰς παραλαμβάνοντες ἕτοιμα μὲν εἶχον ἤδη τὰ πρὸς τὴν ἀσφάλειαν, ἕτοιμα δὲ καὶ πλείω τῶν ἱκανῶν τὰ πρὸς τὴν τροφήν,
6.56.6 μεγίστην δέ μοι δοκεῖ διαφορὰν ἔχειν τὸ Ῥωμαίων πολίτευμα πρὸς βέλτιον ἐν τῇ περὶ θεῶν διαλήψει. 6.56.7 καί μοι δοκεῖ τὸ παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις ὀνειδιζόμενον, τοῦτο συνέχειν τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα, λέγω δὲ τὴν δεισιδαιμονίαν· 6.56.8 ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον γὰρ ἐκτετραγῴδηται καὶ παρεισῆκται τοῦτο τὸ μέρος παρʼ αὐτοῖς εἴς τε τοὺς κατʼ ἰδίαν βίους καὶ τὰ κοινὰ τῆς πόλεως ὥστε μὴ καταλιπεῖν ὑπερβολήν. ὃ καὶ δόξειεν ἂν πολλοῖς εἶναι θαυμάσιον. 6.56.9 ἐμοί γε μὴν δοκοῦσι τοῦ πλήθους χάριν τοῦτο πεποιηκέναι. 6.56.10 εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἦν σοφῶν ἀνδρῶν πολίτευμα συναγαγεῖν, ἴσως οὐδὲν ἦν ἀναγκαῖος ὁ τοιοῦτος τρόπος· 6.56.11 ἐπεὶ δὲ πᾶν πλῆθός ἐστιν ἐλαφρὸν καὶ πλῆρες ἐπιθυμιῶν παρανόμων, ὀργῆς ἀλόγου, θυμοῦ βιαίου, λείπεται τοῖς ἀδήλοις φόβοις καὶ τῇ τοιαύτῃ τραγῳδίᾳ τὰ πλήθη συνέχειν. 6.56.12 διόπερ οἱ παλαιοὶ δοκοῦσί μοι τὰς περὶ θεῶν ἐννοίας καὶ τὰς ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐν ᾅδου διαλήψεις οὐκ εἰκῇ καὶ ὡς ἔτυχεν εἰς τὰ πλήθη παρεισαγαγεῖν, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον οἱ νῦν εἰκῇ καὶ ἀλόγως ἐκβάλλειν αὐτά. 6.56.13 τοιγαροῦν χωρὶς τῶν ἄλλων οἱ τὰ κοινὰ χειρίζοντες παρὰ μὲν τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ἐὰν ταλάντου μόνον πιστευθῶσιν, ἀντιγραφεῖς ἔχοντες δέκα καὶ σφραγῖδας τοσαύτας καὶ μάρτυρας διπλασίους οὐ δύνανται τηρεῖν τὴν πίστιν· 6.56.14 παρὰ δὲ Ῥωμαίοις κατά τε τὰς ἀρχὰς καὶ πρεσβείας πολύ τι πλῆθος χρημάτων χειρίζοντες διʼ αὐτῆς τῆς κατὰ τὸν ὅρκον πίστεως τηροῦσι τὸ καθῆκον. 6.56.15 καὶ παρὰ μὲν τοῖς ἄλλοις σπάνιόν ἐστιν εὑρεῖν ἀπεχόμενον ἄνδρα τῶν δημοσίων καὶ καθαρεύοντα περὶ ταῦτα· παρὰ δὲ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις σπάνιόν ἐστι τὸ λαβεῖν τινα πεφωραμένον ἐπὶ τοιαύτῃ πράξει. ξοδ. υρβ. ηαβετ ηαεξ ϝ. π. 264, 17. 293, 5 ξυμ αντεξεδεντιβυς αρξτε ξοηαερεντια εχξ. αντ. π. 188.
10.2.8 ἐμοὶ δὲ δοκεῖ Πόπλιος Λυκούργῳ τῷ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων νομοθέτῃ παραπλησίαν ἐσχηκέναι φύσιν καὶ προαίρεσιν. 10.2.9 οὔτε γὰρ Λυκοῦργον ἡγητέον δεισιδαιμονοῦντα καὶ πάντα προσέχοντα τῇ Πυθίᾳ συστήσασθαι τὸ Λακεδαιμονίων πολίτευμα, οὔτε Πόπλιον ἐξ ἐνυπνίων ὁρμώμενον καὶ κληδόνων τηλικαύτην περιποιῆσαι τῇ πατρίδι δυναστείαν· 10.2.10 ἀλλʼ ὁρῶντες ἑκάτεροι τοὺς πολλοὺς τῶν ἀνθρώπων οὔτε τὰ παράδοξα προσδεχομένους ῥᾳδίως οὔτε τοῖς δεινοῖς τολμῶντας παραβάλλεσθαι χωρὶς τῆς ἐκ τῶν θεῶν ἐλπίδος,' '10.2.12 Πόπλιος δὲ παραπλησίως ἐνεργαζόμενος αἰεὶ δόξαν τοῖς πολλοῖς ὡς μετά τινος θείας ἐπιπνοίας ποιούμενος τὰς ἐπιβολάς, εὐθαρσεστέρους καὶ προθυμοτέρους κατεσκεύαζε τοὺς ὑποταττομένους πρὸς τὰ δεινὰ τῶν ἔργων. 10.2.13 ὅτι δʼ ἕκαστα μετὰ λογισμοῦ καὶ προνοίας ἔπραττε, καὶ διότι πάντα κατὰ λόγον ἐξέβαινε τὰ τέλη τῶν πράξεων αὐτῷ, δῆλον ἔσται διὰ τῶν λέγεσθαι μελλόντων.
10.4.6 δοκεῖν γὰρ ἅμα τἀδελφῷ καθεσταμένος ἀγορανόμος ἀναβαίνειν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν, ἐκείνην δὲ συναντᾶν αὐτοῖς εἰς τὰς θύρας καὶ περιπτύξασαν ἀσπάσασθαι. 10.11.7 τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἔφη τὴν ἐπιβολὴν αὐτῷ ταύτην ὑποδεδειχέναι τὸν Ποσειδῶνα παραστάντα κατὰ τὸν ὕπνον, καὶ φάναι συνεργήσειν ἐπιφανῶς κατʼ αὐτὸν τὸν τῆς πράξεως καιρὸν οὕτως ὥστε παντὶ τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τὴν ἐξ αὐτοῦ χρείαν ἐναργῆ γενέσθαι.'' None | 6.53 1. \xa0Whenever any illustrious man dies, he is carried at his funeral into the forum to the soâ\x80\x91called rostra, sometimes conspicuous in an upright posture and more rarely reclined.,2. \xa0Here with all the people standing round, a grown-up son, if he has left one who happens to be present, or if not some other relative mounts the rostra and discourses on the virtues and successful achievements of the dead.,3. \xa0As a consequence the multitude and not only those who had a part in these achievements, but those also who had none, when the facts are recalled to their minds and brought before their eyes, are moved to such sympathy that the loss seems to be not confined to the mourners, but a public one affecting the whole people.,4. \xa0Next after the interment and the performance of the usual ceremonies, they place the image of the departed in the most conspicuous position in the house, enclosed in a wooden shrine.,5. \xa0This image is a mask reproducing with remarkable fidelity both the features and complexion of the deceased.,6. \xa0On the occasion of public sacrifices they display these images, and decorate them with much care, and when any distinguished member of the family dies they take them to the funeral, putting them on men who seem to them to bear the closest resemblance to the original in stature and carriage.,7. \xa0These representatives wear togas, with a purple border if the deceased was a consul or praetor, whole purple if he was a censor, and embroidered with gold if he had celebrated a triumph or achieved anything similar.,8. \xa0They all ride in chariots preceded by the fasces, axes, and other insignia by which the different magistrates are wont to be accompanied according to the respective dignity of the offices of state held by each during his life;,9. \xa0and when they arrive at the rostra they all seat themselves in a row on ivory chairs. There could not easily be a more ennobling spectacle for a young man who aspires to fame and virtue.,10. \xa0For who would not be inspired by the sight of the images of men renowned for their excellence, all together and as if alive and breathing? What spectacle could be more glorious than this?' "10.19 1. \xa0After this he handed over to the quaestors all the public funds of the Carthaginians which had been captured.,2. \xa0There were more than six hundred talents, so that when these were added to the four hundred he had brought from Rome, the total sum at his disposal was more than a\xa0thousand talents.,3. \xa0It was at this time that some young Romans came across a girl of surpassing bloom and beauty, and being aware that Scipio was fond of women brought her to him and introduced her, saying that they wished to make a present of the damsel to him.,4. \xa0He was overcome and astonished by her beauty, but he told them that had he been in a private position, no present would have been more welcome to him, but as he was the General it would be the least welcome of any,,5. \xa0giving them to understand, I\xa0suppose, by this answer that sometimes, during seasons of repose and leisure in our life, such things afford young men most delightful enjoyment and entertainment, but that in times of activity they are most prejudicial to the body and the mind alike of those who indulge in them.,6. \xa0So he expressed his gratitude to the young men, but called the girl's father and delivering her over to him at once bade him give her in marriage to whomever of the citizens he preferred.,7. \xa0The self-restraint and moderation he displayed on this occasion secured him the warm approbation of his troops.,8. \xa0Having arranged these matters and handed over the rest of the prisoners to the tribunes, he dispatched Laelius on a quinquereme to Rome, to convey the news, placing under his charge the Carthaginians and the most distinguished among the other prisoners.,9. \xa0For as the Romans had for the most part regarded the situation in Spain as desperate he knew that this intelligence would revive their spirits and that they would redouble their efforts to support him. "
6.7.6 \xa0But when they received the office by hereditary succession and found their safety now provided for, and more than sufficient provision of food, <
6.56.6 \xa0But the quality in which the Roman commonwealth is most distinctly superior is in my opinion the nature of their religious convictions. < 6.56.7 \xa0I\xa0believe that it is the very thing which among other peoples is an object of reproach, I\xa0mean superstition, which maintains the cohesion of the Roman State. < 6.56.8 \xa0These matters are clothed in such pomp and introduced to such an extent into their public and private life that nothing could exceed it, a fact which will surprise many. < 6.56.9 \xa0My own opinion at least is that they have adopted this course for the sake of the common people. < 6.56.10 \xa0It is a course which perhaps would not have been necessary had it been possible to form a state composed of wise men, < 6.56.11 \xa0but as every multitude is fickle, full of lawless desires, unreasoned passion, and violent anger, the multitude must be held in by invisible terrors and suchlike pageantry. < 6.56.12 \xa0For this reason I\xa0think, not that the ancients acted rashly and at haphazard in introducing among the people notions concerning the gods and beliefs in the terrors of hell, but that the moderns are most rash and foolish in banishing such beliefs. < 6.56.13 \xa0The consequence is that among the Greeks, apart from other things, members of the government, if they are entrusted with no more than a talent, though they have ten copyists and as many seals and twice as many witnesses, cannot keep their faith; < 6.56.14 \xa0whereas among the Romans those who as magistrates and legates are dealing with large sums of money maintain correct conduct just because they have pledged their faith by oath. < 6.56.15 \xa0Whereas elsewhere it is a rare thing to find a man who keeps his hands off public money, and whose record is clean in this respect, among the Romans one rarely comes across a man who has been detected in such conduct.\xa0.\xa0.\xa0. VIII.\xa0Conclusion of the Treatise on the Roman Republic <
10.2.8 \xa0To me it seems that the character and principles of Scipio much resembled those of Lycurgus, the Lacedaemonian legislator. < 10.2.9 \xa0For neither must we suppose that Lycurgus drew up the constitution of Sparta under the influence of superstition and solely prompted by the Pythia, nor that Scipio won such an empire \')" onMouseOut="nd();"for his country by following the suggestion of dreams and omens. < 10.2.10 \xa0But since both of them saw that most men neither readily accept anything unfamiliar to them, nor venture on great risks without the hope of divine help, Lycurgus made his own scheme more acceptable and more easily believed in by invoking the oracles of the Pythia in support of projects due to himself, < 10.2.11 1. \xa0Now that I\xa0am about to recount Scipio\'s exploits in Spain, and in short everything that he achieved in his life, I\xa0think it necessary to convey to my readers, in the first place, a notion of his character and natural parts.,2. \xa0For the fact that he was almost the most famous man of all time makes everyone desirous to know what sort of man he was, and what were the natural gifts and the training which enabled him to accomplish so many great actions.,3. \xa0But none can help falling into error and acquiring a mistaken impression of him, as the estimate of those who have given us their views about him is very wide of the truth.,4. \xa0That what I\xa0myself state here is sound will be evident to all who by means of my narrative are able to appreciate the most glorious and hazardous of his exploits.,5. \xa0As for all other writers, they represent him as a man favoured by fortune, who always owed the most part of his success to the unexpected and to mere chance,,6. \xa0such men being, in their opinion, more divine and more worthy of admiration than those who always act by calculation. They are not aware that one of the two things deserves praise and the other only congratulation, the latter being common to ordinary men,,7. \xa0whereas what is praiseworthy belongs alone to men of sound judgement and mental ability, whom we should consider to be the most divine and most beloved by the gods.,8. \xa0To me it seems that the character and principles of Scipio much resembled those of Lycurgus, the Lacedaemonian legislator.,9. \xa0For neither must we suppose that Lycurgus drew up the constitution of Sparta under the influence of superstition and solely prompted by the Pythia, nor that Scipio won such an empire \')" onMouseOut="nd();"for his country by following the suggestion of dreams and omens.,10. \xa0But since both of them saw that most men neither readily accept anything unfamiliar to them, nor venture on great risks without the hope of divine help, Lycurgus made his own scheme more acceptable and more easily believed in by invoking the oracles of the Pythia in support of projects due to himself,,12. \xa0while Scipio similarly made the men under his command more sanguine and more ready to face perilous enterprises by instilling into them the belief that his projects were divinely inspired.,13. \xa0That everything he did was done with calculation and foresight, and that all his enterprises fell out as he had reckoned, will be clear from what I\xa0am about to say. 10.2.12 \xa0while Scipio similarly made the men under his command more sanguine and more ready to face perilous enterprises by instilling into them the belief that his projects were divinely inspired. < 10.2.13 \xa0That everything he did was done with calculation and foresight, and that all his enterprises fell out as he had reckoned, will be clear from what I\xa0am about to say. <
10.3 1. \xa0It is generally agreed that Scipio was beneficent and magimous, but that he was also shrewd and discreet with a mind always concentrated on the object he had in view would be conceded by none except those who associated with him and to whom his character stood clearly revealed.,2. \xa0One of these was Gaius Laelius, who from his youth up to the end had participated in his every word and deed, and who has produced the above impression upon myself, as his account seems both probable on the face of it and in accordance with the actual performances of Scipio.,3. \xa0For he tells us that Scipio first distinguished himself on the occasion of the cavalry engagement between his father and Hannibal in the neighbourhood of the\xa0Po.,4. \xa0He was at the time seventeen years of age, this being his first campaign, and his father had placed him in command of a picked troop of horse in order to ensure his safety, but when he caught sight of his father in the battle, surrounded by the enemy and escorted only by two or three horsemen and dangerously wounded,,5. \xa0he at first endeavoured to urge those with him to go to the rescue, but when they hung back for a time owing to the large numbers of the enemy round them, he is said with reckless daring to have charged the encircling force alone.,6. \xa0Upon the rest being now forced to attack, the enemy were terror-struck and broke up, and Publius Scipio, thus unexpectedly delivered, was the first to salute his son in the hearing of all as his preserver.,7. \xa0Having by this service gained a universally acknowledged reputation for bravery, he in subsequent times refrained from exposing his person without sufficient reason, when his country reposed her hopes of success on him â\x80\x94 conduct characteristic not of a commander who relies on luck, but on one gifted with intelligence.
10.4.6 \xa0He had dreamt that both he and his brother had been elected to the aedileship and were going up from the forum to their house, when she met him at the door and fell on their necks and kissed them. < 10.11.7 \xa0Finally he told them that it was Neptune who had first suggested this plan to him, appearing to him in his sleep, and promising that when the time for the action came he would render such conspicuous aid that his intervention would be manifest to the whole army. < 10.11.8 1. \xa0Such being the situation of the place, the Roman camp was protected on its inner side without any fortification by the lagoon and by the outer sea.,2. \xa0The intervening space, which connects the city with the mainland and which lay in the middle of his camp, was also left unintrenched by Scipio, either to intimidate the enemy or to adapt it to his own particular purpose, so that there should be no impediment to sorties from his camp and subsequent retirement into it.,4. \xa0The circumference of the city was formerly not more than twenty stades â\x80\x94 I\xa0am quite aware that many state it to be forty, but this is not true, as I\xa0speak not from report but from my own careful observation â\x80\x94 and at the present day it has still further shrunk.,5. \xa0Scipio, then, when the fleet arrived in due time, decided to call a meeting of his troops and address them, using no other arguments than those which had carried conviction to himself and which I\xa0have above stated in detail.,6. \xa0After proving to them that the project was feasible, and pointing out briefly what loss its success would entail on the enemy and what an advantage it would be to themselves, he went on to promise gold crowns to those who should be the first to mount the wall and the usual rewards to such as displayed conspicuous courage.,7. \xa0Finally he told them that it was Neptune who had first suggested this plan to him, appearing to him in his sleep, and promising that when the time for the action came he would render such conspicuous aid that his intervention would be manifest to the whole army.,9. \xa0The combination in this speech of accurate calculation, of the promise of gold crowns, and therewithal of confidence in the help of Providence created great enthusiasm and ardour among the lads.
38.22 1. \xa0Scipio, when he looked upon the city as it was utterly perishing and in the last throes of its complete destruction, is said to have shed tears and wept openly for his enemies.,2. \xa0After being wrapped in thought for long, and realizing that all cities, nations, and authorities must, like men, meet their doom; that this happened to Ilium, once a prosperous city, to the empires of Assyria, Media, and Persia, the greatest of their time, and to Macedonia itself, the brilliance of which was so recent, either deliberately or the verses escaping him, he said: A\xa0day will come when sacred Troy shall perish, And Priam and his people shall be slain. ,3. \xa0And when Polybius speaking with freedom to him, for he was his teacher, asked him what he meant by the words, they say that without any attempt at concealment he named his own country, for which he feared when he reflected on the fate of all things human. Polybius actually heard him and recalls it in his history.' '' None |
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14. Septuagint, Judith, 8.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 0th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Berenike (North Africa) • North Africa, mosaics
Found in books: Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 200; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 98
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8.6 She fasted all the days of her widowhood, except the day before the sabbath and the sabbath itself, the day before the new moon and the day of the new moon, and the feasts and days of rejoicing of the house of Israel. '' None |
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15. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Scipio Africanus Aemilianus, P. (Scipio Aemilianus), death of • Macedonius, vicarius Africae • Scipio Aemilianus Africanus • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 321; Conybeare (2000), Abused Bodies in Roman Epic, 63; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 64; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 321; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
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16. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • North Africa, Roman • Scipio Africanus
Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 188; Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 260
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17. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, apotheosis of • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas • Scipio the Elder, father of Africanus
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269, 299, 316; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269, 299, 316
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18. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Scipio Africanus (‘the Elder’), P. • Cornelius Scipio Africanus Aemilianus, P. (Scipio Aemilianus), death of • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio (Aemilianus) Africanus, (Publius, Cornelius) • Scipio Aemilianus Africanus • Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, apotheosis of • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas • Scipio the Elder, father of Africanus • Scipio, Publius Cornelius Africanus • Scipio, Publius Cornelius Africanus Aemilianus
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 298, 299, 316, 317, 318, 321; Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 116; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 153, 232; Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 71; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 74; Seaford, Wilkins, Wright (2017), Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill. 113, 114; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 298, 299, 316, 317, 318, 321; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
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19. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P
Found in books: Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 61, 62, 64, 70; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53
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20. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 324; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 324
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21. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269
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22. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa, in the Ph. • Curio, landing in Africa • Ennius, and Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, commemorated by Ennius • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 290, 313, 321; Joseph (2022), Thunder and Lament: Lucan on the Beginnings and Ends of Epic, 126, 160; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 44, 46, 52; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 290, 313, 321
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23. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, apotheosis of • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas • Scipio, Publius Cornelius Africanus
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 299; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 232; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 299
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24. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, apotheosis of • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 299, 321; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 299, 321
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25. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 321; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 321
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26. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 2.740 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 294; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 294
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2.740 rend='' None | sup>
2.740 Or plough the seas, or cultivate the land,'' None |
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27. Ovid, Fasti, 1.609-1.612 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Scipio Africanus
Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 193; Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 69
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1.609 sancta vocant augusta patres, augusta vocantur 1.610 templa sacerdotum rite dicata manu; 1.611 huius et augurium dependet origine verbi, 1.612 et quodcumque sua Iuppiter auget ope.'' None | sup>
1.609 And so are temples duly dedicated by priestly hands. 1.610 From the same root comes the word augury, 1.611 And Jupiter augments things by his power. 1.612 May he augment our leader’s empire and his years,'' None |
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28. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 15.147-15.152, 15.871-15.872, 15.875-15.879 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Apuleius, as African / provincial • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, apotheosis of • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 293, 298, 301; Fletcher (2023), The Ass of the Gods: Apuleius' Golden Ass, the Onos Attributed to Lucian, and Graeco-Roman Metamorphosis Literature, 195; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 293, 298, 301
sup>15.148 astra, iuvat terris et inerti sede relicta 15.149 nube vehi validique umeris insistere Atlantis 15.150 palantesque homines passim ac rationis egentes 15.151 despectare procul trepidosque obitumque timentes 15.152 sic exhortari seriemque evolvere fati:
15.871 Iamque opus exegi, quod nec Iovis ira nec ignis 15.872 nec poterit ferrum nec edax abolere vetustas.
15.875 parte tamen meliore mei super alta perennis 15.876 astra ferar, nomenque erit indelebile nostrum, 15.877 quaque patet domitis Romana potentia terris, 15.878 ore legar populi, perque omnia saecula fama, 15.879 siquid habent veri vatum praesagia, vivam.' ' None | sup>15.148 of ‘Golden,’ was so blest in fruit of trees, 15.149 and in the good herbs which the earth produced 15.150 that it never would pollute the mouth with blood. 15.151 The birds then safely moved their wings in air, 15.152 the timid hares would wander in the field
15.871 that I should pass my life in exile than 15.872 be seen a king throned in the capitol.”
15.875 But first he veiled his horns with laurel, which 15.876 betokens peace. Then, standing on a mound 15.877 raised by the valiant troops, he made a prayer 15.878 after the ancient mode, and then he said, 15.879 “There is one here who will be king, if you' ' None |
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29. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 45-46 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • North Africa, synagogues • North Africa/Africans
Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 164; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 82
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45 for it was sufficiently evident that the report about the destruction of the synagogues, which took its rise in Alexandria would be immediately spread over all the districts of Egypt, and would extend from that country to the east and to the oriental nations, and from the borders of the land in the other direction, and from the Mareotic district which is the frontier of Libya, towards the setting of the sun and the western nations. For no one country can contain the whole Jewish nation, by reason of its populousness; '46 on which account they frequent all the most prosperous and fertile countries of Europe and Asia, whether islands or continents, looking indeed upon the holy city as their metropolis in which is erected the sacred temple of the most high God, but accounting those regions which have been occupied by their fathers, and grandfathers, and great grandfathers, and still more remote ancestors, in which they have been born and brought up, as their country; and there are even some regions to which they came the very moment that they were originally settled, sending a colony of their people to do a pleasure to the founders of the colony. ' None |
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30. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 281-282 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • North Africa, synagogues • North Africa/Africans
Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 164; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 82
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281 "Concerning the holy city I must now say what is necessary. It, as I have already stated, is my native country, and the metropolis, not only of the one country of Judaea, but also of many, by reason of the colonies which it has sent out from time to time into the bordering districts of Egypt, Phoenicia, Syria in general, and especially that part of it which is called Coelo-Syria, and also with those more distant regions of Pamphylia, Cilicia, the greater part of Asia Minor as far as Bithynia, and the furthermost corners of Pontus. And in the same manner into Europe, into Thessaly, and Boeotia, and Macedonia, and Aetolia, and Attica, and Argos, and Corinth and all the most fertile and wealthiest districts of Peloponnesus. '282 And not only are the continents full of Jewish colonies, but also all the most celebrated islands are so too; such as Euboea, and Cyprus, and Crete. "I say nothing of the countries beyond the Euphrates, for all of them except a very small portion, and Babylon, and all the satrapies around, which have any advantages whatever of soil or climate, have Jews settled in them. ' None |
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31. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 5.1.6-5.1.10 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Vaga, Africa
Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 197; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 33
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5.1.6 6. Basilicæ, similar to that which I\xa0designed and carried into execution in the Julian colony of Fano, know; she eâ\x80\x91mailed me 9\xa0Dec\xa099 --> will not be deficient either in dignity or in beauty. The proportions and symmetry of this are as follow. The middle vault, between the columns, isone\xa0hundred and twenty feet long, and sixty feet wide. The portico round it, between the walls and columns, istwenty feet wide. The height of the columns, including the capitals, isfifty feet, their thicknessfive feet, and they have pilasters behind themtwenty feet high, two feet and a\xa0half wide, and one and a\xa0half thick, supporting beams which carry the floor of the portico. Above these, other pilasters are placed,eighteen feet high, two feet wide, and one foot thick, which also receive timbers for carrying the rafters of the portico, whose roof is lower than the vault. 5.1.7 7. The spaces remaining between the beams, over the pilasters and the columns, are left open for light in the intercolumniations. The columns in the direction of the breadth of the vault are four in number, including those on the angles right and left; lengthwise, in which direction it joins the forum, the number is eight, including those at the angles; on the opposite side, including all the angular columns, there are six columns, because the two central ones on that side are omitted, so that the view of the pronaos of the temple of Augustus may not be obstructed: this is placed in the middle of the side wall of the basilica, facing the centre of the forum and the temple of Jupiter. 5.1.8 8. The tribunal is in the shape of a segment of a circle; the front dimension of which isforty-six feet, that of its depthfifteen feet; and is so contrived, that the merchants who are in the basilica may not interfere with those who have business before the magistrates. Over the columns round the building architraves are placed. These are triple, each of themtwo feet in size, and are fastened together. At the third column, on the inside, they return to the antæ of the pronaos, and are carried on to meet the segment on the right and left. 5.1.9 9. Over the architraves, upright with the capitals, piers are builtthree feet high and four feet square, on which are laid beams well wrought, joined together in two thicknesses oftwo feet each, and thereon the beams and rafters are placed over the columns, antæ, and walls of the pronaos, carrying one continued ridge along the basilica, and another from the centre thereof, over the pronaos of the temple. 5.1.10 10. Thus the two-fold direction of the roof gives an agreeable effect outside, and to the lofty vault within. Thus the omission of the cornices and parapets, and the upper range of columns, saves considerable labour, and greatly diminishes the cost of the work; and the columns in one height brought up to the architrave of the arch, give an appearance of magnificence and dignity to the building.'' None |
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32. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 17; Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 19; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 266, 267, 274, 279, 281; Seaford, Wilkins, Wright (2017), Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill. 123; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 17
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33. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Scipio Africanus
Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 27; Wiebe (2021), Fallen Angels in the Theology of St Augustine, 180
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34. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P. • Sallust, accuses Sulla of corrupting the army in Asia, on the origins of African peoples • Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, • Scipio Africanus, and chain of exemplarity • Scipio Africanus, commemorated by Ennius • Scipio Africanus, inspired by imagines
Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 19; Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 130; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 147; Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 3, 94; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 44, 45, 46; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 266, 268, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 281, 292; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 86; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 188; Woolf (2011). Tales of the Barbarians: Ethnography and Empire in the Roman West. 55, 56, 57
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35. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Apuleius, as African / provincial • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, apotheosis of • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 290, 293, 298, 299, 301; Fletcher (2023), The Ass of the Gods: Apuleius' Golden Ass, the Onos Attributed to Lucian, and Graeco-Roman Metamorphosis Literature, 195; Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 657; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 290, 293, 298, 299, 301
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36. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, apotheosis of • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 290, 299; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 290, 299
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37. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Cato (the Elder), criticized Scipio Africanus • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P. • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P., forbids images to himself • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P., image in Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio (Africanus) • Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, • Scipio Africanus, L. Cornelius (major, cos. II • Scipio Africanus, P. Cornelius • Scipio Africanus, and excessive religious authority • Scipio Africanus, as authoritative interpreter • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, criticized for luxurious living and philhellenic attitudes • Scipio Africanus, death • Scipio Africanus, fatalis dux • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas • Scipio the Elder, father of Africanus • dream, of Scipio Africanus • superstitio, and Scipio Africanus
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 17, 271, 310, 315, 323; Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 120; Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 104, 109, 127, 128, 130; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 94; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 102; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 180; Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 126; Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 126, 127; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 123; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 387; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 46, 245, 246; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 78; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 105, 108; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 292; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 208; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 78; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 17, 271, 310, 315, 323
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38. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, apotheosis of • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 288, 289, 290, 291, 294, 298, 303, 312; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 288, 289, 290, 291, 294, 298, 303, 312
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39. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 293, 294, 301; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 293, 294, 301
|
40. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 294; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 294
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41. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 290, 293; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 290, 293
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42. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 1.7, 1.70, 2.6, 2.26 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas • Scipio the Elder, father of Africanus
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 309, 312, 314, 316, 318, 319, 320; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 309, 312, 314, 316, 318, 319, 320
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2.6 \xa0The poetry of Homer, however, I\xa0look upon as alone truly noble and lofty and suited to a king, worthy of the attention of a real man, particularly if he expects to rule over all the peoples of the earth â\x80\x94 or at any rate over most of them, and those the most prominent â\x80\x94 if he is to be, in the strict sense of the term, what Homer calls a 'shepherd of the people.' Or would it not be absurd for a king to refuse to use any horse but the best and yet, when it is a question of poets, to read the poorer ones as though he had nothing else to do? <" 2.26 \xa0Nor, again, is it necessary that he study philosophy to the point of perfecting himself in it; he need only live simply and without affectation, to give proof by his very conduct of a character that is humane, gentle, just, lofty, and brave as well, and, above all, one that takes delight in bestowing benefits â\x80\x94 a\xa0trait which approaches most nearly to the nature divine. He should, indeed, lend a willing ear to the teachings of philosophy whenever opportunity offers, inasmuch as these are manifestly not opposed to his own character but in accord with it; <' " None |
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43. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 13.67 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • North Africa, inscriptions • North Africa, synagogue sites in
Found in books: Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 202; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 96
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13.67 δέομαι συγχωρῆσαί μοι τὸ ἀδέσποτον ἀνακαθάραντι ἱερὸν καὶ συμπεπτωκὸς οἰκοδομῆσαι ναὸν τῷ μεγίστῳ θεῷ καθ' ὁμοίωσιν τοῦ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις αὐτοῖς μέτροις ὑπὲρ σοῦ καὶ τῆς σῆς γυναικὸς καὶ τῶν τέκνων, ἵν' ἔχωσιν οἱ τὴν Αἴγυπτον κατοικοῦντες ̓Ιουδαῖοι εἰς αὐτὸ συνιόντες κατὰ τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὁμόνοιαν ταῖς σαῖς ἐξυπηρετεῖν χρείαις:"" None | sup>
13.67 I desire therefore that you will grant me leave to purge this holy place, which belongs to no master, and is fallen down, and to build there a temple to Almighty God, after the pattern of that in Jerusalem, and of the same dimensions, that may be for the benefit of thyself, and thy wife and children, that those Jews which dwell in Egypt may have a place whither they may come and meet together in mutual harmony one with another, and he subservient to thy advantages;'' None |
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44. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 7.427 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • North Africa, inscriptions • North Africa, synagogue sites in
Found in books: Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 202; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 96
sup>
7.427 φρούριον ἔνθα κατασκευασάμενος ̓Ονίας τὸν μὲν ναὸν οὐχ ὅμοιον ᾠκοδόμησε τῷ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις, ἀλλὰ πύργῳ παραπλήσιον λίθων μεγάλων εἰς ἑξήκοντα πήχεις ἀνεστηκότα:'' None | sup>
7.427 where Onias built a fortress and a temple, not like to that at Jerusalem, but such as resembled a tower. He built it of large stones to the height of sixty cubits;'' None |
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45. Lucan, Pharsalia, 4.678-4.679, 7.799, 8.283, 8.422, 8.438-8.439, 8.444-8.447, 9.961-9.999, 10.20-10.52, 10.109-10.333 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Africa, in the Ph. • Africans • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P. (Maior) • Curio, landing in Africa • Libya (see also Africa) • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio (Africanus) • Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, apotheosis of • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 91; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269, 292, 293, 294, 299, 310, 313; Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 191; Fabre-Serris et al. (2021), Identities, Ethnicities and Gender in Antiquity, 260; Hubbard (2014), A Companion to Greek and Roman Sexualities, 406; Joseph (2022), Thunder and Lament: Lucan on the Beginnings and Ends of Epic, 159, 163, 164; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 21; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 121, 123; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269, 292, 293, 294, 299, 310, 313
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4.678 He touched his parent, fresh from her embrace Renewed in rigour he should rise again. In yonder cave he dwelt, 'neath yonder rock He made his feast on lions slain in chase: There slept he; not on skins of beasts, or leaves, But fed his strength upon the naked earth. Perished the Libyan hinds and those who came, Brought here in ships, until he scorned at length The earth that gave him strength, and on his feet Invincible and with unaided might " "
7.799 When thou art present. Then upon his steed, Though fearing not the weapons at his back, Pompeius fled, his mighty soul prepared To meet his destinies. No groan nor tear, But solemn grief as for the fates of Rome, Was in his visage, and with mien unchanged He saw Pharsalia's woes, above the frowns Or smiles of Fortune; in triumphant days And in his fall, her master. The burden laid of thine impending fate, thou partest free " "
8.438 Shall battering engine or machine of war Dash down the rampart; and whate'er avails To stop their arrows, battles like a wall. Wide sweep their horsemen, fleeting in attack And light in onset, and their troops shall yield A camp, not take it: poisoned are their shafts; Nor do they dare a combat hand to hand; But as the winds may suffer, from afar They draw their bows at venture. Brave men love The sword which, wielded by a stalwart arm, " "
8.444 Drives home the blow and makes the battle sure. Not such their weapons; and the first assault Shall force the flying Mede with coward hand And empty quiver from the field. His faith In poisoned blades is placed; but trustest thou Those who without such aid refuse the war? For such alliance wilt thou risk a death, With all the world between thee and thy home? Shall some barbarian earth or lowly grave Enclose thee perishing? E'en that were shame " "
9.961 No draught in poisonous cups from ripened plants of direst growth Sabaean wizards brew. Lo! Upon branchless trunk a serpent, named By Libyans Jaculus, rose in coils to dart His venom from afar. Through Paullus' brain It rushed, nor stayed; for in the wound itself Was death. Then did they know how slowly flies, Flung from a sling, the stone; how gently speed Through air the shafts of Scythia. What availed, Murrus, the lance by which thou didst transfix " "9.970 A Basilisk? Swift through the weapon ran The poison to his hand: he draws his sword And severs arm and shoulder at a blow: Then gazed secure upon his severed hand Which perished as he looked. So had'st thou died, And such had been thy fate! Whoe'er had thought A scorpion had strength o'er death or fate? Yet with his threatening coils and barb erect He won the glory of Orion slain; So bear the stars their witness. And who would fear " "9.979 A Basilisk? Swift through the weapon ran The poison to his hand: he draws his sword And severs arm and shoulder at a blow: Then gazed secure upon his severed hand Which perished as he looked. So had'st thou died, And such had been thy fate! Whoe'er had thought A scorpion had strength o'er death or fate? Yet with his threatening coils and barb erect He won the glory of Orion slain; So bear the stars their witness. And who would fear " '9.980 Thy haunts, Salpuga? Yet the Stygian Maids Have given thee power to snap the fatal threads. Thus nor the day with brightness, nor the night With darkness gave them peace. The very earth On which they lay they feared; nor leaves nor straw They piled for couches, but upon the ground Unshielded from the fates they laid their limbs, Cherished beneath whose warmth in chill of night The frozen pests found shelter; in whose jaws Harmless the while, the lurking venom slept. 9.990 Nor did they know the measure of their march Accomplished, nor their path; the stars in heaven Their only guide. "Return, ye gods," they cried, In frequent wail, "the arms from which we fled. Give back Thessalia. Sworn to meet the sword Why, lingering, fall we thus? In Caesar\'s place The thirsty Dipsas and the horned snakeNow wage the warfare. Rather let us seek That region by the horses of the sun Scorched, and the zone most torrid: let us fall 9.999 Nor did they know the measure of their march Accomplished, nor their path; the stars in heaven Their only guide. "Return, ye gods," they cried, In frequent wail, "the arms from which we fled. Give back Thessalia. Sworn to meet the sword Why, lingering, fall we thus? In Caesar\'s place The thirsty Dipsas and the horned snakeNow wage the warfare. Rather let us seek That region by the horses of the sun Scorched, and the zone most torrid: let us fall ' "
10.20 Nor city ramparts: but in greed of gain He sought the cave dug out amid the tombs. The madman offspring there of Philip lies The famed Pellaean robber, fortune's friend, Snatched off by fate, avenging so the world. In sacred sepulchre the hero's limbs, Which should be scattered o'er the earth, repose, Still spared by Fortune to these tyrant days: For in a world to freedom once recalled, All men had mocked the dust of him who set " "10.29 Nor city ramparts: but in greed of gain He sought the cave dug out amid the tombs. The madman offspring there of Philip lies The famed Pellaean robber, fortune's friend, Snatched off by fate, avenging so the world. In sacred sepulchre the hero's limbs, Which should be scattered o'er the earth, repose, Still spared by Fortune to these tyrant days: For in a world to freedom once recalled, All men had mocked the dust of him who set " '10.30 The baneful lesson that so many lands Can serve one master. Macedon he left His home obscure; Athena he despised The conquest of his sire, and spurred by fate Through Asia rushed with havoc of mankind, Plunging his sword through peoples; streams unknown Ran red with Persian and with Indian blood. Curse of all earth and thunderbolt of ill To every nation! On the outer sea He launched his fleet to sail the ocean wave: 10.39 The baneful lesson that so many lands Can serve one master. Macedon he left His home obscure; Athena he despised The conquest of his sire, and spurred by fate Through Asia rushed with havoc of mankind, Plunging his sword through peoples; streams unknown Ran red with Persian and with Indian blood. Curse of all earth and thunderbolt of ill To every nation! On the outer sea He launched his fleet to sail the ocean wave: ' "10.40 Nor flame nor flood nor sterile Libyan sands Stayed back his course, nor Hammon's pathless shoals; Far to the west, where downward slopes the world He would have led his armies, and the poles Had compassed, and had drunk the fount of Nile: But came his latest day; such end alone Could nature place upon the madman king, Who jealous in death as when he won the world His empire with him took, nor left an heir. Thus every city to the spoiler's hand " "10.49 Nor flame nor flood nor sterile Libyan sands Stayed back his course, nor Hammon's pathless shoals; Far to the west, where downward slopes the world He would have led his armies, and the poles Had compassed, and had drunk the fount of Nile: But came his latest day; such end alone Could nature place upon the madman king, Who jealous in death as when he won the world His empire with him took, nor left an heir. Thus every city to the spoiler's hand " '10.50 Was victim made: Yet in his fall was his Babylon; and Parthia feared him. Shame on us That eastern nations dreaded more the lance of Macedon than now the Roman spear. True that we rule beyond where takes its rise The burning southern breeze, beyond the homes of western winds, and to the northern star; But towards the rising of the sun, we yield To him who kept the Arsacids in awe; And puny Pella held as province sure 10.52 Was victim made: Yet in his fall was his Babylon; and Parthia feared him. Shame on us That eastern nations dreaded more the lance of Macedon than now the Roman spear. True that we rule beyond where takes its rise The burning southern breeze, beyond the homes of western winds, and to the northern star; But towards the rising of the sun, we yield To him who kept the Arsacids in awe; And puny Pella held as province sure ' "
10.109 Be due, give ear. of Lagian race am I offspring illustrious; from my father's throne Cast forth to banishment; unless thy hand Restore to me the sceptre: then a Queen Falls at thy feet embracing. To our race Bright star of justice thou! Nor first shall I As woman rule the cities of the Nile; For, neither sex preferring, Pharos bows To queenly goverce. of my parted sire Read the last words, by which 'tis mine to share " "10.110 With equal rights the kingdom and the bed. And loves the boy his sister, were he free; But his affections and his sword alike Pothinus orders. Nor wish I myself To wield my father's power; but this my prayer: Save from this foul disgrace our royal house, Bid that the king shall reign, and from the court Remove this hateful varlet, and his arms. How swells his bosom for that his the hand That shore Pompeius' head! And now he threats " "10.119 With equal rights the kingdom and the bed. And loves the boy his sister, were he free; But his affections and his sword alike Pothinus orders. Nor wish I myself To wield my father's power; but this my prayer: Save from this foul disgrace our royal house, Bid that the king shall reign, and from the court Remove this hateful varlet, and his arms. How swells his bosom for that his the hand That shore Pompeius' head! And now he threats " '10.120 Thee, Caesar, also; which the Fates avert! \'Twas shame enough upon the earth and thee That of Pothinus Magnus should have been The guilt or merit." Caesar\'s ears in vain Had she implored, but aided by her charms The wanton\'s prayers prevailed, and by a night of shame ineffable, passed with her judge, She won his favour. When between the pair Caesar had made a peace, by costliest gifts Purchased, a banquet of such glad event 10.130 Made fit memorial; and with pomp the Queen Displayed her luxuries, as yet unknown To Roman fashions. First uprose the hall Like to a fane which this corrupted age Could scarcely rear: the lofty ceiling shone With richest tracery, the beams were bound In golden coverings; no scant veneer Lay on its walls, but built in solid blocks of marble, gleamed the palace. Agate stood In sturdy columns, bearing up the roof; 10.139 Made fit memorial; and with pomp the Queen Displayed her luxuries, as yet unknown To Roman fashions. First uprose the hall Like to a fane which this corrupted age Could scarcely rear: the lofty ceiling shone With richest tracery, the beams were bound In golden coverings; no scant veneer Lay on its walls, but built in solid blocks of marble, gleamed the palace. Agate stood In sturdy columns, bearing up the roof; ' "10.140 Onyx and porphyry on the spacious floor Were trodden 'neath the foot; the mighty gates of Maroe's throughout were formed, He mere adornment; ivory clothed the hall, And fixed upon the doors with labour rare Shells of the tortoise gleamed, from Indian Seas, With frequent emeralds studded. Gems of price And yellow jasper on the couches shone. Lustrous the coverlets; the major part Dipped more than once within the vats of Tyre" "10.149 Onyx and porphyry on the spacious floor Were trodden 'neath the foot; the mighty gates of Maroe's throughout were formed, He mere adornment; ivory clothed the hall, And fixed upon the doors with labour rare Shells of the tortoise gleamed, from Indian Seas, With frequent emeralds studded. Gems of price And yellow jasper on the couches shone. Lustrous the coverlets; the major part Dipped more than once within the vats of Tyre" '10.150 Had drunk their juice: part feathered as with gold; Part crimson dyed, in manner as are passed Through Pharian leash the threads. There waited slaves In number as a people, some in ranks By different blood distinguished, some by age; This band with Libyan, that with auburn hair Red so that Caesar on the banks of RhineNone such had witnessed; some with features scorched By torrid suns, their locks in twisted coils Drawn from their foreheads. Eunuchs too were there, 10.160 Unhappy race; and on the other side Men of full age whose cheeks with growth of hair Were hardly darkened. Upon either hand Lay kings, and Caesar in the midst supreme. There in her fatal beauty lay the Queen Thick daubed with unguents, nor with throne content Nor with her brother spouse; laden she lay On neck and hair with all the Red Sea spoils, And faint beneath the weight of gems and gold. Her snowy breast shone through Sidonian lawn 10.170 Which woven close by shuttles of the east The art of Nile had loosened. Ivory feet Bore citron tables brought from woods that wave On Atlas, such as Caesar never saw When Juba was his captive. Blind in soul By madness of ambition, thus to fire By such profusion of her wealth, the mind of Caesar armed, her guest in civil war! Not though he aimed with pitiless hand to grasp The riches of a world; not though were here 10.179 Which woven close by shuttles of the east The art of Nile had loosened. Ivory feet Bore citron tables brought from woods that wave On Atlas, such as Caesar never saw When Juba was his captive. Blind in soul By madness of ambition, thus to fire By such profusion of her wealth, the mind of Caesar armed, her guest in civil war! Not though he aimed with pitiless hand to grasp The riches of a world; not though were here ' "10.180 Those ancient leaders of the simple age, Fabricius or Curius stern of soul, Or he who, Consul, left in sordid garb His Tuscan plough, could all their several hopes Have risen to such spoil. On plates of gold They piled the banquet sought in earth and air And from the deepest seas and Nilus' waves, Through all the world; in craving for display, No hunger urging. Frequent birds and beasts, Egypt's high gods, they placed upon the board: " "10.190 In crystal goblets water of the NileThey handed, and in massive cups of price Was poured the wine; no juice of Mareot grape But noble vintage of Falernian growth Which in few years in Meroe's vats had foamed, (For such the clime) to ripeness. On their brows Chaplets were placed of roses ever young With glistening nard entwined; and in their locks Was cinnamon infused, not yet in air Its fragrance perished, nor in foreign climes; " "10.199 In crystal goblets water of the NileThey handed, and in massive cups of price Was poured the wine; no juice of Mareot grape But noble vintage of Falernian growth Which in few years in Meroe's vats had foamed, (For such the clime) to ripeness. On their brows Chaplets were placed of roses ever young With glistening nard entwined; and in their locks Was cinnamon infused, not yet in air Its fragrance perished, nor in foreign climes; " 10.200 And rich amomum from the neighbouring fields. Thus Caesar learned the booty of a world To lavish, and his breast was shamed of war Waged with his son-in-law for meagre spoil, And with the Pharian realm he longed to find A cause of battle. When of wine and feast They wearied and their pleasure found an end, Caesar drew out in colloquy the night Thus with Achoreus, on the highest couch With linen ephod as a priest begirt:
10.209 And rich amomum from the neighbouring fields. Thus Caesar learned the booty of a world To lavish, and his breast was shamed of war Waged with his son-in-law for meagre spoil, And with the Pharian realm he longed to find A cause of battle. When of wine and feast They wearied and their pleasure found an end, Caesar drew out in colloquy the night Thus with Achoreus, on the highest couch With linen ephod as a priest begirt: ' "10.210 O thou devoted to all sacred rites, Loved by the gods, as proves thy length of days, Tell, if thou wilt, whence sprang the Pharian race; How lie their lands, the manners of their tribes, The form and worship of their deities. Expound the sculptures on your ancient fanes: Reveal your gods if willing to be known: If to th' Athenian sage your fathers taught Their mysteries, who worthier than I To bear in trust the secrets of the world? " "10.220 True, by the rumour of my kinsman's flight Here was I drawn; yet also by your fame: And even in the midst of war's alarms The stars and heavenly spaces have I conned; Nor shall Eudoxus' year excel mine own. But though such ardour burns within my breast, Such zeal to know the truth, yet my chief wish To learn the source of your mysterious flood Through ages hidden: give me certain hope To see the fount of Nile — and civil war " "10.229 True, by the rumour of my kinsman's flight Here was I drawn; yet also by your fame: And even in the midst of war's alarms The stars and heavenly spaces have I conned; Nor shall Eudoxus' year excel mine own. But though such ardour burns within my breast, Such zeal to know the truth, yet my chief wish To learn the source of your mysterious flood Through ages hidden: give me certain hope To see the fount of Nile — and civil war " '10.230 Then shall I leave." He spake, and then the priest: "The secrets, Caesar, of our mighty sires Kept from the common people until now I hold it right to utter. Some may deem That silence on these wonders of the earth Were greater piety. But to the gods I hold it grateful that their handiwork And sacred edicts should be known to men. "A different power by the primal law, Each star possesses: these alone control 10.239 Then shall I leave." He spake, and then the priest: "The secrets, Caesar, of our mighty sires Kept from the common people until now I hold it right to utter. Some may deem That silence on these wonders of the earth Were greater piety. But to the gods I hold it grateful that their handiwork And sacred edicts should be known to men. "A different power by the primal law, Each star possesses: these alone control ' "10.240 The movement of the sky, with adverse force Opposing: while the sun divides the year, And day from night, and by his potent rays Forbids the stars to pass their stated course. The moon by her alternate phases sets The varying limits of the sea and shore. 'Neath Saturn's sway the zone of ice and snow Has passed; while Mars in lightning's fitful flames And winds abounds' beneath high JupiterUnvexed by storms abides a temperate air; " "10.250 And fruitful Venus' star contains the seeds of all things. Ruler of the boundless deep The god Cyllenian: whene'er he holds That part of heaven where the Lion dwells With neighbouring Cancer joined, and Sirius star Flames in its fury; where the circular path (Which marks the changes of the varying year) Gives to hot Cancer and to CapricornTheir several stations, under which doth lie The fount of Nile, he, master of the waves, " "10.259 And fruitful Venus' star contains the seeds of all things. Ruler of the boundless deep The god Cyllenian: whene'er he holds That part of heaven where the Lion dwells With neighbouring Cancer joined, and Sirius star Flames in its fury; where the circular path (Which marks the changes of the varying year) Gives to hot Cancer and to CapricornTheir several stations, under which doth lie The fount of Nile, he, master of the waves, " '10.260 Strikes with his beam the waters. Forth the stream Brims from his fount, as Ocean when the moon Commands an increase; nor shall curb his flow Till night wins back her losses from the sun. "Vain is the ancient faith that Ethiop snows Send Nile abundant forth upon the lands. Those mountains know nor northern wind nor star. of this are proof the breezes of the South, Fraught with warm vapours, and the people\'s hue Burned dark by suns: and \'tis in time of spring, 10.270 When first are thawed the snows, that ice-fed streams In swollen torrents tumble; but the NileNor lifts his wave before the Dog-star burns; Nor seeks again his banks, until the sun In equal balance measures night and day. Nor are the laws that govern other streams Obeyed by Nile. For in the wintry year Were he in flood, when distant far the sun, His waters lacked their office; but he leaves His channel when the summer is at height, 10.279 When first are thawed the snows, that ice-fed streams In swollen torrents tumble; but the NileNor lifts his wave before the Dog-star burns; Nor seeks again his banks, until the sun In equal balance measures night and day. Nor are the laws that govern other streams Obeyed by Nile. For in the wintry year Were he in flood, when distant far the sun, His waters lacked their office; but he leaves His channel when the summer is at height, ' "10.280 Tempering the torrid heat of Egypt's clime. Such is the task of Nile; thus in the world He finds his purpose, lest exceeding heat Consume the lands: and rising thus to meet Enkindled Lion, to Syene's prayers By Cancer burnt gives ear; nor curbs his wave Till the slant sun and Meroe's lengthening shades Proclaim the autumn. Who shall give the cause? 'Twas Parent Nature's self which gave command Thus for the needs of earth should flow the Nile. " "10.289 Tempering the torrid heat of Egypt's clime. Such is the task of Nile; thus in the world He finds his purpose, lest exceeding heat Consume the lands: and rising thus to meet Enkindled Lion, to Syene's prayers By Cancer burnt gives ear; nor curbs his wave Till the slant sun and Meroe's lengthening shades Proclaim the autumn. Who shall give the cause? 'Twas Parent Nature's self which gave command Thus for the needs of earth should flow the Nile. " '10.290 Vain too the fable that the western winds Control his current, in continuous course At stated seasons governing the air; Or hurrying from Occident to South Clouds without number which in misty folds Press on the waters; or by constant blast, Forcing his current back whose several mouths Burst on the sea; — so, forced by seas and wind, Men say, his billows pour upon the land. Some speak of hollow caverns, breathing holes 10.299 Vain too the fable that the western winds Control his current, in continuous course At stated seasons governing the air; Or hurrying from Occident to South Clouds without number which in misty folds Press on the waters; or by constant blast, Forcing his current back whose several mouths Burst on the sea; — so, forced by seas and wind, Men say, his billows pour upon the land. Some speak of hollow caverns, breathing holes ' "10.300 Deep in the earth, within whose mighty jaws Waters in noiseless current underneath From northern cold to southern climes are drawn: And when hot Meroe pants beneath the sun, Then, say they, Ganges through the silent depths And Padus pass: and from a single fount The Nile arising not in single streams Pours all the rivers forth. And rumour says That when the sea which girdles in the world O'erflows, thence rushes Nile, by lengthy course, " "10.309 Deep in the earth, within whose mighty jaws Waters in noiseless current underneath From northern cold to southern climes are drawn: And when hot Meroe pants beneath the sun, Then, say they, Ganges through the silent depths And Padus pass: and from a single fount The Nile arising not in single streams Pours all the rivers forth. And rumour says That when the sea which girdles in the world O'erflows, thence rushes Nile, by lengthy course, " '10.310 Softening his saltness. More, if it be true That ocean feeds the sun and heavenly fires, Then Phoebus journeying by the burning Crab Sucks from its waters more than air can hold Upon his passage — this the cool of night Pours on the Nile. "If, Caesar, \'tis my part To judge such difference, \'twould seem that since Creation\'s age has passed, earth\'s veins by chance Some waters hold, and shaken cast them forth: But others took when first the globe was formed 10.320 A sure abode; by Him who framed the world Fixed with the Universe. "And, Roman, thou, In thirsting thus to know the source of NileDost as the Pharian and Persian kings And those of Macedon; nor any age Refused the secret, but the place prevailed Remote by nature. Greatest of the kings By Memphis worshipped, Alexander grudged To Nile its mystery, and to furthest earth Sent chosen Ethiops whom the crimson zone 10.329 A sure abode; by Him who framed the world Fixed with the Universe. "And, Roman, thou, In thirsting thus to know the source of NileDost as the Pharian and Persian kings And those of Macedon; nor any age Refused the secret, but the place prevailed Remote by nature. Greatest of the kings By Memphis worshipped, Alexander grudged To Nile its mystery, and to furthest earth Sent chosen Ethiops whom the crimson zone ' "10.330 Stayed in their further march, while flowed his stream Warm at their feet. Sesostris westward far Reached, to the ends of earth; and necks of kings Bent 'neath his chariot yoke: but of the springs Which fill your rivers, Rhone and Po, he drank. Not of the fount of Nile. Cambyses king In madman quest led forth his host to where The long-lived races dwell: then famine struck, Ate of his dead and, Nile unknown, returned. No lying rumour of thy hidden source " "10.333 Stayed in their further march, while flowed his stream Warm at their feet. Sesostris westward far Reached, to the ends of earth; and necks of kings Bent 'neath his chariot yoke: but of the springs Which fill your rivers, Rhone and Po, he drank. Not of the fount of Nile. Cambyses king In madman quest led forth his host to where The long-lived races dwell: then famine struck, Ate of his dead and, Nile unknown, returned. No lying rumour of thy hidden source " " None |
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46. New Testament, Matthew, 24.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Donatism, African theology • leaves Africa for Nicomedia, probable source about Porphyry
Found in books: Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 972; Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 221
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24.16 τότε οἱ ἐν τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ φευγέτωσαν εἰς τὰ ὄρη,'' None | sup>
24.16 then let those who are in Judea flee to the mountains. '' None |
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47. Plutarch, Lucullus, 41.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269
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41.2 τὸν οὖν Λούκουλλον εἰπεῖν μειδιάσαντα πρὸς αὐτούς· γίνεται μέν τι τούτων καὶ διʼ ὑμᾶς, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἕλληνες· τὰ μέντοι πλεῖστα γίνεται διὰ Λούκουλλον. ἐπεὶ δὲ μόνου δειπνοῦντος αὐτοῦ μία τράπεζα καὶ μέτριον παρεσκευάσθη δεῖπνον, ἠγανάκτει καλέσας τὸν ἐπὶ τούτῳ τεταγμένον οἰκέτην. τοῦ δὲ φήσαντος, ὡς οὐκ ᾤετο μηδενὸς κεκλημένου πολυτελοῦς τινος αὐτὸν δεήσεσθαι τί λέγεις; εἶπεν, οὐκ ᾔδεις, ὅτι σήμερον παρὰ Λουκούλλῳ δειπνεῖ Λούκουλλος;'' None | sup>
41.2 '' None |
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48. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 82.4-82.5, 91.17, 94.62-94.63 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, apotheosis of • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 298, 310, 311; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 298, 310, 311
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82.4 Do you ask who are my pacemakers? One is enough for me, – the slave Pharius, a pleasant fellow, as you know; but I shall exchange him for another. At my time of life I need one who is of still more tender years. Pharius, at any rate, says that he and I are at the same period of life; for we are both losing our teeth.3 Yet even now I can scarcely follow his pace as he runs, and within a very short time I shall not be able to follow him at all; so you see what profit we get from daily exercise. Very soon does a wide interval open between two persons who travel different ways. My slave is climbing up at the very moment when I am coming down, and you surely know how much quicker the latter is. Nay, I was wrong; for now my life is not coming down; it is falling outright.
82.4 What then is the advantage of retirement? As if the real causes of our anxieties did not follow us across the seas! What hiding-place is there, where the fear of death does not enter? What peaceful haunts are there, so fortified and so far withdrawn that pain does not fill them with fear? Wherever you hide yourself, human ills will make an uproar all around. There are many external things which compass us about, to deceive us or to weigh upon us; there are many things within which, even amid solitude, fret and ferment. 82.5 Do you ask, for all that, how our race resulted to-day? We raced to a tie,4– something which rarely happens in a running contest. After tiring myself out in this way (for I cannot call it exercise), I took a cold bath; this, at my house, means just short of hot. I, the former cold-water enthusiast, who used to celebrate the new year by taking a plunge into the canal, who, just as naturally as I would set out to do some reading or writing, or to compose a speech, used to inaugurate the first of the year with a plunge into the Virgo aqueduct,5 have changed my allegiance, first to the Tiber, and then to my favourite tank, which is warmed only by the sun, at times when I am most robust and when there is not a flaw in my bodily processes. I have very little energy left for bathing. ' "82.5 Therefore, gird yourself about with philosophy, an impregnable wall. Though it be assaulted by many engines, Fortune can find no passage into it. The soul stands on unassailable ground, if it has abandoned external things; it is independent in its own fortress; and every weapon that is hurled falls short of the mark. Fortune has not the long reach with which we credit her; she can seize none except him that clings to her.
94.62 Alexander was hounded into misfortune and dispatched to unknown countries by a mad desire to lay waste other men's territory. Do you believe that the man was in his senses who could begin by devastating Greece, the land where he received his education? One who snatched away the dearest guerdon of each nation, bidding Spartans be slaves, and Athenians hold their tongues? Not content with the ruin of all the states which Philip had either conquered or bribed into bondage,31 he overthrew various commonwealths in various places and carried his weapons all over the world; his cruelty was tired, but it never ceased – like a wild beast that tears to pieces more than its hunger demands. " 94.62 That which leads to a general agreement, and likewise to a perfect one,27 is an assured belief in certain facts; but if, lacking this assurance, all things are adrift in our minds, then doctrines are indispensable; for they give to our minds the means of unswerving decision. 94.63 Already he has joined many kingdoms into one kingdom; already Greeks and Persians fear the same lord; already nations Darius had left free submit to the yoke:32 yet he passes beyond the Ocean and the Sun, deeming it shame that he should shift his course of victory from the paths which Hercules and Bacchus had trod;33 he threatens violence to Nature herself. He does not wish to go; but he cannot stay; he is like a weight that falls headlong, its course ending only when it lies motionless. 94.63 Furthermore, when we advise a man to regard his friends as highly as himself, to reflect that an enemy may become a friend,28 to stimulate love in the friend, and to check hatred in the enemy, we add: "This is just and honourable." Now the just and honourable element in our doctrines is embraced by reason; hence reason is necessary; for without it the doctrines cannot exist, either. ' ' None |
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49. Tacitus, Annals, 2.59.1, 16.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa, Africans • Scipio (Africanus) • Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, P.
Found in books: Blum and Biggs (2019), The Epic Journey in Greek and Roman Literature, 197; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 146; Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 543; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 116
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16.6 Post finem ludicri Poppaea mortem obiit, fortuita mariti iracundia, a quo gravida ictu calcis adflicta est. neque enim venenum crediderim, quamvis quidam scriptores tradant, odio magis quam ex fide: quippe liberorum cupiens et amori uxoris obnoxius erat. corpus non igni abolitum, ut Romanus mos, sed regum externorum consuetudine differtum odoribus conditur tumuloque Iuliorum infertur. ductae tamen publicae exequiae laudavitque ipse apud rostra formam eius et quod divinae infantis parens fuisset aliaque fortunae munera pro virtutibus.' ' None | sup>
16.6 \xa0After the close of the festival, Poppaea met her end through a chance outburst of anger on the part of her husband, who felled her with a kick during pregcy. That poison played its part I\xa0am unable to believe, though the assertion is made by some writers less from conviction than from hatred; for Nero was desirous of children, and love for his wife was a ruling passion. The body was not cremated in the Roman style, but, in conformity with the practice of foreign courts, was embalmed by stuffing with spices, then laid to rest in the mausoleum of the Julian race. Still, a public funeral was held; and the emperor at the Rostra eulogized her beauty, the fact that she had been the mother of an infant daughter now divine, and other favours of fortune which did duty for virtues. <' ' None |
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50. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, apotheosis of • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas • Scipio the Elder, father of Africanus
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 299, 300, 310, 315; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 299, 300, 310, 315
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51. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 314; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 314
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52. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Scipio (Africanus) • Scipio Africanus, triumph of
Found in books: Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 264; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 128
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53. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P., his triumph • North Africa, Roman • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio (Africanus) • Scipio (Africanus), The Younger • Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, and Caesar • Scipio Africanus, and Fabius • Scipio Africanus, apotheosis • Scipio Africanus, apotheosis of • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas • Scipio Africanus, triumph of • Scipio the Elder, father of Africanus • Scipio the Elder, father of Scipio Africanus • dress, African
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 82, 91, 92, 93, 165, 171, 180; Arampapaslis, Augoustakis, Froedge, Schroer (2023), Dynamics of Marginality: Liminal Characters and Marginal Groups in Neronian and Flavian Literature. 131, 132; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 17, 18, 252, 253, 264, 269, 271, 272, 275, 287, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294, 295, 296, 297, 298, 299, 300, 301, 302, 303, 306, 308, 311, 312, 313, 314, 315, 316, 317, 318, 319, 322, 323; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 109, 135, 179, 180, 181, 196, 202; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 270; Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 657; Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 254, 255, 256, 263, 264, 265, 267, 268, 270; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 95, 96, 100, 101, 102, 103, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 113, 116, 117, 119, 120, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 131; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 206; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 17, 18, 252, 253, 264, 269, 271, 272, 275, 287, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294, 295, 296, 297, 298, 299, 300, 301, 302, 303, 306, 308, 311, 312, 313, 314, 315, 316, 317, 318, 319, 322, 323
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54. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 17, 296, 301; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 17, 296, 301
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55. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, apotheosis of • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269, 297, 298, 301, 302, 314; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269, 297, 298, 301, 302, 314
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56. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P. (Maior) • Scipio (Africanus) • Scipio Africanus, and Caesar • Scipio Africanus, triumph of
Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 175, 180; Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 268; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 76; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 21; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 113, 131
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57. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julius Africanus • North Africa
Found in books: Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 37; Mendez (2022), The Cult of Stephen in Jerusalem: Inventing a Patron Martyr, 75
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58. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Arnobius, life and background, African background • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas • Scipio the Elder, father of Africanus • Simitthu (Chemtou), city in Roman North Africa, Numidian marble quarries at
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 315; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 274; Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 107; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 315
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59. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas • Scipio the Elder, father of Africanus
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 309, 312, 320, 321, 323; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 309, 312, 320, 321, 323
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60. Athenagoras, Apology Or Embassy For The Christians, 26 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • North Africa • North Africa, Roman • dress, African
Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 291; Reed (2005), Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature. 152
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26 They who draw men to idols, then, are the aforesaid demons, who are eager for the blood of the sacrifices, and lick them; but the gods that please the multitude, and whose names are given to the images, were men, as may be learned from their history. And that it is the demons who act under their names, is proved by the nature of their operations. For some castrate, as Rhea; others wound and slaughter, as Artemis; the Tauric goddess puts all strangers to death. I pass over those who lacerate with knives and scourges of bones, and shall not attempt to describe all the kinds of demons; for it is not the part of a god to incite to things against nature. But when the demon plots against a man, He first inflicts some hurt upon his mind. But God, being perfectly good, is eternally doing good. That, moreover, those who exert the power are not the same as those to whom the statues are erected, very strong evidence is afforded by Troas and Parium. The one has statues of Neryllinus, a man of our own times; and Parium of Alexander and Proteus: both the sepulchre and the statue of Alexander are still in the forum. The other statues of Neryllinus, then, are a public ornament, if indeed a city can be adorned by such objects as these; but one of them is supposed to utter oracles and to heal the sick, and on this account the people of the Troad offer sacrifices to this statue, and overlay it with gold, and hang chaplets upon it. But of the statues of Alexander and Proteus (the latter, you are aware, threw himself into the fire near Olympia), that of Proteus is likewise said to utter oracles; and to that of Alexander - Wretched Paris, though in form so fair, You slave of woman - sacrifices are offered and festivals are held at the public cost, as to a god who can hear. Is it, then, Neryllinus, and Proteus, and Alexander who exert these energies in connection with the statues, or is it the nature of the matter itself? But the matter is brass. And what can brass do of itself, which may be made again into a different form, as Amasis treated the footpan, as told by Herodotus? And Neryllinus, and Proteus, and Alexander, what good are they to the sick? For what the image is said now to effect, it effected when Neryllinus was alive and sick. '' None |
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61. Cassius Dio, Roman History, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P., forbids images to himself • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P., image in Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio Aemilianus, P. Cornelius (Africanus the younger) • Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas • Scipio the Elder, father of Africanus
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 315; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 135; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 173; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 292; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 123; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 315
| 43.45.3 \xa0Another likeness they set up in the temple of Quirinus with the inscription, "To the Invincible God," and another on the Capitol beside the former kings of Rome. 43.45.4 \xa0Now it occurs to me to marvel at the coincidence: there were eight such statues, â\x80\x94 seven to the kings, and an eighth to the Brutus who overthrew the Tarquins, â\x80\x94 and they set up the statue of Caesar beside the last of these; and it was from this cause chiefly that the other Brutus, Marcus, was roused to plot against him. 44.4.4 \xa0In addition to these remarkable privileges they named him father of his country, stamped this title on the coinage, voted to celebrate his birthday by public sacrifice, ordered that he should have a statue in the cities and in all the temples of Rome, 51.19.2 \xa0Moreover, they decreed that the foundation of the shrine of Julius should be adorned with the beaks of the captured ships and that a festival should be held every four years in honour of Octavius; that there should also be a thanksgiving on his birthday and on the anniversary of the announcement of his victory; also that when he should enter the city the Vestal Virgins and the senate and the people with their wives and children should go out to meet him.' ' None |
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62. Lucian, Dialogues of The Dead, 25 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 324; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 324
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25 Nireus. Thersites. MenippusNi . Here we are; Menippus shall award the palm of beauty. Menippus, am I not better looking than he?Me . Well, who are you? I must know that first, mustn\'t I?Ni . Nireus and Thersites.Me . Which is which? I cannot tell that yet.Ther . One to me; I am like you; you have no such superiority as Homer (blind, by the way) gave you when he called you the handsomest of men; he might peak my head and thin my hair, our judge finds me none the worse. Now, Menippus, make up your mind which is handsomer.Ni . I, of course, I, the son of Aglaia and Charopus,Comeliest of all that came \'neath Trojan walls.Me . But not comeliest of all that come \'neath the earth, as far as I know. Your bones are much like other people\'s; and the only difference between your two skulls is that yours would not take much to stove it in. It is a tender article, something short of masculine.Ni . Ask Homer what I was, when I sailed with the Achaeans.Me . Dreams, dreams. I am looking at what you are; what you were is ancient history.Ni . Am I not handsomer here, Menippus?Me . You are not handsome at all, nor anyone else either. Hades is a democracy; one man is as good as another here.Ther . And a very tolerable arrangement too, if you ask me.H. |
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63. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 2.11, 7.27 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Africa,, repetundae trials • controversy, in North Africa
Found in books: Hanghan (2019), Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus, 139; Hitch (2017), Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world, 139; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 510
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2.11 To Arrianus. I know you are always delighted when the senate behaves in a way befitting its rank, for though your love of peace and quiet has caused you to withdraw from Rome, your anxiety that public life should be kept at a high level is as strong as it ever was. So let me tell you what has been going on during the last few days. The proceedings are memorable owing to the commanding position of the person most concerned; they will have a healthy influence because of the sharp lesson that has been administered; and the importance of the case will make them famous for all time. Marius Priscus, on being accused by the people of Africa, whom he had governed as proconsul, declined to defend himself before the senate and asked to have judges assigned to hear the case. * Cornelius Tacitus and myself were instructed to appear for the provincials, and we came to the conclusion that we were bound in honesty to our clients to notify the senate that the charges of inhumanity and cruelty brought against Priscus were too serious to be heard by a panel of judges, inasmuch as he was accused of having received bribes to condemn and even put to death innocent persons. Fronto Catius spoke in reply, and urged that the prosecution should be confined within the law dealing with extortion Well, the witnesses who were summoned came to Rome, viz., Vitellius Honoratus and Flavius Martianus. Honoratus was charged with having bribed Priscus to the tune of three hundred thousand sesterces to exile a Roman knight and put seven of his friends to death; Martianus was accused of having given Priscus seven hundred thousand sesterces to sentence a single Roman knight to still more grievous punishment, for he was beaten with rods, condemned to the mines, and then strangled in prison. Honoratus - luckily for him - escaped the investigation of the senate by dying; Martianus was brought before them when Priscus was not present. Consequently Tuccius Cerealis, a man of consular rank, pleaded senatorial privileges and demanded that Priscus should be informed of the attendance of Martianus, either because he thought that Priscus by being present would have a better chance of awakening the compassion of the senate or to increase the feeling against him, or possibly, and I think this was his real motive, because strict justice demanded that both should defend themselves against a charge that affected them both, and that both should be punished if they could not rebut the accusation. The subject was postponed to the next meeting of the senate, and a very august assembly it was. The Emperor presided in his capacity as consul; besides, the month of January brings crowds of people to Rome and especially senators, † and moreover the importance of the case, the great notoriety it had obtained, which had been increased by the delays that had taken place, and the ingrained curiosity of all men to get to know all the details of an unusually important matter, had made everybody flock to Rome from all quarters. You can imagine how nervous and anxious we were in having to speak in such a gathering and in the presence of the Emperor on such an important case. It was not the first time that I had pleaded in the senate, and there is nowhere where I get a more sympathetic hearing, but then the novelty of the whole position seemed to afflict me with a feeling of nervousness I had never felt before. For in addition to all that I have mentioned above I kept thinking of the difficulties of the case and was oppressed by the feeling that Priscus, the defendant, had once held consular rank and been one of the seven regulators of the sacred feasts, and was now deprived of both these dignities. † So I found it a very trying task to accuse a man on whom sentence had already been passed, for though the shocking offences with which he was charged weighed heavily against him, he yet was protected to a certain extent by the commiseration felt for a man already condemned to punishment that one might have thought final. However, as soon as I had pulled myself together and collected my thoughts, I began my address, and though I was nervous I was on the best of terms with my audience. I spoke for nearly five hours, for, in addition to the twelve water-clocks - the largest I could get - which had been assigned to me, I obtained four others. And, as matters turned out, everything that I thought before speaking would have proved an obstacle in the way of a good speech really helped me during my address. As for the Emperor, he showed me such kind attention and consideration - for it would be too much to call it anxiety on my behalf - that he frequently nodded to my freedman, who was standing just behind me, to give me a hint not to overtax my voice and lungs, when he thought that I was throwing myself too ardently into my pleading and imposing too great a burden on my slender frame. Claudius Marcellinus answered me on behalf of Martianus, and then the senate was dismissed and met again on the following day. For there was no time to begin a fresh speech, as it would have had to be broken off by the fall of night. On the following day, Salvius Liberalis, a man of shrewd wit, careful in the arrangement of his speeches, with a pointed style and a fund of learning, spoke for Marius, and in his speech he certainly brought out all he knew. Cornelius Tacitus replied to him in a wonderfully eloquent address, characterised by that lofty dignity which is the chief charm of his oratory. Then Fronto Catius made another excellent speech on Marius's behalf, and he spent more time in appeals for mercy than in rebutting evidence, as befitted the part of the case that he had then to deal with. The fall of night terminated his speech but did not break it off altogether, and so the proceedings lasted over into the third day. This was quite fine and just like it used to be for the senate to be interrupted by nightfall, and for the members to be called and sit for three days running. Cornutus Tertullus, the consul-designate, a man of high character and a devoted champion of justice, gave as his opinion that the seven hundred thousand sesterces which Marius had received should be confiscated to the Treasury, that Marius should be banished from Rome and Italy, and that Martianus should be banished from Rome, Italy, and Africa. Towards the conclusion of his speech he added the remark that the senate considered that, since Tacitus and myself, who had been summoned to plead for the provincials, had fulfilled our duties with diligence and fearlessness, we had acted in a manner worthy of the commission entrusted to us. The consuls-designate agreed, and all the consulars did likewise, until it was Pompeius Collega's turn to speak. He proposed that the seven hundred thousand sesterces received by Marius should be confiscated to the Treasury, that Martianus should be banished ‡ for five years, and that Marius should suffer no further penalty than that for extortion - which had already been passed upon him. Opinion was largely divided, and there was possibly a majority in favour of the latter proposal, which was the more lenient or less severe of the two, for even some of those who appeared to have supported Cornutus changed sides and were ready to vote for Collega, who had spoken after them. But when the House divided, those who stood near the seats of the consuls began to cross over to the side of Cornutus. Then those who were allowing themselves to be counted as supporters of Collega also crossed over, and Collega was left with a mere handful. He complained bitterly afterwards of those who had led him to make the proposal he did, especially of Regulus, who had failed to support him in the proposal that he himself had suggested. But Regulus is a fickle fellow, rash to a degree, yet a great coward as well. Such was the close of this most important investigation; but there is still another bit of public business on hand of some consequence, for Hostilius Firminus, the legate of Marius Priscus, who was implicated in the matter, had received a very rough handling. It was proved by the accounts of Martianus and a speech he made in the Council of the Town of Leptis that he had engaged with Priscus in a very shady transaction, that he had bargained to receive from Martianus 50,000 denarii and had received in addition ten million sesterces under the head of perfume money - a most disgraceful thing for a soldier, but one which was not at all inconsistent with his character as a man with well-trimmed hair and polished skin. It was agreed on the motion of Cornutus that the case should be investigated at the next meeting of the senate, but at that meeting he did not put in an appearance, either from some accidental reason or because he knew he was guilty. Well, I have told you the news of Rome, you must write and tell me the news of the country. How are your shrubs getting on, your vines and your crops, and those dainty sheep of yours? In short, unless you send me as long a letter I am sending you, you mustn't expect anything more than the scrappiest note from me in the future. Farewell. " 7.27 To Sura. The leisure we are both of us enjoying gives you an opportunity of imparting, and me an opportunity of receiving, information. So I should very much like to know whether in your opinion there are such things as ghosts, whether you think they have a shape of their own and a touch of the supernatural in them, or whether you consider they are vain, empty shadows and mere creatures of our fears and imaginations. For my own part, I feel led to believe that they have a real existence, and this mainly from what I hear befell Curtius Rufus. * In the days when he was still poor and obscure, he had attached himself to the person of the governor of Africa. One evening at sundown he was walking in the portico, when the figure of a woman - but taller and more beautiful than mortal woman - presented itself before him and told Rufus, who was terrified with fright, that she was Africa and could foretell the future. She declared that he would go to Rome and hold high offices of state, and that he would also return with plenary powers as governor to that same province, and there meet his death. All these details were fulfilled. Moreover, when he was entering Carthage and just stepping out of his ship, the same figure is said to have met him on the beach. Certain it is that when he was attacked by illness, he interpreted the future by the past, and his coming adversity by his present prosperity, and, though none of his people were despairing of his recovery, he cast aside all hope of getting better. Now I want you to consider whether the following story, which I shall tell you just as I heard it, is not even more terrifying and no less wonderful than the other. There stood at Athens a spacious and roomy house, but it had an evil reputation of being fatal to those who lived in it. In the silence of the night the clank of iron and, if you listened with closer attention, the rattle of chains were heard, the sound coming first from a distance and afterwards quite close at hand. Then appeared the ghostly form of an old man, emaciated, filthy, decrepit, with a flowing beard and hair on end, with fetters round his legs and chains on his hands, which he kept shaking. The terrified inmates passed sleepless nights of fearful terror, and following upon their sleeplessness came disease and then death as their fears increased. For every now and again, though the ghost had vanished, memory conjured up the vision before their eyes, and their fright remained longer than the apparition which had caused it. Then the house was deserted and condemned to stand empty, and was wholly abandoned to the spectre, while the authorities forbade that it should be sold or let to anyone wishing to take it, not knowing under what a curse it lay. The philosopher Athenodorus came to Athens, read the notice board, and on hearing the price hesitated, because the low rent made him suspicious. Then he was told the whole story, and, so far from being deterred, he became the more eager to rent it When evening began to fall, he ordered his people to make him up a bed in the front of the house, and asked for his tablets, a pen, and a lamp. Dismissing all his servants to the inner rooms, he applied mind, eyes, and hand to the task of writing, lest by having nothing to think about he might begin to conjure up the apparition of which he had been told and other idle fears. At first the night was just as still there as elsewhere, then the iron was rattled and the chains clanked. Athenodorus did not raise his eyes, nor cease to write, but fortified his resolution and closed his ears. The noise became louder and drew nearer, and was heard now on the threshold and then within the room itself. He turned his head, and saw and recognised the ghost which had been described to him. It stood and beckoned with its finger, as if calling him; but Athenodorus merely motioned with his hand, as if to bid it wait a little, and once more bent over his tablets and plied his pen. As he wrote the spectre rattled its chains over his head, and looking round he saw that it was beckoning as before, so, without further delay, he took up the lamp and followed. The spectre walked with slow steps, as though burdened by the chains, then it turned off into the courtyard of the house and suddenly vanished, leaving its companion alone, who thereupon plucked some grass and foliage to mark the place. On the following day he went to the magistrates and advised them to give orders that the place should be dug up. Bones were found with chains wound round them. Time and the action of the soil had made the flesh moulder, and left the bones bare and eaten away by the chains, but the remains were collected and given a public burial. Ever afterwards the house was free of the ghost which had been thus laid with due ceremony. I quite believe those who vouch for these details, but the following story I can vouch for to others. I have a freedman who is a man of some education. A younger brother of his was sleeping with him in the same bed, and he thought he saw someone sitting upon the bed and applying a pair of shears to his head, and even cutting off some hair from his crown. When day broke, his hair actually was cut at the crown, and the locks were found lying close by. A little time elapsed, and a similar incident occurred to make people believe the other story was true. A young slave of mine was sleeping with a number of others in the dormitory, when, according to his story, two men clothed in white tunics entered by the window and cut his hair as he slept, retiring by the way they came. Daylight revealed that his hair had been cut and the locks lay scattered around. No incident of any note followed, unless it was that I escaped prosecution, as I should not have done if Domitian, in whose reign these incidents had taken place, had lived any longer than he did. For in his writing-desk there was discovered a document sent in by Carus which denounced me. This gives rise to the conjecture that, as it is the custom for accused persons to let their hair go untrimmed, the fact that the hair of my slaves was cut was a sign that the peril overhanging me had passed away. I beg of you to bring your erudition to bear on these stories. The matter is one which is worth long and careful, consideration, nor am I altogether undeserving of your imparting to me your plentiful knowledge. I will let you follow your usual habit of arguing on both sides of the case, but be sure that you take up one side more strongly than the other, so that I may not go away in suspense and uncertainty, when the reason I asked your advice was just this - that you should put an end to my doubts. Farewell. '" None |
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64. Tertullian, To Scapula, 3.4, 5.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Africa Proconsularis (North Africa) • Africa Proconsularis (North Africa), Montanism in xxx • African Church • African Jews • African liturgy • Church, of Africa, of Carthage • North Africa
Found in books: Binder (2012), Tertullian, on Idolatry and Mishnah Avodah Zarah: Questioning the Parting of the Ways Between Christians and Jews, 8; Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 947; Tabbernee (2007), Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism, 62, 191, 233
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3.4 However, as we have already remarked, it cannot but distress us that no state shall bear unpunished the guilt of shedding Christian blood; as you see, indeed, in what took place during the presidency of Hilarian, for when there had been some agitation about places of sepulture for our dead, and the cry arose, No are - no burial-grounds for the Christians, it came that their own are, their threshing-floors, were a-wanting, for they gathered in no harvests. As to the rains of the bygone year, it is abundantly plain of what they were intended to remind men - of the deluge, no doubt, which in ancient times overtook human unbelief and wickedness; and as to the fires which lately hung all night over the walls of Carthage, they who saw them know what they threatened; and what the preceding thunders pealed, they who were hardened by them can tell. All these things are signs of God's impending wrath, which we must needs publish and proclaim in every possible way; and in the meanwhile we must pray it may be only local. Sure are they to experience it one day in its universal and final form, who interpret otherwise these samples of it. That sun, too, in the metropolis of Utica, with light all but extinguished, was a portent which could not have occurred from an ordinary eclipse, situated as the lord of day was in his height and house. You have the astrologers, consult them about it. We can point you also to the deaths of some provincial rulers, who in their last hours had painful memories of their sin in persecuting the followers of Christ. Vigellius Saturninus, who first here used the sword against us, lost his eyesight. Claudius Lucius Herminianus in Cappadocia, enraged that his wife had become a Christian, had treated the Christians with great cruelty: well, left alone in his palace, suffering under a contagious malady, he boiled out in living worms, and was heard exclaiming, Let nobody know of it, lest the Christians rejoice, and Christian wives take encouragement. Afterwards he came to see his error in having tempted so many from their steadfastness by the tortures he inflicted, and died almost a Christian himself. In that doom which overtook Byzantium, C cilius Capella could not help crying out, Christians, rejoice! Yes, and the persecutors who seem to themselves to have acted with impunity shall not escape the day of judgment. For you we sincerely wish it may prove to have been a warning only, that, immediately after you had condemned Mavilus of Adrumetum to the wild beasts, you were overtaken by those troubles, and that even now for the same reason you are called to a blood-reckoning. But do not forget the future. " 5.2 Your cruelty is our glory. Only see you to it, that in having such things as these to endure, we do not feel ourselves constrained to rush forth to the combat, if only to prove that we have no dread of them, but on the contrary, even invite their infliction. When Arrius Antoninus was driving things hard in Asia, the whole Christians of the province, in one united band, presented themselves before his judgment-seat; on which, ordering a few to be led forth to execution, he said to the rest, O miserable men, if you wish to die, you have precipices or halters. If we should take it into our heads to do the same thing here, what will you make of so many thousands, of such a multitude of men and women, persons of every sex and every age and every rank, when they present themselves before you? How many fires, how many swords will be required? What will be the anguish of Carthage itself, which you will have to decimate, as each one recognises there his relatives and companions, as he sees there it may be men of your own order, and noble ladies, and all the leading persons of the city, and either kinsmen or friends of those of your own circle? Spare yourself, if not us poor Christians! Spare Carthage, if not yourself! Spare the province, which the indication of your purpose has subjected to the threats and extortions at once of the soldiers and of private enemies. We have no master but God. He is before you, and cannot be hidden from you, but to Him you can do no injury. But those whom you regard as masters are only men, and one day they themselves must die. Yet still this community will be undying, for be assured that just in the time of its seeming overthrow it is built up into greater power. For all who witness the noble patience of its martyrs, as struck with misgivings, are inflamed with desire to examine into the matter in question; and as soon as they come to know the truth, they straightway enrol themselves its disciples. <'" None |
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65. Tertullian, Against Praxeas, 1.5, 1.7 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa Proconsularis (North Africa) • Africa Proconsularis (North Africa), Montanism in xxx • North Africa
Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 254, 255; Tabbernee (2007), Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism, 61, 65, 269
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1.5 In various ways has the devil rivalled and resisted the truth. Sometimes his aim has been to destroy the truth by defending it. He maintains that there is one only Lord, the Almighty Creator of the world, in order that out of this doctrine of the unity he may fabricate a heresy. He says that the Father Himself came down into the Virgin, was Himself born of her, Himself suffered, indeed was Himself Jesus Christ. Here the old serpent has fallen out with himself, since, when he tempted Christ after John's baptism, he approached Him as the Son of God; surely intimating that God had a Son, even on the testimony of the very Scriptures, out of which he was at the moment forging his temptation: If you are the Son of God, command that these stones be made bread. Matthew 4:3 Again: If you are the Son of God, cast yourself down from hence; for it is written, He shall give His angels charge concerning you- referring no doubt, to the Father - and in their hands they shall bear you up, that you hurt not your foot against a stone. Or perhaps, after all, he was only reproaching the Gospels with a lie, saying in fact: Away with Matthew; away with Luke! Why heed their words? In spite of them, I declare that it was God Himself that I approached; it was the Almighty Himself that I tempted face to face; and it was for no other purpose than to tempt Him that I approached Him. If, on the contrary, it had been only the Son of God, most likely I should never have condescended to deal with Him. However, he is himself a liar from the beginning, John 8:44 and whatever man he instigates in his own way; as, for instance, Praxeas. For he was the first to import into Rome from Asia this kind of heretical pravity, a man in other respects of restless disposition, and above all inflated with the pride of confessorship simply and solely because he had to bear for a short time the annoyance of a prison; on which occasion, even if he had given his body to be burned, it would have profited him nothing, not having the love of God, 1 Corinthians 13:3 whose very gifts he has resisted and destroyed. For after the Bishop of Rome had acknowledged the prophetic gifts of Montanus, Prisca, and Maximilla, and, in consequence of the acknowledgment, had bestowed his peace on the churches of Asia and Phrygia, he, by importunately urging false accusations against the prophets themselves and their churches, and insisting on the authority of the bishop's predecessors in the see, compelled him to recall the pacific letter which he had issued, as well as to desist from his purpose of acknowledging the said gifts. By this Praxeas did a twofold service for the devil at Rome: he drove away prophecy, and he brought in heresy; he put to flight the Paraclete, and he crucified the Father. Praxeas' tares had been moreover sown, and had produced their fruit here also, while many were asleep in their simplicity of doctrine; but these tares actually seemed to have been plucked up, having been discovered and exposed by him whose agency God was pleased to employ. Indeed, Praxeas had deliberately resumed his old (true) faith, teaching it after his renunciation of error; and there is his own handwriting in evidence remaining among the carnally-minded, in whose society the transaction then took place; afterwards nothing was heard of him. We indeed, on our part, subsequently withdrew from the carnally-minded on our acknowledgment and maintece of the Paraclete. But the tares of Praxeas had then everywhere shaken out their seed, which having lain hid for some while, with its vitality concealed under a mask, has now broken out with fresh life. But again shall it be rooted up, if the Lord will, even now; but if not now, in the day when all bundles of tares shall be gathered together, and along with every other stumbling-block shall be burnt up with unquenchable fire. Matthew 13:30 " "
1.7 In various ways has the devil rivalled and resisted the truth. Sometimes his aim has been to destroy the truth by defending it. He maintains that there is one only Lord, the Almighty Creator of the world, in order that out of this doctrine of the unity he may fabricate a heresy. He says that the Father Himself came down into the Virgin, was Himself born of her, Himself suffered, indeed was Himself Jesus Christ. Here the old serpent has fallen out with himself, since, when he tempted Christ after John's baptism, he approached Him as the Son of God; surely intimating that God had a Son, even on the testimony of the very Scriptures, out of which he was at the moment forging his temptation: If you are the Son of God, command that these stones be made bread. Matthew 4:3 Again: If you are the Son of God, cast yourself down from hence; for it is written, He shall give His angels charge concerning you- referring no doubt, to the Father - and in their hands they shall bear you up, that you hurt not your foot against a stone. Or perhaps, after all, he was only reproaching the Gospels with a lie, saying in fact: Away with Matthew; away with Luke! Why heed their words? In spite of them, I declare that it was God Himself that I approached; it was the Almighty Himself that I tempted face to face; and it was for no other purpose than to tempt Him that I approached Him. If, on the contrary, it had been only the Son of God, most likely I should never have condescended to deal with Him. However, he is himself a liar from the beginning, John 8:44 and whatever man he instigates in his own way; as, for instance, Praxeas. For he was the first to import into Rome from Asia this kind of heretical pravity, a man in other respects of restless disposition, and above all inflated with the pride of confessorship simply and solely because he had to bear for a short time the annoyance of a prison; on which occasion, even if he had given his body to be burned, it would have profited him nothing, not having the love of God, 1 Corinthians 13:3 whose very gifts he has resisted and destroyed. For after the Bishop of Rome had acknowledged the prophetic gifts of Montanus, Prisca, and Maximilla, and, in consequence of the acknowledgment, had bestowed his peace on the churches of Asia and Phrygia, he, by importunately urging false accusations against the prophets themselves and their churches, and insisting on the authority of the bishop's predecessors in the see, compelled him to recall the pacific letter which he had issued, as well as to desist from his purpose of acknowledging the said gifts. By this Praxeas did a twofold service for the devil at Rome: he drove away prophecy, and he brought in heresy; he put to flight the Paraclete, and he crucified the Father. Praxeas' tares had been moreover sown, and had produced their fruit here also, while many were asleep in their simplicity of doctrine; but these tares actually seemed to have been plucked up, having been discovered and exposed by him whose agency God was pleased to employ. Indeed, Praxeas had deliberately resumed his old (true) faith, teaching it after his renunciation of error; and there is his own handwriting in evidence remaining among the carnally-minded, in whose society the transaction then took place; afterwards nothing was heard of him. We indeed, on our part, subsequently withdrew from the carnally-minded on our acknowledgment and maintece of the Paraclete. But the tares of Praxeas had then everywhere shaken out their seed, which having lain hid for some while, with its vitality concealed under a mask, has now broken out with fresh life. But again shall it be rooted up, if the Lord will, even now; but if not now, in the day when all bundles of tares shall be gathered together, and along with every other stumbling-block shall be burnt up with unquenchable fire. Matthew 13:30 "" None |
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66. Tertullian, Apology, 42.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • African Christianity • African Church • Africans, call Isis Queen Isis • Christianity, in Africa, and Apuleius • Church, of Africa, of Carthage • Isis, called Queen Isis by Ethiopians, Africans and Egyptians • Isis, to Africans Queen Isis • North Africa • North African Christianity,
Found in books: Binder (2012), Tertullian, on Idolatry and Mishnah Avodah Zarah: Questioning the Parting of the Ways Between Christians and Jews, 40, 68; Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 189; Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 5; Lynskey (2021), Tyconius’ Book of Rules: An Ancient Invitation to Ecclesial Hermeneutics, 46
| 42 But we are called to account as harm-doers on another ground, and are accused of being useless in the affairs of life. How in all the world can that be the case with people who are living among you, eating the same food, wearing the same attire, having the same habits, under the same necessities of existence? We are not Indian Brahmins or Gymnosophists, who dwell in woods and exile themselves from ordinary human life. We do not forget the debt of gratitude we owe to God, our Lord and Creator; we reject no creature of His hands, though certainly we exercise restraint upon ourselves, lest of any gift of His we make an immoderate or sinful use. So we sojourn with you in the world, abjuring neither forum, nor shambles, nor bath, nor booth, nor workshop, nor inn, nor weekly market, nor any other places of commerce. We sail with you, and fight with you, and till the ground with you; and in like manner we unite with you in your traffickings - even in the various arts we make public property of our works for your benefit. How it is we seem useless in your ordinary business, living with you and by you as we do, I am not able to understand. But if I do not frequent your religious ceremonies, I am still on the sacred day a man. I do not at the Saturnalia bathe myself at dawn, that I may not lose both day and night; yet I bathe at a decent and healthful hour, which preserves me both in heat and blood. I can be rigid and pallid like you after ablution when I am dead. I do not recline in public at the feast of Bacchus, after the manner of the beast-fighters at their final banquet. Yet of your resources I partake, wherever I may chance to eat. I do not buy a crown for my head. What matters it to you how I use them, if nevertheless the flowers are purchased? I think it more agreeable to have them free and loose, waving all about. Even if they are woven into a crown, we smell the crown with our nostrils: let those look to it who scent the perfume with their hair. We do not go to your spectacles; yet the articles that are sold there, if I need them, I will obtain more readily at their proper places. We certainly buy no frankincense. If the Arabias complain of this, let the Sab ans be well assured that their more precious and costly merchandise is expended as largely in the burying of Christians as in the fumigating of the gods. At any rate, you say, the temple revenues are every day falling off: how few now throw in a contribution! In truth, we are not able to give alms both to your human and your heavenly mendicants; nor do we think that we are required to give any but to those who ask for it. Let Jupiter then hold out his hand and get, for our compassion spends more in the streets than yours does in the temples. But your other taxes will acknowledge a debt of gratitude to Christians; for in the faithfulness which keeps us from fraud upon a brother, we make conscience of paying all their dues: so that, by ascertaining how much is lost by fraud and falsehood in the census declarations - the calculation may easily be made - it would be seen that the ground of complaint in one department of revenue is compensated by the advantage which others derive. '16 For, like some others, you are under the delusion that our god is an ass's head. Cornelius Tacitus first put this notion into people's minds. In the fifth book of his histories, beginning the (narrative of the) Jewish war with an account of the origin of the nation; and theorizing at his pleasure about the origin, as well as the name and the religion of the Jews, he states that having been delivered, or rather, in his opinion, expelled from Egypt, in crossing the vast plains of Arabia, where water is so scanty, they were in extremity from thirst; but taking the guidance of the wild asses, which it was thought might be seeking water after feeding, they discovered a fountain, and thereupon in their gratitude they consecrated a head of this species of animal. And as Christianity is nearly allied to Judaism, from this, I suppose, it was taken for granted that we too are devoted to the worship of the same image. But the said Cornelius Tacitus (the very opposite of tacit in telling lies) informs us in the work already mentioned, that when Cneius Pompeius captured Jerusalem, he entered the temple to see the arcana of the Jewish religion, but found no image there. Yet surely if worship was rendered to any visible object, the very place for its exhibition would be the shrine; and that all the more that the worship, however unreasonable, had no need there to fear outside beholders. For entrance to the holy place was permitted to the priests alone, while all vision was forbidden to others by an outspread curtain. You will not, however, deny that all beasts of burden, and not parts of them, but the animals entire, are with their goddess Epona objects of worship with you. It is this, perhaps, which displeases you in us, that while your worship here is universal, we do homage only to the ass. Then, if any of you think we render superstitious adoration to the cross, in that adoration he is sharer with us. If you offer homage to a piece of wood at all, it matters little what it is like when the substance is the same: it is of no consequence the form, if you have the very body of the god. And yet how far does the Athenian Pallas differ from the stock of the cross, or the Pharian Ceres as she is put up uncarved to sale, a mere rough stake and piece of shapeless wood? Every stake fixed in an upright position is a portion of the cross; we render our adoration, if you will have it so, to a god entire and complete. We have shown before that your deities are derived from shapes modelled from the cross. But you also worship victories, for in your trophies the cross is the heart of the trophy. The camp religion of the Romans is all through a worship of the standards, a setting the standards above all gods. Well, as those images decking out the standards are ornaments of crosses. All those hangings of your standards and banners are robes of crosses. I praise your zeal: you would not consecrate crosses unclothed and unadorned. Others, again, certainly with more information and greater verisimilitude, believe that the sun is our god. We shall be counted Persians perhaps, though we do not worship the orb of day painted on a piece of linen cloth, having himself everywhere in his own disk. The idea no doubt has originated from our being known to turn to the east in prayer. But you, many of you, also under pretence sometimes of worshipping the heavenly bodies, move your lips in the direction of the sunrise. In the same way, if we devote Sun-day to rejoicing, from a far different reason than Sun-worship, we have some resemblance to those of you who devote the day of Saturn to ease and luxury, though they too go far away from Jewish ways, of which indeed they are ignorant. But lately a new edition of our god has been given to the world in that great city: it originated with a certain vile man who was wont to hire himself out to cheat the wild beasts, and who exhibited a picture with this inscription: The God of the Christians, born of an ass. He had the ears of an ass, was hoofed in one foot, carried a book, and wore a toga. Both the name and the figure gave us amusement. But our opponents ought straightway to have done homage to this biformed divinity, for they have acknowledged gods dog-headed and lion-headed, with horn of buck and ram, with goat-like loins, with serpent legs, with wings sprouting from back or foot. These things we have discussed ex abundanti, that we might not seem willingly to pass by any rumor against us unrefuted. Having thoroughly cleared ourselves, we turn now to an exhibition of what our religion really is. " '" None |
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67. Tertullian, On The Crown, 3.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Churches, North African
Found in books: McGowan (1999), Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals, 104, 109; Poorthuis Schwartz and Turner (2009), Interaction Between Judaism and Christianity in History, Religion, Art, and Literature, 116
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3.3 And how long shall we draw the saw to and fro through this line, when we have an ancient practice, which by anticipation has made for us the state, i.e., of the question? If no passage of Scripture has prescribed it, assuredly custom, which without doubt flowed from tradition, has confirmed it. For how can anything come into use, if it has not first been handed down? Even in pleading tradition, written authority, you say, must be demanded. Let us inquire, therefore, whether tradition, unless it be written, should not be admitted. Certainly we shall say that it ought not to be admitted, if no cases of other practices which, without any written instrument, we maintain on the ground of tradition alone, and the countece thereafter of custom, affords us any precedent. To deal with this matter briefly, I shall begin with baptism. When we are going to enter the water, but a little before, in the presence of the congregation and under the hand of the president, we solemnly profess that we disown the devil, and his pomp, and his angels. Hereupon we are thrice immersed, making a somewhat ampler pledge than the Lord has appointed in the Gospel. Then when we are taken up (as new-born children), we taste first of all a mixture of milk and honey, and from that day we refrain from the daily bath for a whole week. We take also, in congregations before daybreak, and from the hand of none but the presidents, the sacrament of the Eucharist, which the Lord both commanded to be eaten at meal-times, and enjoined to be taken by all alike. As often as the anniversary comes round, we make offerings for the dead as birthday honours. We count fasting or kneeling in worship on the Lord's day to be unlawful. We rejoice in the same privilege also from Easter to Whitsunday. We feel pained should any wine or bread, even though our own, be cast upon the ground. At every forward step and movement, at every going in and out, when we put on our clothes and shoes, when we bathe, when we sit at table, when we light the lamps, on couch, on seat, in all the ordinary actions of daily life, we trace upon the forehead the sign. "" None |
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68. Tertullian, On Idolatry, 15.6 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Julius Africanus • North Africa
Found in books: Binder (2012), Tertullian, on Idolatry and Mishnah Avodah Zarah: Questioning the Parting of the Ways Between Christians and Jews, 68, 215; Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 189; Gunderson (2022), The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White, 48; Reed (2005), Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature. 148, 152
| 15 But let your works shine, says He; Matthew 5:16 but now all our shops and gates shine! You will now-a-days find more doors of heathens without lamps and laurel-wreaths than of Christians. What does the case seem to be with regard to that species (of ceremony) also? If it is an idol's honour, without doubt an idol's honour is idolatry. If it is for a man's sake, let us again consider that all idolatry is for man's sake; let us again consider that all idolatry is a worship done to men, since it is generally agreed even among their worshippers that aforetime the gods themselves of the nations were men; and so it makes no difference whether that superstitious homage be rendered to men of a former age or of this. Idolatry is condemned, not on account of the persons which are set up for worship, but on account of those its observances, which pertain to demons. The things which are C sar's are to be rendered to C sar. It is enough that He set in apposition thereto, and to God the things which are God's. What things, then, are C sar's? Those, to wit, about which the consultation was then held, whether the poll-tax should be furnished to C sar or no. Therefore, too, the Lord demanded that the money should be shown Him, and inquired about the image, whose it was; and when He had heard it was C sar's, said, Render to C sar what are C sar's, and what are God's to God; that is, the image of C sar, which is on the coin, to C sar, and the image of God, which is on man, to God; so as to render to C sar indeed money, to God yourself. Otherwise, what will be God's, if all things are C sar's? Then, do you say, the lamps before my doors, and the laurels on my posts are an honour to God? They are there of course, not because they are an honour to God, but to him who is honour in God's stead by ceremonial observances of that kind, so far as is manifest, saving the religious performance, which is in secret appertaining to demons. For we ought to be sure if there are any whose notice it escapes through ignorance of this world's literature, that there are among the Romans even gods of entrances; Cardea (Hinge-goddess), called after hinges, and Forculus (Door-god) after doors, and Limentinus (Threshold-god) after the threshold, and Janus himself (Gate-god) after the gate: and of course we know that, though names be empty and feigned, yet, when they are drawn down into superstition, demons and every unclean spirit seize them for themselves, through the bond of consecration. Otherwise demons have no name individually, but they there find a name where they find also a token. Among the Greeks likewise we read of Apollo Thyr us, i.e. of the door, and the Antelii, or Anthelii, demons, as presiders over entrances. These things, therefore, the Holy Spirit foreseeing from the beginning, fore-chanted, through the most ancient prophet Enoch, that even entrances would come into superstitious use. For we see too that other entrances are adored in the baths. But if there are beings which are adored in entrances, it is to them that both the lamps and the laurels will pertain. To an idol you will have done whatever you shall have done to an entrance. In this place I call a witness on the authority also of God; because it is not safe to suppress whatever may have been shown to one, of course for the sake of all. I know that a brother was severely chastised, the same night, through a vision, because on the sudden announcement of public rejoicings his servants had wreathed his gates. And yet himself had not wreathed, or commanded them to be wreathed; for he had gone forth from home before, and on his return had reprehended the deed. So strictly are we appraised with God in matters of this kind, even with regard to the discipline of our family. Therefore, as to what relates to the honours due to kings or emperors, we have a prescript sufficient, that it behooves us to be in all obedience, according to the apostle's precept, subject to magistrates, and princes, and powers; Titus 3:1 but within the limits of discipline, so long as we keep ourselves separate from idolatry. For it is for this reason, too, that that example of the three brethren has forerun us, who, in other respects obedient toward king Nebuchodonosor rejected with all constancy the honour to his image, Daniel 2-3 proving that whatever is extolled beyond the measure of human honour, unto the resemblance of divine sublimity, is idolatry. So too, Daniel, in all other points submissive to Darius, remained in his duty so long as it was free from danger to his religion; Daniel vi for, to avoid undergoing that danger, he feared the royal lions no more than they the royal fires. Let, therefore, them who have no light, light their lamps daily; let them over whom the fires of hell are imminent, affix to their posts, laurels doomed presently to burn: to them the testimonies of darkness and the omens of their penalties are suitable. You are a light of the world, and a tree ever green. If you have renounced temples, make not your own gate a temple. I have said too little. If you have renounced stews, clothe not your own house with the appearance of a new brothel. "4 God prohibits an idol as much to be made as to be worshipped. In so far as the making what may be worshipped is the prior act, so far is the prohibition to make (if the worship is unlawful) the prior prohibition. For this cause- the eradicating, namely, of the material of idolatry- the divine law proclaims, You shall make no idol; and by conjoining, Nor a similitude of the things which are in the heaven, and which are in the earth, and which are in the sea, has interdicted the servants of God from acts of that kind all the universe over. Enoch had preceded, predicting that the demons, and the spirits of the angelic apostates, would turn into idolatry all the elements, all the garniture of the universe, all things contained in the heaven, in the sea, in the earth, that they might be consecrated as God, in opposition to God. All things, therefore, does human error worship, except the Founder of all Himself. The images of those things are idols; the consecration of the images is idolatry. Whatever guilt idolatry incurs, must necessarily be imputed to every artificer of every idol. In short, the same Enoch fore-condemns in general menace both idol-worshippers and idol-makers together. And again: I swear to you, sinners, that against the day of perdition of blood repentance is being prepared. You who serve stones, and you who make images of gold, and silver, and wood, and stones and clay, and serve phantoms, and demons, and spirits in fanes, and all errors not according to knowledge, shall find no help from them. But Isaiah says, You are witnesses whether there is a God except Me. And they who mould and carve out at that time were not: all vain! Who do that which likes them, which shall not profit them! And that whole ensuing discourse sets a ban as well on the artificers as the worshippers: the close of which is, Learn that their heart is ashes and earth, and that none can free his own soul. In which sentence David equally includes the makers too. Such, says he, let them become who make them. And why should I, a man of limited memory, suggest anything further? Why recall anything more from the Scriptures? As if either the voice of the Holy Spirit were not sufficient; or else any further deliberation were needful, whether the Lord cursed and condemned by priority the artificers of those things, of which He curses and condemns the worshippers! ' "14 But, however, the majority (of Christians) have by this time induced the belief in their mind that it is pardonable if at any time they do what the heathen do, for fear the Name be blasphemed. Now the blasphemy which must quite be shunned by us in every way is, I take it, this: If any of us lead a heathen into blasphemy with good cause, either by fraud, or by injury, or by contumely, or any other matter of worthy complaint, in which the Name is deservedly impugned, so that the Lord, too, be deservedly angry. Else, if of all blasphemy it has been said, By your means My Name is blasphemed, we all perish at once; since the whole circus, with no desert of ours, assails the Name with wicked suffrages. Let us cease (to be Christians) and it will not be blasphemed! On the contrary, while we are, let it be blasphemed: in the observance, not the overstepping, of discipline; while we are being approved, not while we are being reprobated. Oh blasphemy, bordering on martyrdom, which now attests me to be a Christian, while for that very account it detests me! The cursing of well-maintained Discipline is a blessing of the Name. If, says he, I wished to please men, I should not be Christ's servant. But the same apostle elsewhere bids us take care to please all: As I, he says, please all by all means. 1 Corinthians 10:32-33 No doubt he used to please them by celebrating the Saturnalia and New-year's day! Was it so or was it by moderation and patience? By gravity, by kindness, by integrity? In like manner, when he is saying, I have become all things to all, that I may gain all, 1 Corinthians 9:22 does he mean to idolaters an idolater? to heathens a heathen? to the worldly worldly? But albeit he does not prohibit us from having our conversation with idolaters and adulterers, and the other criminals, saying, Otherwise you would go out from the world, 1 Corinthians 5:10 of course he does not so slacken those reins of conversation that, since it is necessary for us both to live and to mingle with sinners, we may be able to sin with them too. Where there is the intercourse of life, which the apostle concedes, there is sinning, which no one permits. To live with heathens is lawful, to die with them is not. Let us live with all; let us be glad with them, out of community of nature, not of superstition. We are peers in soul, not in discipline; fellow-possessors of the world, not of error. But if we have no right of communion in matters of this kind with strangers, how far more wicked to celebrate them among brethren! Who can maintain or defend this? The Holy Spirit upbraids the Jews with their holy-days. Your Sabbaths, and new moons, and ceremonies, says He, My soul hates. By us, to whom Sabbaths are strange, and the new moons and festivals formerly beloved by God, the Saturnalia and New-year's and Midwinter's festivals and Matronalia are frequented - presents come and go - New-year's gifts - games join their noise - banquets join their din! Oh better fidelity of the nations to their own sect, which claims no solemnity of the Christians for itself! Not the Lord's day, not Pentecost, even it they had known them, would they have shared with us; for they would fear lest they should seem to be Christians. We are not apprehensive lest we seem to be heathens! If any indulgence is to be granted to the flesh, you have it. I will not say your own days, but more too; for to the heathens each festive day occurs but once annually: you have a festive day every eighth day. Call out the individual solemnities of the nations, and set them out into a row, they will not be able to make up a Pentecost. " "' None |
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69. Tertullian, On The Pallium, 5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa, Africans • North Africa, Roman
Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 46; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 316
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5 Still, say you, must we thus change from gown to Mantle? Why, what if from diadem and sceptre? Did Anacharsis change otherwise, when to the royalty of Scythia he preferred philosophy? Grant that there be no (miraculous) signs in proof of your transformation for the better: there is somewhat which this your garb can do. For, to begin with the simplicity of its uptaking: it needs no tedious arrangement. Accordingly, there is no necessity for any artist formally to dispose its wrinkled folds from the beginning a day beforehand, and then to reduce them to a more finished elegance, and to assign to the guardianship of the stretchers the whole figment of the massed boss; subsequently, at daybreak, first gathering up by the aid of a girdle the tunic which it were better to have woven of more moderate length (in the first instance), and, again scrutinizing the boss, and rearranging any disarrangement, to make one part prominent on the left, but (making now an end of the folds) to draw backwards from the shoulders the circuit of it whence the hollow is formed, and, leaving the right shoulder free, heap it still upon the left, with another similar set of folds reserved for the back, and thus clothe the man with a burden! In short, I will persistently ask your own conscience, What is your first sensation in wearing your gown? Do you feel yourself clad, or laded? Wearing a garment, or carrying it? If you shall answer negatively, I will follow you home; I win see what you hasten to do immediately after crossing your threshold. There is really no garment the doffing whereof congratulates a man more than the gown's does. of shoes we say nothing - implements as they are of torture proper to the gown, most uncleanly protection to the feet, yes, and false too. For who would not find it expedient, in cold and heat, to stiffen with feet bare rather than in a shoe with feet bound? A mighty munition for the tread have the Venetian shoe-factories provided in the shape of effeminate boots! Well, but, than the Mantle nothing is more expedite, even if it be double, like that of Crates. Nowhere is there a compulsory waste of time in dressing yourself (in it), seeing that its whole art consists in loosely covering. That can be effected by a single circumjection, and one in no case inelegant: thus it wholly covers every part of the man at once. The shoulder it either exposes or encloses: in other respects it adheres to the shoulder; it has no surrounding support; it has no surrounding tie; it has no anxiety as to the fidelity with which its folds keep their place; easily it manages, easily readjusts itself: even in the doffing it is consigned to no cross until the morrow. If any shirt is worn beneath it, the torment of a girdle is superfluous: if anything in the way of shoeing is worn, it is a most cleanly work; or else the feet are rather bare - more manly, at all events, (if bare,) than in shoes. These (pleas I advance) for the Mantle in the meantime, in so far as you have defamed it by name. Now, however, it challenges you on the score of its function withal. I, it says, owe no duty to the forum, the election-ground, or the senate-house; I keep no obsequious vigil, preoccupy no platforms, hover about no pr torian residences; I am not odorant of the canals, am not odorant of the lattices, am no constant wearer out of benches, no wholesale router of laws, no barking pleader, no judge, no soldier, no king: I have withdrawn from the populace. My only business is with myself: except that other care I have none, save not to care. The better life you would more enjoy in seclusion than in publicity. But you will decry me as indolent. Forsooth, 'we are to live for our country, and empire, and estate.' Such used, of old, to be the sentiment. None is born for another, being destined to die for himself. At all events, when we come to the Epicuri and Zenones, you give the epithet of 'sages' to the whole teacherhood of Quietude, who have consecrated that Quietude with the name of 'supreme' and 'unique' pleasure. Still, to some extent it will be allowed, even to me, to confer benefit on the public. From any and every boundary-stone or altar it is my wont to prescribe medicines to morals - medicines which will be more felicitous in conferring good health upon public affairs, and states, and empires, than your works are. Indeed, if I proceed to encounter you with naked foils, gowns have done the commonwealth more hurt than cuirasses. Moreover, I flatter no vices; I give quarter to no lethargy, no slothful encrustation. I apply the cauterizing iron to the ambition which led M. Tullius to buy a circular table of citron-wood for more than £4000, and Asinius Gallus to pay twice as much for an ordinary table of the same Moorish wood (Hem! At what fortunes did they value woody dapplings!), or, again, Sulla to frame dishes of an hundred pounds' weight. I fear lest that balance be small, when a Drusillanus (and he withal a slave of Claudius!) constructs a tray of the weight of
500 lbs.!- a tray indispensable, perchance, to the aforesaid tables, for which, if a workshop was erected, there ought to have been erected a dining-room too. Equally do I plunge the scalpel into the inhumanity which led Vedius Pollio to expose slaves to fill the bellies of sea-eels. Delighted, forsooth, with his novel savagery, he kept land-monsters, toothless, clawless, hornless: it was his pleasure to turn perforce into wild beasts his fish, which (of course) were to be immediately cooked, that in their entrails he himself withal might taste some savour of the bodies of his own slaves. I will forelop the gluttony which led Hortensius the orator to be the first to have the heart to slay a peacock for the sake of food; which led Aufidius Lurco to be the first to vitiate meat with stuffing, and by the aid of forcemeats to raise them to an adulterous flavour; which led Asinius Celer to purchase the viand of a single mullet at nearly £
50; which led Æsopus the actor to preserve in his pantry a dish of the value of nearly £800, made up of birds of the selfsame costliness (as the mullet aforesaid), consisting of all the songsters and talkers; which led his son, after such a titbit, to have the hardihood to hunger after somewhat yet more sumptuous: for he swallowed down pearls - costly even on the ground of their name - I suppose for fear he should have supped more beggarly than his father. I am silent as to the Neros and Apicii and Rufi. I will give a cathartic to the impurity of a Scaurus, and the gambling of a Curius, and the intemperance of an Antony. And remember that these, out of the many (whom I have named), were men of the toga - such as among the men of the pallium you would not easily find. These purulencies of a state who will eliminate and exsuppurate, save a bemantled speech? "" None |
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70. Tertullian, On The Games, 8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • African Christianity • North Africa • North Africa, Roman • North African Christianity, • dress, African
Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 280; Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 189; Lynskey (2021), Tyconius’ Book of Rules: An Ancient Invitation to Ecclesial Hermeneutics, 46
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8 To follow out my plan in regard to places: the circus is chiefly consecrated to the Sun, whose temple stands in the middle of it, and whose image shines forth from its temple summit; for they have not thought it proper to pay sacred honours underneath a roof to an object they have itself in open space. Those who assert that the first spectacle was exhibited by Circe, and in honour of the Sun her father, as they will have it, maintain also the name of circus was derived from her. Plainly, then, the enchantress did this in the name of the parties whose priestess she was - I mean the demons and spirits of evil. What an aggregation of idolatries you see, accordingly, in the decoration of the place! Every ornament of the circus is a temple by itself. The eggs are regarded as sacred to the Castors, by men who are not ashamed to profess faith in their production from the egg of a swan, which was no other than Jupiter himself. The Dolphins vomit forth in honour of Neptune. Images of Sessia, so called as the goddess of sowing; of Messia, so called as the goddess of reaping; of Tutulina, so called as the fruit-protecting deity - load the pillars. In front of these you have three altars to these three gods - Great, Mighty, Victorious. They reckon these of Samo-Thrace. The huge Obelisk, as Hermeteles affirms, is set up in public to the Sun; its inscription, like its origin, belongs to Egyptian superstition. Cheerless were the demon-gathering without their Mater Magna; and so she presides there over the Euripus. Consus, as we have mentioned, lies hidden under ground at the Murcian Goals. These two sprang from an idol. For they will have it that Murcia is the goddess of love; and to her, at that spot, they have consecrated a temple. See, Christian, how many impure names have taken possession of the circus! You have nothing to do with a sacred place which is teted by such multitudes of diabolic spirits. And speaking of places, this is the suitable occasion for some remarks in anticipation of a point that some will raise. What, then, you say; shall I be in danger of pollution if I go to the circus when the games are not being celebrated? There is no law forbidding the mere places to us. For not only the places for show-gatherings, but even the temples, may be entered without any peril of his religion by the servant of God, if he has only some honest reason for it, unconnected with their proper business and official duties. Why, even the streets and the market-place, and the baths, and the taverns, and our very dwelling-places, are not altogether free from idols. Satan and his angels have filled the whole world. It is not by merely being in the world, however, that we lapse from God, but by touching and tainting ourselves with the world's sins. I shall break with my Maker, that is, by going to the Capitol or the temple of Serapis to sacrifice or adore, as I shall also do by going as a spectator to the circus and the theatre. The places in themselves do not contaminate, but what is done in them; from this even the places themselves, we maintain, become defiled. The polluted things pollute us. It is on this account that we set before you to whom places of the kind are dedicated, that we may prove the things which are done in them to belong to the idol-patrons to whom the very places are sacred. "" None |
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71. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • African Church • African-ity • Church, of Africa, of Carthage • North Africa
Found in books: Binder (2012), Tertullian, on Idolatry and Mishnah Avodah Zarah: Questioning the Parting of the Ways Between Christians and Jews, 9; Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 961
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72. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa, living Latin in • Christianity, in Africa, and Apuleius • Latin, Apuleius knowledge of, variations in Africa • North Africa, Roman
Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 240, 252, 253; Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 56, 345, 359
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73. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P. • Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, L. Cornelius (major, cos. II
Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 94; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 70; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 307
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74. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 2.25.5, 6.20.3 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa Proconsularis (North Africa), Montanism in xxx • Montanism, North Africa
Found in books: Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 943; Tabbernee (2007), Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism, 81
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2.25.5 Thus publicly announcing himself as the first among God's chief enemies, he was led on to the slaughter of the apostles. It is, therefore, recorded that Paul was beheaded in Rome itself, and that Peter likewise was crucified under Nero. This account of Peter and Paul is substantiated by the fact that their names are preserved in the cemeteries of that place even to the present day." 6.20.3 There has reached us also a dialogue of Caius, a very learned man, which was held at Rome under Zephyrinus, with Proclus, who contended for the Phrygian heresy. In this he curbs the rashness and boldness of his opponents in setting forth new Scriptures. He mentions only thirteen epistles of the holy apostle, not counting that to the Hebrews with the others. And unto our day there are some among the Romans who do not consider this a work of the apostle.'" None |
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75. None, None, nan (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Africa Proconsularis, and the Great Persecution • Anulinus, proconsul of Africa • Christians, in North Africa • Maximilian, African military martyr • North African Christianity, • leaves Africa for Nicomedia, on the Roman army • leaves Africa for Nicomedia, says Galerius forced Diocletian to retire • martyrs, in the Roman army in North Africa
Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 107; Lynskey (2021), Tyconius’ Book of Rules: An Ancient Invitation to Ecclesial Hermeneutics, 33, 52; O'Daly (2020), Augustine's City of God: A Reader's Guide (2nd edn), 1, 2; Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 39, 45, 65; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 72
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76. Augustine, The City of God, 2.18, 5.26, 8.12, 10.32, 18.18, 19.23 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Africa, and Apuleius • Apuleius, and Africa • Christianity, in Africa, and Madauros • Libyan inscriptions, element in Africa • Macedonius, vicarius of Africa • Martyrs, Christian, in Africa, in Madauros • Moorish element, in Africa • Porphyry, influence in Roman North Africa • Scipio Africanus • leaves Africa for Nicomedia, probable source about Porphyry
Found in books: Fletcher (2023), The Ass of the Gods: Apuleius' Golden Ass, the Onos Attributed to Lucian, and Graeco-Roman Metamorphosis Literature, 111; Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 11, 61; O'Daly (2020), Augustine's City of God: A Reader's Guide (2nd edn), 35, 39; Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 23, 24, 258; Trettel (2019), Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14, 8; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 27, 163; Wiebe (2021), Fallen Angels in the Theology of St Augustine, 180
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2.18 I will therefore pause, and adduce the testimony of Sallust himself, whose words in praise of the Romans (that equity and virtue prevailed among them not more by force of laws than of nature) have given occasion to this discussion. He was referring to that period immediately after the expulsion of the kings, in which the city became great in an incredibly short space of time. And yet this same writer acknowledges in the first book of his history, in the very exordium of his work, that even at that time, when a very brief interval had elapsed after the government had passed from kings to consuls, the more powerful men began to act unjustly, and occasioned the defection of the people from the patricians, and other disorders in the city. For after Sallust had stated that the Romans enjoyed greater harmony and a purer state of society between the second and third Punic wars than at any other time, and that the cause of this was not their love of good order, but their fear lest the peace they had with Carthage might be broken (this also, as we mentioned, Nasica contemplated when he opposed the destruction of Carthage, for he supposed that fear would tend to repress wickedness, and to preserve wholesome ways of living), he then goes on to say: Yet, after the destruction of Carthage, discord, avarice, ambition, and the other vices which are commonly generated by prosperity, more than ever increased. If they increased, and that more than ever, then already they had appeared, and had been increasing. And so Sallust adds this reason for what he said. For, he says, the oppressive measures of the powerful, and the consequent secessions of the plebs from the patricians, and other civil dissensions, had existed from the first, and affairs were administered with equity and well-tempered justice for no longer a period than the short time after the expulsion of the kings, while the city was occupied with the serious Tuscan war and Tarquin's vengeance. You see how, even in that brief period after the expulsion of the kings, fear, he acknowledges, was the cause of the interval of equity and good order. They were afraid, in fact, of the war which Tarquin waged against them, after he had been driven from the throne and the city, and had allied himself with the Tuscans. But observe what he adds: After that, the patricians treated the people as their slaves, ordering them to be scourged or beheaded just as the kings had done, driving them from their holdings, and harshly tyrannizing over those who had no property to lose. The people, overwhelmed by these oppressive measures, and most of all by exorbitant usury, and obliged to contribute both money and personal service to the constant wars, at length took arms and seceded to Mount Aventine and Mount Sacer, and thus obtained for themselves tribunes and protective laws. But it was only the second Punic war that put an end on both sides to discord and strife. You see what kind of men the Romans were, even so early as a few years after the expulsion of the kings; and it is of these men he says, that equity and virtue prevailed among them not more by force of law than of nature. Now, if these were the days in which the Roman republic shows fairest and best, what are we to say or think of the succeeding age, when, to use the words of the same historian, changing little by little from the fair and virtuous city it was, it became utterly wicked and dissolute? This was, as he mentions, after the destruction of Carthage. Sallust's brief sum and sketch of this period may be read in his own history, in which he shows how the profligate manners which were propagated by prosperity resulted at last even in civil wars. He says: And from this time the primitive manners, instead of undergoing an insensible alteration as hitherto they had done, were swept away as by a torrent: the young men were so depraved by luxury and avarice, that it may justly be said that no father had a son who could either preserve his own patrimony, or keep his hands off other men's. Sallust adds a number of particulars about the vices of Sylla, and the debased condition of the republic in general; and other writers make similar observations, though in much less striking language. However, I suppose you now see, or at least any one who gives his attention has the means of seeing, in what a sink of iniquity that city was plunged before the advent of our heavenly King. For these things happened not only before Christ had begun to teach, but before He was even born of the Virgin. If, then, they dare not impute to their gods the grievous evils of those former times, more tolerable before the destruction of Carthage, but intolerable and dreadful after it, although it was the gods who by their malign craft instilled into the minds of men the conceptions from which such dreadful vices branched out on all sides, why do they impute these present calamities to Christ, who teaches life-giving truth, and forbids us to worship false and deceitful gods, and who, abominating and condemning with His divine authority those wicked and hurtful lusts of men, gradually withdraws His own people from a world that is corrupted by these vices, and is falling into ruins, to make of them an eternal city, whose glory rests not on the acclamations of vanity, but on the judgment of truth? " "
5.26 And on this account, Theodosius not only preserved during the lifetime of Gratian that fidelity which was due to him, but also, after his death, he, like a true Christian, took his little brother Valentinian under his protection, as joint emperor, after he had been expelled by Maximus, the murderer of his father. He guarded him with paternal affection, though he might without any difficulty have got rid of him, being entirely destitute of all resources, had he been animated with the desire of extensive empire, and not with the ambition of being a benefactor. It was therefore a far greater pleasure to him, when he had adopted the boy, and preserved to him his imperial dignity, to console him by his very humanity and kindness. Afterwards, when that success was rendering Maximus terrible, Theodosius, in the midst of his perplexing anxieties, was not drawn away to follow the suggestions of a sacrilegious and unlawful curiosity, but sent to John, whose abode was in the desert of Egypt - for he had learned that this servant of God (whose fame was spreading abroad) was endowed with the gift of prophecy - and from him he received assurance of victory. Immediately the slayer of the tyrant Maximus, with the deepest feelings of compassion and respect, restored the boy Valentinianus to his share in the empire from which he had been driven. Valentinianus being soon after slain by secret assassination, or by some other plot or accident, Theodosius, having again received a response from the prophet, and placing entire confidence in it, marched against the tyrant Eugenius, who had been unlawfully elected to succeed that emperor, and defeated his very powerful army, more by prayer than by the sword. Some soldiers who were at the battle reported to me that all the missiles they were throwing were snatched from their hands by a vehement wind, which blew from the direction of Theodosius' army upon the enemy; nor did it only drive with greater velocity the darts which were hurled against them, but also turned back upon their own bodies the darts which they themselves were throwing. And therefore the poet Claudian, although an alien from the name of Christ, nevertheless says in his praises of him, O prince, too much beloved by God, for you Æolus pours armed tempests from their caves; for you the air fights, and the winds with one accord obey your bugles. But the victor, as he had believed and predicted, overthrew the statues of Jupiter, which had been, as it were, consecrated by I know not what kind of rites against him, and set up in the Alps. And the thunderbolts of these statues, which were made of gold, he mirthfully and graciously presented to his couriers who (as the joy of the occasion permitted) were jocularly saying that they would be most happy to be struck by such thunderbolts. The sons of his own enemies, whose fathers had been slain not so much by his orders as by the vehemence of war, having fled for refuge to a church, though they were not yet Christians, he was anxious, taking advantage of the occasion, to bring over to Christianity, and treated them with Christian love. Nor did he deprive them of their property, but, besides allowing them to retain it, bestowed on them additional honors. He did not permit private animosities to affect the treatment of any man after the war. He was not like Cinna, and Marius, and Sylla, and other such men, who wished not to finish civil wars even when they were finished, but rather grieved that they had arisen at all, than wished that when they were finished they should harm any one. Amid all these events, from the very commencement of his reign, he did not cease to help the troubled church against the impious by most just and merciful laws, which the heretical Valens, favoring the Arians, had vehemently afflicted. Indeed, he rejoiced more to be a member of this church than he did to be a king upon the earth. The idols of the Gentiles he everywhere ordered to be overthrown, understanding well that not even terrestrial gifts are placed in the power of demons, but in that of the true God. And what could be more admirable than his religious humility, when, compelled by the urgency of certain of his intimates, he avenged the grievous crime of the Thessalonians, which at the prayer of the bishops he had promised to pardon, and, being laid hold of by the discipline of the church, did pece in such a way that the sight of his imperial loftiness prostrated made the people who were interceding for him weep more than the consciousness of offense had made them fear it when enraged? These and other similar good works, which it would be long to tell, he carried with him from this world of time, where the greatest human nobility and loftiness are but vapor. of these works the reward is eternal happiness, of which God is the giver, though only to those who are sincerely pious. But all other blessings and privileges of this life, as the world itself, light, air, earth, water, fruits, and the soul of man himself, his body, senses, mind, life, He lavishes on good and bad alike. And among these blessings is also to be reckoned the possession of an empire, whose extent He regulates according to the requirements of His providential government at various times. Whence, I see, we must now answer those who, being confuted and convicted by the most manifest proofs, by which it is shown that for obtaining these terrestrial things, which are all the foolish desire to have, that multitude of false gods is of no use, attempt to assert that the gods are to be worshipped with a view to the interest, not of the present life, but of that which is to come after death. For as to those who, for the sake of the friendship of this world, are willing to worship vanities, and do not grieve that they are left to their puerile understandings, I think they have been sufficiently answered in these five books; of which books, when I had published the first three, and they had begun to come into the hands of many, I heard that certain persons were preparing against them an answer of some kind or other in writing. Then it was told me that they had already written their answer, but were waiting a time when they could publish it without danger. Such persons I would advise not to desire what cannot be of any advantage to them; for it is very easy for a man to seem to himself to have answered arguments, when he has only been unwilling to be silent. For what is more loquacious than vanity? And though it be able, if it like, to shout more loudly than the truth, it is not, for all that, more powerful than the truth. But let men consider diligently all the things that we have said, and if, perchance, judging without party spirit, they shall clearly perceive that they are such things as may rather be shaken than torn up by their most impudent garrulity, and, as it were, satirical and mimic levity, let them restrain their absurdities, and let them choose rather to be corrected by the wise than to be lauded by the foolish. For if they are waiting an opportunity, not for liberty to speak the truth, but for license to revile, may not that befall them which Tully says concerning some one, Oh, wretched man! Who was at liberty to sin? Wherefore, whoever he be who deems himself happy because of license to revile, he would be far happier if that were not allowed him at all; for he might all the while, laying aside empty boast, be contradicting those to whose views he is opposed by way of free consultation with them, and be listening, as it becomes him, honorably, gravely, candidly, to all that can be adduced by those whom he consults by friendly disputation. <" "
8.12 But we need not determine from what source he learned these things - whether it was from the books of the ancients who preceded him, or, as is more likely, from the words of the apostle: Because that which is known of God, has been manifested among them, for God has manifested it to them. For His invisible things from the creation of the world are clearly seen, being understood by those things which have been made, also His eternal power and Godhead. Romans 1:20 From whatever source he may have derived this knowledge, then, I think I have made it sufficiently plain that I have not chosen the Platonic philosophers undeservedly as the parties with whom to discuss; because the question we have just taken up concerns the natural theology, - the question, namely, whether sacred rites are to be performed to one God, or to many, for the sake of the happiness which is to be after death. I have specially chosen them because their juster thoughts concerning the one God who made heaven and earth, have made them illustrious among philosophers. This has given them such superiority to all others in the judgment of posterity, that, though Aristotle, the disciple of Plato, a man of eminent abilities, inferior in eloquence to Plato, yet far superior to many in that respect, had founded the Peripatetic sect - so called because they were in the habit of walking about during their disputations - and though he had, through the greatness of his fame, gathered very many disciples into his school, even during the life of his master; and though Plato at his death was succeeded in his school, which was called the Academy, by Speusippus, his sister's son, and Xenocrates, his beloved disciple, who, together with their successors, were called from this name of the school, Academics; nevertheless the most illustrious recent philosophers, who have chosen to follow Plato, have been unwilling to be called Peripatetics, or Academics, but have preferred the name of Platonists. Among these were the renowned Plotinus, Iamblichus, and Porphyry, who were Greeks, and the African Apuleius, who was learned both in the Greek and Latin tongues. All these, however, and the rest who were of the same school, and also Plato himself, thought that sacred rites ought to be performed in honor of many gods. " "
10.32 This is the religion which possesses the universal way for delivering the soul; for except by this way, none can be delivered. This is a kind of royal way, which alone leads to a kingdom which does not totter like all temporal dignities, but stands firm on eternal foundations. And when Porphyry says, towards the end of the first book De Regressu Animœ, that no system of doctrine which furnishes the universal way for delivering the soul has as yet been received, either from the truest philosophy, or from the ideas and practices of the Indians, or from the reasoning of the Chald ans, or from any source whatever, and that no historical reading had made him acquainted with that way, he manifestly acknowledges that there is such a way, but that as yet he was not acquainted with it. Nothing of all that he had so laboriously learned concerning the deliverance of the soul, nothing of all that he seemed to others, if not to himself, to know and believe, satisfied him. For he perceived that there was still wanting a commanding authority which it might be right to follow in a matter of such importance. And when he says that he had not learned from any truest philosophy a system which possessed the universal way of the soul's deliverance, he shows plainly enough, as it seems to me, either that the philosophy of which he was a disciple was not the truest, or that it did not comprehend such a way. And how can that be the truest philosophy which does not possess this way? For what else is the universal way of the soul's deliverance than that by which all souls universally are delivered, and without which, therefore, no soul is delivered? And when he says, in addition, or from the ideas and practices of the Indians, or from the reasoning of the Chald ans, or from any source whatever, he declares in the most unequivocal language that this universal way of the soul's deliverance was not embraced in what he had learned either from the Indians or the Chald ans; and yet he could not forbear stating that it was from the Chald ans he had derived these divine oracles of which he makes such frequent mention. What, therefore, does he mean by this universal way of the soul's deliverance, which had not yet been made known by any truest philosophy, or by the doctrinal systems of those nations which were considered to have great insight in things divine, because they indulged more freely in a curious and fanciful science and worship of angels? What is this universal way of which he acknowledges his ignorance, if not a way which does not belong to one nation as its special property, but is common to all, and divinely bestowed? Porphyry, a man of no mediocre abilities, does not question that such a way exists; for he believes that Divine Providence could not have left men destitute of this universal way of delivering the soul. For he does not say that this way does not exist, but that this great boon and assistance has not yet been discovered, and has not come to his knowledge. And no wonder; for Porphyry lived in an age when this universal way of the soul's deliverance - in other words, the Christian religion - was exposed to the persecutions of idolaters and demon-worshippers, and earthly rulers, that the number of martyrs or witnesses for the truth might be completed and consecrated, and that by them proof might be given that we must endure all bodily sufferings in the cause of the holy faith, and for the commendation of the truth. Porphyry, being a witness of these persecutions, concluded that this way was destined to a speedy extinction, and that it, therefore, was not the universal way of the soul's deliverance, and did not see that the very thing that thus moved him, and deterred him from becoming a Christian, contributed to the confirmation and more effectual commendation of our religion. This, then, is the universal way of the soul's deliverance, the way that is granted by the divine compassion to the nations universally. And no nation to which the knowledge of it has already come, or may hereafter come, ought to demand, Why so soon? Or, Why so late?- for the design of Him who sends it is impenetrable by human capacity. This was felt by Porphyry when he confined himself to saying that this gift of God was not yet received, and had not yet come to his knowledge. For though this was so, he did not on that account pronounce that the way it self had no existence. This, I say, is the universal way for the deliverance of believers, concerning which the faithful Abraham received the divine assurance, In your seed shall all nations be blessed. Genesis 22:18 He, indeed, was by birth a Chald an; but, that he might receive these great promises, and that there might be propagated from him a seed disposed by angels in the hand of a Mediator, Galatians 3:19 in whom this universal way, thrown open to all nations for the deliverance of the soul, might be found, he was ordered to leave his country, and kindred, and father's house. Then was he himself, first of all, delivered from the Chald an superstitions, and by his obedience worshipped the one true God, whose promises he faithfully trusted. This is the universal way, of which it is said in holy prophecy, God be merciful unto us, and bless us, and cause His face to shine upon us; that Your way may be known upon earth, Your saving health among all nations. And hence, when our Saviour, so long after, had taken flesh of the seed of Abraham, He says of Himself, I am the way, the truth, and the life. John 14:6 This is the universal way, of which so long before it had been predicted, And it shall come to pass in the last days, that the mountain of the Lord's house shall be established in the top of the mountains, and shall be exalted above the hills; and all nations shall flow unto it. And many people shall go and say, Come, and let us go up to the mountain of the Lord, to the house of the God of Jacob; and He will teach us of His ways, and we will walk in His paths: for out of Sion shall go forth the law, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem. Isaiah 2:2-3 This way, therefore, is not the property of one, but of all nations. The law and the word of the Lord did not remain in Zion and Jerusalem, but issued thence to be universally diffused. And therefore the Mediator Himself, after His resurrection, says to His alarmed disciples, These are the words which I spoke unto you while I was yet with you, that all things must be fulfilled which were written in the law of Moses, and in the prophets, and in the Psalms, concerning me. Then opened He their understandings that they might understand the Scriptures, and said to them, Thus it is written, and thus it behooved Christ to suffer, and to rise from the dead the third day: and that repentance and remission of sins should be preached in His name among all nations, beginning at Jerusalem. Luke 24:44-47 This is the universal way of the soul's deliverance, which the holy angels and the holy prophets formerly disclosed where they could among the few men who found the grace of God, and especially in the Hebrew nation, whose commonwealth was, as it were, consecrated to prefigure and fore-announce the city of God which was to be gathered from all nations, by their tabernacle, and temple, and priesthood, and sacrifices. In some explicit statements, and in many obscure foreshadowings, this way was declared; but latterly came the Mediator Himself in the flesh, and His blessed apostles, revealing how the grace of the New Testament more openly explained what had been obscurely hinted to preceding generations, in conformity with the relation of the ages of the human race, and as it pleased God in His wisdom to appoint, who also bore them witness with signs and miracles some of which I have cited above. For not only were there visions of angels, and words heard from those heavenly ministrants, but also men of God, armed with the word of simple piety, cast out unclean spirits from the bodies and senses of men, and healed deformities and sicknesses; the wild beasts of earth and sea, the birds of air, iimate things, the elements, the stars, obeyed their divine commands; the powers of hell gave way before them, the dead were restored to life. I say nothing of the miracles peculiar and proper to the Saviour's own person, especially the nativity and the resurrection; in the one of which He wrought only the mystery of a virgin maternity, while in the other He furnished an instance of the resurrection which all shall at last experience. This way purifies the whole man, and prepares the mortal in all his parts for immortality. For, to prevent us from seeking for one purgation for the part which Porphyry calls intellectual, and another for the part he calls spiritual, and another for the body itself, our most mighty and truthful Purifier and Saviour assumed the whole human nature. Except by this way, which has been present among men both during the period of the promises and of the proclamation of their fulfillment, no man has been delivered, no man is delivered, no man shall be delivered. As to Porphyry's statement that the universal way of the soul's deliverance had not yet come to his knowledge by any acquaintance he had with history, I would ask, what more remarkable history can be found than that which has taken possession of the whole world by its authoritative voice? Or what more trustworthy than that which narrates past events, and predicts the future with equal clearness, and in the unfulfilled predictions of which we are constrained to believe by those that are already fulfilled? For neither Porphyry nor any Platonists can despise divination and prediction, even of things that pertain to this life and earthly matters, though they justly despise ordinary soothsaying and the divination that is connected with magical arts. They deny that these are the predictions of great men, or are to be considered important, and they are right; for they are founded, either on the foresight of subsidiary causes, as to a professional eye much of the course of a disease is foreseen by certain pre-monitory symptoms, or the unclean demons predict what they have resolved to do, that they may thus work upon the thoughts and desires of the wicked with an appearance of authority, and incline human frailty to imitate their impure actions. It is not such things that the saints who walk in the universal way care to predict as important, although, for the purpose of commending the faith, they knew and often predicted even such things as could not be detected by human observation, nor be readily verified by experience. But there were other truly important and divine events which they predicted, in so far as it was given them to know the will of God. For the incarnation of Christ, and all those important marvels that were accomplished in Him, and done in His name; the repentance of men and the conversion of their wills to God; the remission of sins, the grace of righteousness, the faith of the pious, and the multitudes in all parts of the world who believe in the true divinity; the overthrow of idolatry and demon worship, and the testing of the faithful by trials; the purification of those who persevered, and their deliverance from all evil; the day of judgment, the resurrection of the dead, the eternal damnation of the community of the ungodly, and the eternal kingdom of the most glorious city of God, ever-blessed in the enjoyment of the vision of God - these things were predicted and promised in the Scriptures of this way; and of these we see so many fulfilled, that we justly and piously trust that the rest will also come to pass. As for those who do not believe, and consequently do not understand, that this is the way which leads straight to the vision of God and to eternal fellowship with Him, according to the true predictions and statements of the Holy Scriptures, they may storm at our position, but they cannot storm it. And therefore, in these ten books, though not meeting, I dare say, the expectation of some, yet I have, as the true God and Lord has vouchsafed to aid me, satisfied the desire of certain persons, by refuting the objections of the ungodly, who prefer their own gods to the Founder of the holy city, about which we undertook to speak. of these ten books, the first five were directed against those who think we should worship the gods for the sake of the blessings of this life, and the second five against those who think we should worship them for the sake of the life which is to be after death. And now, in fulfillment of the promise I made in the first book, I shall go on to say, as God shall aid me, what I think needs to be said regarding the origin, history, and deserved ends of the two cities, which, as already remarked, are in this world commingled and implicated with one another. <" "
18.18 Perhaps our readers expect us to say something about this so great delusion wrought by the demons; and what shall we say but that men must fly out of the midst of Babylon? Isaiah 48:20 For this prophetic precept is to be understood spiritually in this sense, that by going forward in the living God, by the steps of faith, which works by love, we must flee out of the city of this world, which is altogether a society of ungodly angels and men. Yea, the greater we see the power of the demons to be in these depths, so much the more tenaciously must we cleave to the Mediator through whom we ascend from these lowest to the highest places. For if we should say these things are not to be credited, there are not wanting even now some who would affirm that they had either heard on the best authority, or even themselves experienced, something of that kind. Indeed we ourselves, when in Italy, heard such things about a certain region there where landladies of inns, imbued with these wicked arts, were said to be in the habit of giving to such travellers as they chose, or could manage, something in a piece of cheese by which they were changed on the spot into beasts of burden, and carried whatever was necessary, and were restored to their own form when the work was done. Yet their mind did not become bestial, but remained rational and human, just as Apuleius, in the books he wrote with the title of The Golden Ass, has told, or feigned, that it happened to his own self that, on taking poison, he became an ass, while retaining his human mind. These things are either false, or so extraordinary as to be with good reason disbelieved. But it is to be most firmly believed that Almighty God can do whatever He pleases, whether in punishing or favoring, and that the demons can accomplish nothing by their natural power (for their created being is itself angelic, although made malign by their own fault), except what He may permit, whose judgments are often hidden, but never unrighteous. And indeed the demons, if they really do such things as these on which this discussion turns, do not create real substances, but only change the appearance of things created by the true God so as to make them seem to be what they are not. I cannot therefore believe that even the body, much less the mind, can really be changed into bestial forms and lineaments by any reason, art, or power of the demons; but the phantasm of a man which even in thought or dreams goes through innumerable changes may, when the man's senses are laid asleep or overpowered, be presented to the senses of others in a corporeal form, in some indescribable way unknown to me, so that men's bodies themselves may lie somewhere, alive, indeed, yet with their senses locked up much more heavily and firmly than by sleep, while that phantasm, as it were embodied in the shape of some animal, may appear to the senses of others, and may even seem to the man himself to be changed, just as he may seem to himself in sleep to be so changed, and to bear burdens; and these burdens, if they are real substances, are borne by the demons, that men may be deceived by beholding at the same time the real substance of the burdens and the simulated bodies of the beasts of burden. For a certain man called Pr stantius used to tell that it had happened to his father in his own house, that he took that poison in a piece of cheese, and lay in his bed as if sleeping, yet could by no means be aroused. But he said that after a few days he as it were woke up and related the things he had suffered as if they had been dreams, namely, that he had been made a sumpter horse, and, along with other beasts of burden, had carried provisions for the soldiers of what is called the Rhœtian Legion, because it was sent to Rhœtia. And all this was found to have taken place just as he told, yet it had seemed to him to be his own dream. And another man declared that in his own house at night, before he slept, he saw a certain philosopher, whom he knew very well, come to him and explain to him some things in the Platonic philosophy which he had previously declined to explain when asked. And when he had asked this philosopher why he did in his house what he had refused to do at home, he said, I did not do it, but I dreamed I had done it. And thus what the one saw when sleeping was shown to the other when awake by a phantasmal image. These things have not come to us from persons we might deem unworthy of credit, but from informants we could not suppose to be deceiving us. Therefore what men say and have committed to writing about the Arcadians being often changed into wolves by the Arcadian gods, or demons rather, and what is told in song about Circe transforming the companions of Ulysses, if they were really done, may, in my opinion, have been done in the way I have said. As for Diomede's birds, since their race is alleged to have been perpetuated by constant propagation, I believe they were not made through the metamorphosis of men, but were slyly substituted for them on their removal, just as the hind was for Iphigenia, the daughter of king Agamemnon. For juggleries of this kind could not be difficult for the demons if permitted by the judgment of God; and since that virgin was afterwards, found alive it is easy to see that a hind had been slyly substituted for her. But because the companions of Diomede were of a sudden nowhere to be seen, and afterwards could nowhere be found, being destroyed by bad avenging angels, they were believed to have been changed into those birds, which were secretly brought there from other places where such birds were, and suddenly substituted for them by fraud. But that they bring water in their beaks and sprinkle it on the temple of Diomede, and that they fawn on men of Greek race and persecute aliens, is no wonderful thing to be done by the inward influence of the demons, whose interest it is to persuade men that Diomede was made a god, and thus to beguile them into worshipping many false gods, to the great dishonor of the true God; and to serve dead men, who even in their lifetime did not truly live, with temples, altars, sacrifices, and priests, all which, when of the right kind, are due only to the one living and true God. " "
19.23 For in his book called &" None |
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77. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Donatism, African theology • Donatism, relevant conditions in North Africa • Latin Bible manuscript tradition, and book culture in North Africa • North African Christianity,
Found in books: Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 957, 965; Lynskey (2021), Tyconius’ Book of Rules: An Ancient Invitation to Ecclesial Hermeneutics, 43; Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 210
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78. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa Proconsularis (North Africa) • Africa Proconsularis (North Africa), Montanism in xxx • Montanism, North Africa
Found in books: Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 943; Tabbernee (2007), Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism, 267, 268, 395
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79. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa Proconsularis (North Africa), Montanism in xxx • North Africa
Found in books: Kitzler (2015), From 'Passio Perpetuae' to 'Acta Perpetuae', 11; Tabbernee (2007), Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism, 65
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80. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa
Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 117; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 216
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81. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • North Africa
Found in books: Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 39; Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 1595
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82. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa Proconsularis (North Africa) • Donatism, African theology • Donatism, relevant conditions in North Africa • North Africa, Donatists in • North Africa, inscriptions in • North Africa, synagogue sites in • North Africa, synagogues • Seranus (vicar of Africa)
Found in books: Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 959, 962; Farag (2021), What Makes a Church Sacred? Legal and Ritual Perspectives from Late Antiquity, 219; Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 12, 181, 213, 284; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 211; Tabbernee (2007), Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism, 314
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83. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Donatism, African theology • North African Christianity,
Found in books: Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 967; Lynskey (2021), Tyconius’ Book of Rules: An Ancient Invitation to Ecclesial Hermeneutics, 22
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84. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa, Africans • North Africa
Found in books: Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 947; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 341
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85. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Calama, Africa
Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 529; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 405
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86. None, None, nan (7th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Apuleius, as African / provincial • Macedonius, vicarius Africae • Macedonius, vicarius of Africa • Thignica, Africa
Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 434; Conybeare (2000), Abused Bodies in Roman Epic, 63; Fletcher (2023), The Ass of the Gods: Apuleius' Golden Ass, the Onos Attributed to Lucian, and Graeco-Roman Metamorphosis Literature, 111, 191; O'Daly (2020), Augustine's City of God: A Reader's Guide (2nd edn), 35
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87. Strabo, Geography, 2.3.4-2.3.5, 2.5.8, 17.3.5, 17.3.7
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Cape Guardafui (see also Horn of Africa) • Libya (see also Africa)
Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 157, 172, 187, 198; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 46; Stephens and Winkler (1995), Ancient Greek Novels: The Fragments: Introduction, Text, Translation, and Commentary, 104, 105
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2.3.4 Posidonius, in speaking of those who have sailed round Africa, tells us that Herodotus was of opinion that some of those sent out by Darius actually performed this enterprise; and that Heraclides of Pontus, in a certain dialogue, introduces one of the Magi presenting himself to Gelon, and declaring that he had performed this voyage; but he remarks that this wants proof. He also narrates how a certain Eudoxus of Cyzicus, sent with sacrifices and oblations to the Corean games, travelled into Egypt in the reign of Euergetes II.; and being a learned man, and much interested in the peculiarities of different countries, he made interest with the king and his ministers on the subject, but especially for exploring the Nile. It chanced that a certain Indian was brought to the king by the coast-guard of the Arabian Gulf. They reported that they had found him in a ship, alone, and half dead: but that they neither knew who he was, nor where he came from, as he spoke a language they could not understand. He was placed in the hands of preceptors appointed to teach him the Greek language. On acquiring which, he related how he had started from the coasts of India, but lost his course, and reached Egypt alone, all his companions having perished with hunger; but that if he were restored to his country he would point out to those sent with him by the king, the route by sea to India. Eudoxus was of the number thus sent. He set sail with a good supply of presents, and brought back with him in exchange aromatics and precious stones, some of which the Indians collect from amongst the pebbles of the rivers, others they dig out of the earth, where they have been formed by the moisture, as crystals are formed with us. He fancied that he had made his fortune, however, he was greatly deceived, for Euergetes took possession of the whole treasure. On the death of that prince, his widow, Cleopatra, assumed the reins of government, and Eudoxus was again despatched with a richer cargo than before. On his journey back, he was carried by the winds above Ethiopia, and being thrown on certain unknown regions, he conciliated the inhabitants by presents of grain, wine, and cakes of pressed figs, articles which they were without; receiving in exchange a supply of water, and guides for the journey. He also wrote down several words of their language, and having found the end of a prow, with a horse carved on it, which he was told formed part of the wreck of a vessel coming from the west, he took it with him, and proceeded on his homeward course. He arrived safely in Egypt, where no longer Cleopatra, but her son, ruled; but he was again stripped of every thing on the accusation of having appropriated to his own uses a large portion of the merchandise sent out. However, he carried the prow into the market-place, and exhibited it to the pilots, who recognised it as being come from Gades. The merchants of that place employing large vessels, but the lesser traders small ships, which they style horses, from the figures of that animal borne on the prow, and in which they go out fishing around Maurusia, as far as the Lixus. Some of the pilots professed to recognise the prow as that of a vessel which had sailed beyond the river Lixus, but had not returned. From this Eudoxus drew the conclusion, that it was possible to circumnavigate Libya; he therefore returned home, and having collected together the whole of his substance, set out on his travels. First he visited Dicaearchia, and then Marseilles, and afterwards traversed the whole coast as far as Gades. Declaring his enterprise everywhere as he journeyed, he gathered money sufficient to equip a great ship, and two boats, resembling those used by pirates. On board these he placed singing girls, physicians, and artisans of various kinds, and launching into open sea, was carried towards India by steady westerly winds. However, they who accompanied him becoming wearied with the voyage, steered their course towards land, but much against his will, as he dreaded the force of the ebb and flow. What he feared actually occurred. The ship grounded, but gently, so that it did not break up at once, but fell to pieces gradually, the goods and much of the timber of the ship being saved. With these he built a third vessel, closely resembling a ship of fifty oars, and continuing his voyage, came amongst a people who spoke the same language as that some words of which he had on a former occasion committed to writing. He further discovered, that they were men of the same stock as those other Ethiopians, and also resembled those of the kingdom of Bogus. However, he abandoned his intended voyage to India, and returned home. On his voyage back he observed an uninhabited island. well watered and wooded, and carefully noted its position. Having reached Maurusia in safety, he disposed of his vessels, and travelled by land to the court of Bogus. He recommended that sovereign to undertake an expedition thither. This, however, was prevented on account of the fear of the king's advisers, lest the district should chance to expose then to treachery, by making known a route by which foreigners might come to attack them. Eudoxus, however, became aware, that although it was given out that he was himself to be sent on this proposed expedition, the real intent was to abandon him on some desert island. He therefore fled to the Roman territory, and passed thence into Iberia. Again, he equipped two vessels, one round and the other long, furnished with fifty oars, the latter framed for voyaging in the high seas. the other for coasting along the shores. He placed on board agricultural implements, seed, and builders, and hastened on the same voyage, determined, if it should prove too long, to winter on the island he had before observed, sow his seed. and leaving reaped the harvest, complete the expedition he had intended from the beginning." '2.3.5 Thus far, says Posidonius, I have followed the history of Eudoxus. What happened afterwards is probably known to the people of Gades and Iberia; but, says he, all these things only demonstrate more clearly the fact, that the inhabited earth is entirely surrounded by the ocean. By no continent fettered in, But boundless in its flow, and free from soil. Posidonius is certainly a most strange writer; he considers that the voyage of the Magus, related by Heraclides, wants sufficient evidence, and also the account given by Herodotus of those sent out to explore by Darius. But this Bergaean nonsense, either the coinage of his own brain, or of some other story-teller, in whom he trusts, he pretends to be worthy of our belief. But in the first place, what is there credible in this tale of the Indian missing his way? The Arabian Gulf, which resembles a river, is narrow, and in length is from 5000 to 10,000 stadia up to its mouth, where it is narrowest of all. It is not likely that the Indians in their voyage out would have entered this Gulf by mistake. The extreme narrowness of the mouth must have warned them of their error. And if they entered it voluntarily, then there was no excuse for introducing the pretext of mistake and uncertain winds. And how did they suffer all of themselves but one to perish through hunger? And how was it that this surviver was able to manage the ship, which could not have been a small one either, fitted as it was for traversing such vast seas? What must have been his aptitude in learning the language of the country, and thus being able to persuade the king of his competence, as leader of the expedition? And how came it that Euergetes was in want of such guides, so many being already acquainted with this sea? How was it that he who was sent by the inhabitants of Cyzicus to carry libations and sacrifices, should forsake his city and sail for India? How was it that so great an affair was intrusted to him? And how came it that on his return, after being deprived of every thing contrary to expectation, and disgraced, a yet larger cargo of goods was intrusted to him? And when he had again returned into Ethiopia, what cause induced him to write down the words, or to inquire whence came the portion of the prow of the boat? For to learn that it was a ship of some sailing from the west, would have been no information to him, as he himself would have to sail from the west on his voyage back. When, on his return to Alexandria, he was detected in having appropriated to himself much of the merchandise, how came it that he was not punished, but allowed to go about interrogating the pilots, and exhibiting his bit of prow? And that one of these fellows actually recognised the relic, is it not delicious! Eudoxus too believed it, this is still richer; and inspired by the hope, hastens home, and then starts on a voyage beyond the Pillars of Hercules! But he could never have left Alexandria without a passport, still less after having stolen the royal property. To set sail on the sly was impossible, as the port and every other exit was kept by a numerous guard, which still exists, as we very well know who have lived in Alexandria for a long time, although it is not so strict since the Romans have had possession, but under the kings the guards were infinitely more alert. But allowing that he reached Gades, that he there constructed ships, and sailed thence with quite a royal fleet, when his vessel was shattered, by what means was he able to construct a third boat in a desert land? And when, being again on his voyage, he found that the Ethiopians of the West spoke the same language as those of the East, how came it that he, so proud of his travelling propensities, forgot the completion of his voyage, when he must have had so good an expectation that there was but little now left unexplored, but relinquishing these prospects, set his mind on the expedition being undertaken by Bogus? How did he become acquainted with the snare spread for him by that king? And what advantage would have accrued to Bogus by making away with the man, rather than by dismissing him? When Eudoxus learned the plot against himself, what means had he to escape to safer quarters? It is true that not one of these situations was actually impossible, but still they were difficult circumstances, such as one rarely escapes from by any prosperous fortune. However, he always came off with good luck, notwithstanding he was never out of danger. Besides this, how did it happen, that having escaped from Bogus, he was not afraid to sail round Africa a second time, with all the requisites for taking up his abode on the island? All this too closely resembles the falsehoods of Pytheas, Euhemerus, and Antiphanes. They however may be pardoned; for their only aim was that of the juggler. But who can forgive a demonstrator and philosopher, and one too striving to be at the head of their order? it is really too bad!
2.5.8 It is true that Pytheas of Marseilles affirms that the farthest country north of the British islands is Thule; for which place he says the summer tropic and the arctic circle is all one. But he records no other particulars concerning it; he does not say whether Thule is an island, or whether it continues habitable up to the point where the summer tropic becomes one with the arctic circle. For myself, I fancy that the northern boundaries of the habitable earth are greatly south of this. Modern writers tell us of nothing beyond Ierne, which lies just north of Britain, where the people live miserably and like savages on account of the severity of the cold. It is here in my opinion the bounds of the habitable earth ought to be fixed. If on the one hand the parallels of Byzantium and Marseilles are the same, as Hipparchus asserts on the faith of Pytheas, (for he says that at Byzantium the gnomon indicates the same amount of shadow as Pytheas gives for Marseilles,) and at the same time the parallel of the Dnieper is distant from Byzantium about 3800 stadia, it follows, if we take into consideration the distance between Marseilles and Britain, that the circle which passes over the Dnieper traverses Britain as well. But the truth is that Pytheas, who so frequently misleads people, deceives in this instance too. It is generally admitted that a line drawn from the Pillars of Hercules, and passing over the Strait of Messina , Athens, and Rhodes, would lie under the same parallel of latitude. It is likewise admitted, that the line in passing from the Pillars to the Strait of Sicily divides the Mediterranean through the midst. Navigators tell us that the greatest distance from Keltica to Libya, starting from the bottom of the Galatic Bay, is 5000 stadia, and that this is likewise the greatest breadth of the Mediterranean. Consequently from the said line to the bottom of the bay is 2500 stadia; but to Marseilles the distance is rather less, in consequence of that city being more to the south than the bottom of the bay. But since from Rhodes to Byzantium is about 4900 stadia, it follows that Byzantium must be far north of Marseilles. The distance from this latter city to Britain is about the same as from Byzantium to the Dnieper. How far it may be from Britain to the island of Ierne is not known. As to whether beyond it there may still be habitable lands, it is not our business to inquire, as we stated before. It is sufficient for our science to determine this in the same manner that we did the southern boundaries. We there fixed the bounds of the habitable earth at 3000 stadia south of Meroe (not that these were its exact limits, but because they were sufficiently near); so in this instance they should be placed about the same number of stadia north of Britain, certainly not more than 4000. It would not serve any political purpose to be well acquainted with these distant places and the people who inhabit them; especially if they are islands whose inhabitants can neither injure us, nor yet benefit us by their commerce. The Romans might easily have conquered Britain, but they did not care to do so, as they perceived there was nothing to fear from the inhabitants, (they not being powerful enough to attack us,) and that they would gain nothing by occupying the land. Even now it appears that we gain more by the customs they pay, than we could raise by tribute, after deducting the wages of the soldiers necessary for guarding the island and exacting the taxes. And the other islands adjacent to this would be still more unproductive.
17.3.5 Above Mauretania, on the exterior sea (the Atlantic), is the country of the western Ethiopians, as they are called, which, for the most part, is badly inhabited. Iphicrates says, that camel-leopards are bred here, and elephants, and the animals called rhizeis, which in shape are like bulls, but in manner of living, in size, and strength in fighting, resemble elephants. He speaks also of large serpents, and says that even grass grows upon their backs; that lions attack the young of the elephants, and that when they have wounded them, they fly on the approach of the dams; that the latter, when they see their young besmeared with blood, kill them; and that the lions return to the dead bodies, and devour them; that Bogus king of the Mauretanians, during his expedition against the western Ethiopians, sent, as a present to his wife, canes similar to the Indian canes, each joint of which contained eight choenices, and asparagus of similar magnitude.
17.3.7 Although the Mauretanians inhabit a country, the greatest part of which is very fertile, yet the people in general continue even to this time to live like nomads. They bestow care to improve their looks by plaiting their hair, trimming their beards, by wearing golden ornaments, cleaning their teeth, and paring their nails; and you would rarely see them touch one another as they walk, lest they should disturb the arrangement of their hair.They fight for the most part on horseback, with a javelin; and ride on the bare back of the horse, with bridles made of rushes. They have also swords. The foot-soldiers present against the enemy, as shields, the skins of elephants. They wear the skins of lions, panthers, and bears, and sleep in them. These tribes, and the Masaesylii next to them, and for the most part the Africans in general, wear the same dress and arms, and resemble one another in other respects; they ride horses which are small, but spirited and tractable, so as to be guided by a switch. They have collars made of cotton or of hair, from which hangs a leading-rein. Some follow, like dogs, without being led.They have a small shield of leather, and small lances with broad heads. Their tunics are loose, with wide borders; their cloak is a skin, as I have said before, which serves also as a breastplate.The Pharusii and Nigretes, who live above these people, near the western Ethiopians, use bows and arrows, like the Ethiopians. They have chariots also, armed with scythes. The Pharusii rarely have any intercourse with the Mauretanians in passing through the desert country, as they carry skins filled with water, fastened under the bellies of their horses. Sometimes, indeed, they come to Cirta, passing through places abounding with marshes and lakes. Some of them are said to live like the Troglodytae, in caves dug in the ground. It is said that rain falls there frequently in summer, but that during the winter drought prevails. Some of the barbarians in that quarter wear the skins of serpents and fishes, and use them as coverings for their beds. Some say that the Mauretanians are Indians, who accompanied Hercules hither. A little before my time, the kings Bogus and Bocchus, allies of the Romans, possessed this country; after their death, Juba succeeded to the kingdom, having received it from Augustus Caesar, in addition to his paternal dominions. He was the son of Juba who fought, in conjunction with Scipio, against divus Caesar. Juba died lately, and was succeeded by his son Ptolemy, whose mother was the daughter of Antony and Cleopatra.'" None |
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88. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.2.1-1.2.4, 2.8.5, 2.10.2, 5.4.2, 8.14.1
Tagged with subjects: • Africans, North • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P., his house • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio (Africanus) • Scipio Africanus, L. Cornelius (major, cos. II • Scipio Africanus, P. Cornelius • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas • Scipio the Elder, father of Africanus
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 291, 315; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 105; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 70, 104, 105, 122; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 126; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 75, 186; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 291, 315
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1.2.1 Numa Pompilius, so that he might oblige his people to the observance of holy things, feigned to have familiarity by night with the goddess Egeria; and that by her direction only, the appropriate worship of the gods which he proposed was instituted. 1.2.2 Scipio, surnamed Africanus, never went about any private or public business, till he had been for some while in the shrine of Capitoline Jupiter; and was therefore thought to have been begot by Jove. 183/9 1.2.3 Lucius Sulla, whenever he resolved to give battle, embracing a little image of Apollo, which was taken out of the temple of Delphi, in the sight of all his soldiers, asked the deity to bring to pass what he had promised. 1.2.4 Q. Sertorius had a tame white hart, which he taught to follow him over all the cragged mountains of Lusitania, by which he feigned himself instructed what to do, or what not.' "
2.10.2 But what wonder that due honour was given to Metellus by his fellow-citizens, which an enemy did not refrain to render to the elder Africanus? For Antiochus, in the war which he made against the Romans, having taken Scipio's son prisoner, not only treated him honourably, but also sent him to his father, laden with royal gifts, though Antiochus had been by then almost driven out of his kingdom by him. But the enraged king rather chose to reverence the majesty of so great a man, than avenge his own misfortune." 5.4.2 The same piety roused the elder Africanus, when he was hardly past the age of childhood, to go to the aid of his father, and armed him with manly strength in the midst of battle. For he saved the consul, who was desperately wounded in the battle which he lost to Hannibal upon the river Ticinus. He was not terrified either by the tenderness of his age, the rawness of his skill in warfare, or the outcome of an unfortunate fight, which would have daunted an older soldier. By this he merited a crown conspicuous for its double honour, having rescued from the jaws of death, a father and a general.' "
8.14.1 The elder Africanus wished the effigy of Ennius to be placed among the monuments of the Cornelian family, because he thought that his deeds had been illuminated by the poet's genius. He was aware, that as long as the Roman empire might flourish, and Africa lay captive at the feet of Italy, and the Capitol possessed the peak of the whole world, the memory of his deeds could not be extinguished; but he also thought it important that they were lit up by the rays of learning. He was a man more worthy of praise from Homer, than of a clumsy and unpolished eulogy." ' None |
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89. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.110-1.111, 1.202-1.206, 1.223, 1.259-1.260, 1.272-1.274, 1.278, 1.292-1.293, 1.338, 1.453-1.457, 1.488-1.493, 1.495, 1.588-1.589, 1.657, 1.725-1.730, 2.533-2.558, 2.590, 2.622-2.623, 3.462, 3.497-3.498, 4.2, 4.66, 4.77, 4.86-4.89, 4.101, 4.193, 4.260-4.265, 6.662-6.668, 6.679-6.683, 6.791-6.800, 6.806, 6.852-6.853, 6.860-6.869, 7.440, 8.301, 8.635-8.645, 8.671-8.728, 9.446-9.449
Tagged with subjects: • Aeneas, intertextual identities, Scipio Africanus • Africa • Africa Proconsularis • Africa, in the Ph. • Cornelius Scipio Africanus (‘the Elder’), P. • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P., image in Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus • North Africa • North Africa, Roman • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Sallust, accuses Sulla of corrupting the army in Asia, on the origins of African peoples • Saturn, in Africa Proconsularis • Scipio (Africanus) • Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, apotheosis of • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas • Scipio Africanus, triumph of • Vergil, on Africans • dress, African
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 92, 93; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 253, 275, 292, 293, 294, 295, 296, 297, 298, 301, 302, 312, 314; Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 117; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 235, 262; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 94, 96, 108, 180, 241; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 148, 304; Joseph (2022), Thunder and Lament: Lucan on the Beginnings and Ends of Epic, 170, 171, 172; Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 656; Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 263, 264; Morrison (2020), Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography, 25; Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 123; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 95, 100, 108, 114, 127; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 108; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 133; Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 186; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 54; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 253, 275, 292, 293, 294, 295, 296, 297, 298, 301, 302, 312, 314
sup>1.111 in brevia et Syrtis urguet, miserabile visu,
1.202 experti: revocate animos, maestumque timorem 1.203 mittite: forsan et haec olim meminisse iuvabit. 1.204 Per varios casus, per tot discrimina rerum 1.205 tendimus in Latium; sedes ubi fata quietas 1.206 ostendunt; illic fas regna resurgere Troiae.
1.259 moenia, sublimemque feres ad sidera caeli 1.260 magimum Aenean; neque me sententia vertit.
1.272 Hic iam ter centum totos regnabitur annos 1.273 gente sub Hectorea, donec regina sacerdos, 1.274 Marte gravis, geminam partu dabit Ilia prolem.
1.292 cana Fides, et Vesta, Remo cum fratre Quirinus, 1.293 iura dabunt; dirae ferro et compagibus artis
1.338 Punica regna vides, Tyrios et Agenoris urbem;
1.453 Namque sub ingenti lustrat dum singula templo, 1.454 reginam opperiens, dum, quae fortuna sit urbi, 1.455 artificumque manus inter se operumque laborem 1.456 miratur, videt Iliacas ex ordine pugnas, 1.457 bellaque iam fama totum volgata per orbem,
1.488 Se quoque principibus permixtum adgnovit Achivis, 1.489 Eoasque acies et nigri Memnonis arma. 1.490 Ducit Amazonidum lunatis agmina peltis 1.491 Penthesilea furens, mediisque in milibus ardet, 1.492 aurea subnectens exsertae cingula mammae, 1.493 bellatrix, audetque viris concurrere virgo.
1.495 dum stupet, obtutuque haeret defixus in uno,
1.588 Restitit Aeneas claraque in luce refulsit, 1.589 os umerosque deo similis; namque ipsa decoram
1.657 At Cytherea novas artes, nova pectore versat
1.725 Fit strepitus tectis, vocemque per ampla volutant 1.726 atria; dependent lychni laquearibus aureis 1.728 Hic regina gravem gemmis auroque poposcit 1.729 implevitque mero pateram, quam Belus et omnes 1.730 a Belo soliti; tum facta silentia tectis:
2.533 Hic Priamus, quamquam in media iam morte tenetur, 2.534 non tamen abstinuit, nec voci iraeque pepercit: 2.536 di, si qua est caelo pietas, quae talia curet, 2.537 persolvant grates dignas et praemia reddant 2.538 debita, qui nati coram me cernere letum 2.539 fecisti et patrios foedasti funere voltus. 2.540 At non ille, satum quo te mentiris, Achilles 2.541 talis in hoste fuit Priamo; sed iura fidemque 2.542 supplicis erubuit, corpusque exsangue sepulchro 2.543 reddidit Hectoreum, meque in mea regna remisit. 2.544 Sic fatus senior, telumque imbelle sine ictu 2.545 coniecit, rauco quod protinus aere repulsum 2.546 e summo clipei nequiquam umbone pependit. 2.547 Cui Pyrrhus: Referes ergo haec et nuntius ibis 2.548 Pelidae genitori; illi mea tristia facta 2.549 degeneremque Neoptolemum narrare memento. 2.550 Nunc morere. Hoc dicens altaria ad ipsa trementem 2.551 traxit et in multo lapsantem sanguine nati, 2.552 implicuitque comam laeva, dextraque coruscum 2.553 extulit, ac lateri capulo tenus abdidit ensem. 2.554 Haec finis Priami fatorum; hic exitus illum 2.555 sorte tulit, Troiam incensam et prolapsa videntem 2.556 Pergama, tot quondam populis terrisque superbum 2.557 regnatorem Asiae. Iacet ingens litore truncus, 2.558 avolsumque umeris caput, et sine nomine corpus.
2.590 obtulit et pura per noctem in luce refulsit
2.622 Adparent dirae facies inimicaque Troiae 2.623 numina magna deum.
3.462 Vade age, et ingentem factis fer ad aethera Troiam.
3.497 quaerenda. Effigiem Xanthi Troiamque videtis 3.498 quam vestrae fecere manus, melioribus, opto,
4.2 volnus alit venis, et caeco carpitur igni.
4.66 quid delubra iuvant? Est mollis flamma medullas
4.77 nunc eadem labente die convivia quaerit,
4.86 Non coeptae adsurgunt turres, non arma iuventus 4.87 exercet, portusve aut propugnacula bello 4.88 tuta parant; pendent opera interrupta, minaeque 4.89 murorum ingentes aequataque machina caelo.
4.101 ardet amans Dido, traxitque per ossa furorem.
4.193 nunc hiemem inter se luxu, quam longa, fovere
4.260 Aenean fundantem arces ac tecta novantem
4.261 conspicit; atque illi stellatus iaspide fulva
4.262 ensis erat, Tyrioque ardebat murice laena
4.263 demissa ex umeris, dives quae munera Dido
4.264 fecerat, et tenui telas discreverat auro.
4.265 Continuo invadit: Tu nunc Karthaginis altae
6.662 quique pii vates et Phoebo digna locuti, 6.663 inventas aut qui vitam excoluere per artes, 6.664 quique sui memores alios fecere merendo, 6.665 omnibus his nivea cinguntur tempora vitta. 6.666 Quos circumfusos sic est adfata Sybilla, 6.667 Musaeum ante omnes, medium nam plurima turba 6.668 hunc habet, atque umeris exstantem suspicit altis:
6.679 At pater Anchises penitus convalle virenti 6.680 inclusas animas superumque ad lumen ituras 6.681 lustrabat studio recolens, omnemque suorum 6.682 forte recensebat numerum carosque nepotes, 6.683 fataque fortunasque virum moresque manusque.
6.791 Hic vir, hic est, tibi quem promitti saepius audis, 6.792 Augustus Caesar, Divi genus, aurea condet 6.793 saecula qui rursus Latio regnata per arva 6.794 Saturno quondam, super et Garamantas et Indos 6.795 proferet imperium: iacet extra sidera tellus, 6.796 extra anni solisque vias, ubi caelifer Atlas 6.797 axem umero torquet stellis ardentibus aptum. 6.798 Huius in adventum iam nunc et Caspia regna 6.799 responsis horrent divom et Maeotia tellus, 6.800 et septemgemini turbant trepida ostia Nili.
6.806 Et dubitamus adhuc virtute extendere vires,
6.852 hae tibi erunt artes; pacisque imponere morem, 6.853 parcere subiectis, et debellare superbos.
6.860 Atque hic Aeneas; una namque ire videbat 6.861 egregium forma iuvenem et fulgentibus armis, 6.862 sed frons laeta parum, et deiecto lumina voltu: 6.863 Quis, pater, ille, virum qui sic comitatur euntem? 6.864 Filius, anne aliquis magna de stirpe nepotum? 6.865 Quis strepitus circa comitum! Quantum instar in ipso! 6.866 Sed nox atra caput tristi circumvolat umbra. 6.867 Tum pater Anchises, lacrimis ingressus obortis: 6.868 O gnate, ingentem luctum ne quaere tuorum; 6.869 ostendent terris hunc tantum fata, neque ultra
7.440 Sed te victa situ verique effeta senectus,
8.301 Salve, vera Iovis proles, decus addite divis,
8.635 Nec procul hinc Romam et raptas sine more Sabinas 8.636 consessu caveae magnis circensibus actis 8.637 addiderat subitoque novum consurgere bellum 8.638 Romulidis Tatioque seni Curibusque severis. 8.639 Post idem inter se posito certamine reges 8.640 armati Iovis ante aram paterasque tenentes 8.641 stabant et caesa iungebant foedera porca. 8.642 Haud procul inde citae Mettum in diversa quadrigae 8.643 distulerant, at tu dictis, Albane, maneres, 8.644 raptabatque viri mendacis viscera Tullus 8.645 per silvam, et sparsi rorabant sanguine vepres.
8.671 Haec inter tumidi late maris ibat imago 8.672 aurea, sed fluctu spumabant caerula cano; 8.673 et circum argento clari delphines in orbem 8.674 aequora verrebant caudis aestumque secabant. 8.675 In medio classis aeratas, Actia bella, 8.676 cernere erat, totumque instructo Marte videres 8.677 fervere Leucaten auroque effulgere fluctus. 8.678 Hinc Augustus agens Italos in proelia Caesar 8.679 cum patribus populoque, penatibus et magnis dis, 8.680 stans celsa in puppi; geminas cui tempora flammas 8.681 laeta vomunt patriumque aperitur vertice sidus. 8.682 Parte alia ventis et dis Agrippa secundis 8.683 arduus agmen agens; cui, belli insigne superbum, 8.684 tempora navali fulgent rostrata corona. 8.685 Hinc ope barbarica variisque Antonius armis, 8.686 victor ab Aurorae populis et litore rubro, 8.687 Aegyptum viresque Orientis et ultima secum 8.688 Bactra vehit, sequiturque (nefas) Aegyptia coniunx. 8.689 Una omnes ruere, ac totum spumare reductis 8.690 convolsum remis rostrisque tridentibus aequor. 8.691 alta petunt: pelago credas innare revolsas 8.692 Cycladas aut montis concurrere montibus altos, 8.693 tanta mole viri turritis puppibus instant. 8.694 stuppea flamma manu telisque volatile ferrum 8.695 spargitur, arva nova Neptunia caede rubescunt. 8.696 Regina in mediis patrio vocat agmina sistro 8.697 necdum etiam geminos a tergo respicit anguis. 8.698 omnigenumque deum monstra et latrator Anubis 8.699 contra Neptunum et Venerem contraque Minervam 8.700 tela tenent. Saevit medio in certamine Mavors 8.701 caelatus ferro tristesque ex aethere Dirae, 8.702 et scissa gaudens vadit Discordia palla, 8.703 quam cum sanguineo sequitur Bellona flagello. 8.704 Actius haec cernens arcum tendebat Apollo 8.705 desuper: omnis eo terrore Aegyptus et Indi, 8.706 omnis Arabs, omnes vertebant terga Sabaei. 8.707 Ipsa videbatur ventis regina vocatis 8.708 vela dare et laxos iam iamque inmittere funis. 8.709 Illam inter caedes pallentem morte futura 8.710 fecerat Ignipotens undis et Iapyge ferri, 8.711 contra autem magno maerentem corpore Nilum 8.712 pandentemque sinus et tota veste vocantem 8.713 caeruleum in gremium latebrosaque flumina victos. 8.714 At Caesar, triplici invectus Romana triumpho 8.715 moenia, dis Italis votum inmortale sacrabat, 8.716 maxuma tercentum totam delubra per urbem. 8.717 Laetitia ludisque viae plausuque fremebant; 8.718 omnibus in templis matrum chorus, omnibus arae; 8.719 ante aras terram caesi stravere iuvenci. 8.720 Ipse, sedens niveo candentis limine Phoebi, 8.721 dona recognoscit populorum aptatque superbis 8.722 postibus; incedunt victae longo ordine gentes, 8.723 quam variae linguis, habitu tam vestis et armis. 8.725 hic Lelegas Carasque sagittiferosque Gelonos 8.726 finxerat; Euphrates ibat iam mollior undis, 8.727 extremique hominum Morini, Rhenusque bicornis, 8.728 indomitique Dahae, et pontem indignatus Araxes.
9.446 Fortunati ambo! Siquid mea carmina possunt, 9.447 nulla dies umquam memori vos eximet aevo, 9.448 dum domus Aeneae Capitoli immobile saxum 9.449 accolet imperiumque pater Romanus habebit.' ' None | sup>1.111 Replying thus, he smote with spear reversed
1.202 till rocks and blazing torches fill the air 1.203 (rage never lacks for arms)—if haply then 1.204 ome wise man comes, whose reverend looks attest 1.205 a life to duty given, swift silence falls; 1.206 all ears are turned attentive; and he sways
1.259 lay seven huge forms, one gift for every ship. 1.260 Then back to shore he sped, and to his friends
1.272 No more complaint and fear! It well may be 1.273 ome happier hour will find this memory fair. 1.274 Through chance and change and hazard without end, ' "
1.292 'twixt hopes and fears divided; for who knows " '1.293 whether the lost ones live, or strive with death,
1.338 But we of thine own seed, to whom thou dost ' "
1.453 art thou bright Phoebus' sister? Or some nymph, " "1.454 the daughter of a god? Whate'er thou art, " '1.455 thy favor we implore, and potent aid 1.456 in our vast toil. Instruct us of what skies, ' "1.457 or what world's end, our storm-swept lives have found! " 1.488 her grief and stricken love. But as she slept, ' "1.489 her husband's tombless ghost before her came, " '1.490 with face all wondrous pale, and he laid bare 1.491 his heart with dagger pierced, disclosing so 1.492 the blood-stained altar and the infamy 1.493 that darkened now their house. His counsel was ' "
1.495 and for her journey's aid, he whispered where " 1.588 the bastioned gates; the uproar of the throng. 1.589 The Tyrians toil unwearied; some up-raise ' "
1.657 in night's first watch burst o'er them unawares " 1.725 had brought them hither; for a chosen few 1.726 from every ship had come to sue for grace, 1.728 The doors swung wide; and after access given 1.729 and leave to speak, revered Ilioneus 1.730 with soul serene these lowly words essayed:
2.533 eeking their safe ships and the friendly shore. 2.534 Some cowards foul went clambering back again 2.536 But woe is me! If gods their help withhold, ' "2.537 't is impious to be brave. That very hour " '2.538 the fair Cassandra passed us, bound in chains, ' "2.539 King Priam's virgin daughter, from the shrine " '2.540 and altars of Minerva; her loose hair 2.541 had lost its fillet; her impassioned eyes 2.542 were lifted in vain prayer,—her eyes alone! 2.543 For chains of steel her frail, soft hands confined. ' "2.544 Coroebus' eyes this horror not endured, " '2.545 and, sorrow-crazed, he plunged him headlong in 2.546 the midmost fray, self-offered to be slain, 2.547 while in close mass our troop behind him poured. 2.548 But, at this point, the overwhelming spears 2.549 of our own kinsmen rained resistless down 2.550 from a high temple-tower; and carnage wild 2.551 ensued, because of the Greek arms we bore 2.552 and our false crests. The howling Grecian band, ' "2.553 crazed by Cassandra's rescue, charged at us " '2.554 from every side; Ajax of savage soul, 2.555 the sons of Atreus, and that whole wild horde 2.556 Achilles from Dolopian deserts drew. ' "2.557 'T was like the bursting storm, when gales contend, " '2.558 west wind and South, and jocund wind of morn
2.590 The Greek besiegers to the roof-tops fled;
2.622 It fell with instantaneous crash of thunder 2.623 along the Danaan host in ruin wide.
3.462 I, the slave-wife, to Helenus was given,
3.497 while favoring breezes beckoned us to sea, 3.498 and swelled the waiting canvas as they blew.
4.2 of love; and out of every pulsing vein
4.66 and what imperial city shall be thine,
4.77 a doubting mind with hope, and bade the blush
4.86 and poured it full between the lifted horns 4.87 of the white heifer; or on temple floors 4.88 he strode among the richly laden shrines, 4.89 the eyes of gods upon her, worshipping
4.101 through Cretan forest rashly wandering,
4.193 and fiercely champs the foam-flecked bridle-rein.
4.260 an equal number of vociferous tongues,
4.261 foul, whispering lips, and ears, that catch at all. ' "
4.262 At night she spreads midway 'twixt earth and heaven " 4.263 her pinions in the darkness, hissing loud, ' "
4.264 nor e'er to happy slumber gives her eyes: " 4.265 but with the morn she takes her watchful throne
6.662 The shades of thy Deiphobus received. ' "6.663 My fate it was, and Helen's murderous wrong, " '6.664 Wrought me this woe; of her these tokens tell. 6.665 For how that last night in false hope we passed, 6.666 Thou knowest,—ah, too well we both recall! 6.667 When up the steep of Troy the fateful horse 6.668 Came climbing, pregt with fierce men-at-arms,
6.679 Then loud on Menelaus did she call, 6.680 And with her own false hand unbarred the door; 6.681 Such gift to her fond lord she fain would send 6.682 To blot the memory of his ancient wrong! 6.683 Why tell the tale, how on my couch they broke,
6.791 What forms of woe they feel, what fateful shape ' "6.792 of retribution hath o'erwhelmed them there. " '6.793 Some roll huge boulders up; some hang on wheels, 6.794 Lashed to the whirling spokes; in his sad seat 6.795 Theseus is sitting, nevermore to rise; 6.796 Unhappy Phlegyas uplifts his voice 6.797 In warning through the darkness, calling loud, 6.798 ‘0, ere too late, learn justice and fear God!’ 6.799 Yon traitor sold his country, and for gold 6.800 Enchained her to a tyrant, trafficking
6.806 Not with a hundred mouths, a hundred tongues,
6.852 Here dwell the brave who for their native land 6.853 Fell wounded on the field; here holy priests
6.860 And each bright brow a snow-white fillet wears. 6.861 Unto this host the Sibyl turned, and hailed 6.862 Musaeus, midmost of a numerous throng, ' "6.863 Who towered o'er his peers a shoulder higher: " '6.864 “0 spirits blest! 0 venerable bard! 6.865 Declare what dwelling or what region holds 6.866 Anchises, for whose sake we twain essayed 6.867 Yon passage over the wide streams of hell.” 6.868 And briefly thus the hero made reply: 6.869 “No fixed abode is ours. In shadowy groves
7.440 of ruin multiply a thousand-fold.
8.301 the cavern door, and broken the big chains,
8.635 because the Fates intend. Not far from ours 8.636 a city on an ancient rock is seen, 8.637 Agylla, which a warlike Lydian clan 8.638 built on the Tuscan hills. It prospered well 8.639 for many a year, then under the proud yoke 8.640 of King Mezentius it came and bore 8.641 his cruel sway. Why tell the loathsome deeds 8.642 and crimes unspeakable the despot wrought? 8.643 May Heaven requite them on his impious head 8.644 and on his children! For he used to chain 8.645 dead men to living, hand on hand was laid
8.671 Seek ye a king from far!’ So in the field ' "8.672 inert and fearful lies Etruria's force, " '8.673 disarmed by oracles. Their Tarchon sent 8.674 envoys who bore a sceptre and a crown 8.675 even to me, and prayed I should assume ' "8.676 the sacred emblems of Etruria's king, " '8.677 and lead their host to war. But unto me 8.678 cold, sluggish age, now barren and outworn, 8.679 denies new kingdoms, and my slow-paced powers 8.680 run to brave deeds no more. Nor could I urge ' "8.681 my son, who by his Sabine mother's line " '8.682 is half Italian-born. Thyself art he, 8.683 whose birth illustrious and manly prime 8.684 fate favors and celestial powers approve. 8.685 Therefore go forth, O bravest chief and King 8.686 of Troy and Italy ! To thee I give 8.687 the hope and consolation of our throne, 8.688 pallas, my son, and bid him find in thee 8.689 a master and example, while he learns ' "8.690 the soldier's arduous toil. With thy brave deeds " '8.691 let him familiar grow, and reverence thee 8.692 with youthful love and honor. In his train 8.693 two hundred horsemen of Arcadia, 8.694 our choicest men-at-arms, shall ride; and he 8.695 in his own name an equal band shall bring 8.696 to follow only thee.” Such the discourse. 8.697 With meditative brows and downcast eyes 8.698 Aeneas and Achates, sad at heart, 8.699 mused on unnumbered perils yet to come. ' "8.700 But out of cloudless sky Cythera's Queen " "8.701 gave sudden signal: from th' ethereal dome " '8.702 a thunder-peal and flash of quivering fire 8.703 tumultuous broke, as if the world would fall, 8.704 and bellowing Tuscan trumpets shook the air. 8.705 All eyes look up. Again and yet again 8.706 crashed the terrible din, and where the sky 8.707 looked clearest hung a visionary cloud, 8.708 whence through the brightness blazed resounding arms. ' "8.709 All hearts stood still. But Troy 's heroic son " '8.710 knew that his mother in the skies redeemed 8.711 her pledge in sound of thunder: so he cried, 8.712 “Seek not, my friend, seek not thyself to read ' "8.713 the meaning of the omen. 'T is to me " '8.714 Olympus calls. My goddess-mother gave 8.715 long since her promise of a heavenly sign 8.716 if war should burst; and that her power would bring 8.717 a panoply from Vulcan through the air, 8.718 to help us at our need. Alas, what deaths ' "8.719 over Laurentum's ill-starred host impend! " '8.720 O Turnus, what a reckoning thou shalt pay 8.721 to me in arms! O Tiber, in thy wave 8.722 what helms and shields and mighty soldiers slain 8.723 hall in confusion roll! Yea, let them lead 8.725 He said: and from the lofty throne uprose. 8.726 Straightway he roused anew the slumbering fire 8.727 acred to Hercules, and glad at heart 8.728 adored, as yesterday, the household gods
9.446 that no man smite behind us. I myself 9.447 will mow the mighty fieid, and lead thee on 9.448 in a wide swath of slaughter.” With this word 9.449 he shut his lips; and hurled him with his sword ' ' None |
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90. Vergil, Eclogues, 6.1-6.2, 8.9-8.10
Tagged with subjects: • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 290, 294; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 290, 294
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6.1 first my Thalia stooped in sportive mood 6.2 to Syracusan strains, nor blushed within
8.9 thou now art passing, or dost skirt the shore 8.10 of the Illyrian main,—will ever dawn'' None |
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91. Vergil, Georgics, 2.176, 3.10-3.48
Tagged with subjects: • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 290, 293, 294; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 290, 293, 294
sup>
2.176 Ascraeumque cano Romana per oppida carmen.
3.10 Primus ego in patriam mecum, modo vita supersit, 3.11 Aonio rediens deducam vertice Musas; 3.12 primus Idumaeas referam tibi, Mantua, palmas, 3.13 et viridi in campo templum de marmore ponam 3.14 propter aquam. Tardis ingens ubi flexibus errat 3.15 Mincius et tenera praetexit arundine ripas. 3.16 In medio mihi Caesar erit templumque tenebit: 3.17 illi victor ego et Tyrio conspectus in ostro 3.18 centum quadriiugos agitabo ad flumina currus. 3.19 Cuncta mihi Alpheum linquens lucosque Molorchi 3.20 cursibus et crudo decernet Graecia caestu. 3.21 Ipse caput tonsae foliis ornatus olivae 3.22 dona feram. Iam nunc sollemnis ducere pompas 3.23 ad delubra iuvat caesosque videre iuvencos, 3.24 vel scaena ut versis discedat frontibus utque 3.25 purpurea intexti tollant aulaea Britanni. 3.26 In foribus pugnam ex auro solidoque elephanto 3.27 Gangaridum faciam victorisque arma Quirini, 3.28 atque hic undantem bello magnumque fluentem 3.29 Nilum ac navali surgentis aere columnas. 3.30 Addam urbes Asiae domitas pulsumque Niphaten 3.31 fidentemque fuga Parthum versisque sagittis, 3.32 et duo rapta manu diverso ex hoste tropaea 3.33 bisque triumphatas utroque ab litore gentes. 3.34 Stabunt et Parii lapides, spirantia signa, 3.35 Assaraci proles demissaeque ab Iove gentis 3.36 nomina, Trosque parens et Troiae Cynthius auctor. 3.37 Invidia infelix Furias amnemque severum 3.38 Cocyti metuet tortosque Ixionis anguis 3.39 immanemque rotam et non exsuperabile saxum. 3.40 Interea Dryadum silvas saltusque sequamur 3.41 intactos, tua, Maecenas, haud mollia iussa. 3.42 Te sine nil altum mens incohat; en age segnis 3.43 rumpe moras; vocat ingenti clamore Cithaeron 3.44 Taygetique canes domitrixque Epidaurus equorum 3.45 et vox adsensu nemorum ingeminata remugit. 3.46 Mox tamen ardentis accingar dicere pugnas 3.47 Caesaris et nomen fama tot ferre per annos, 3.48 Tithoni prima quot abest ab origine Caesar.'' None | sup>
2.176 Nor Ganges fair, and Hermus thick with gold,
3.10 And Pelops for his ivory shoulder famed, 3.11 Keen charioteer? Needs must a path be tried, 3.12 By which I too may lift me from the dust, 3.13 And float triumphant through the mouths of men. 3.14 Yea, I shall be the first, so life endure, 3.15 To lead the Muses with me, as I pa 3.16 To mine own country from the Aonian height; 3.17 I, 3.18 of Idumaea, and raise a marble shrine 3.19 On thy green plain fast by the water-side, 3.20 Where Mincius winds more vast in lazy coils, 3.21 And rims his margent with the tender reed.' "3.22 Amid my shrine shall Caesar's godhead dwell." '3.23 To him will I, as victor, bravely dight 3.24 In Tyrian purple, drive along the bank 3.25 A hundred four-horse cars. All 3.27 On foot shall strive, or with the raw-hide glove; 3.28 Whilst I, my head with stripped green olive crowned,' "3.29 Will offer gifts. Even 'tis present joy" '3.30 To lead the high processions to the fane, 3.31 And view the victims felled; or how the scene 3.32 Sunders with shifted face, and 3.33 Inwoven thereon with those proud curtains rise. 3.34 of gold and massive ivory on the door' "3.35 I'll trace the battle of the Gangarides," "3.36 And our Quirinus' conquering arms, and there" '3.37 Surging with war, and hugely flowing, the 3.38 And columns heaped on high with naval brass. 3.39 And 3.40 And quelled Niphates, and the Parthian foe, 3.41 Who trusts in flight and backward-volleying darts, 3.42 And trophies torn with twice triumphant hand' "3.43 From empires twain on ocean's either shore." '3.44 And breathing forms of Parian marble there 3.45 Shall stand, the offspring of Assaracus, 3.46 And great names of the Jove-descended folk, 3.47 And father Tros, and 3.48 of Cynthus. And accursed Envy there'' None |
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92. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 291; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 291
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93. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 275, 293; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 275, 293
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94. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P., forbids images to himself • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P., image in Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus • Scipio Aemilianus, P. Cornelius (Africanus the younger)
Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 173; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 292
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95. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, as son of Jupiter • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas • Scipio the Elder, father of Africanus
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 315; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 315
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96. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Mactaris, Africa • North Africa • North Africa, Roman • Scipio Africanus • Sicca (Le Kef) city of Roman North Africa, Boglio stela of • Thignica, Africa • Thugga, Africa • Thysdrus, Africa • Utica, Africa • Vaga, Africa
Found in books: Benefiel and Keegan (2016), Inscriptions in the Private Sphere in the Greco-Roman World, 133, 138; Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 125, 197, 367, 370, 376, 434, 522, 675; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 251; Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 127; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 123; Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 193
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97. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Africa Proconsularis, province • Scipio Africanus
Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 437; Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 127; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 40; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 36
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98. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Pomponia, mother of Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, and Achilles • Scipio Africanus, apotheosis of • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, katabasis of • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Homer • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 298; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 298
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99. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 320; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 320
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100. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 311, 312; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 311, 312
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101. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Scipio Africanus, imitatio of Alexander the Great by • Scipio Africanus, meeting with Virtus and Voluptas
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 306; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 306
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102. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Africa • Africa Proconsularis (North Africa) • Africa Proconsularis (North Africa), Montanism in xxx • Canons, African • Montanism, North Africa • North Africa • North Africa, Roman • cult of the martyrs, North Africa • dress, African
Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 271, 272, 288; Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 942; Kitzler (2015), From 'Passio Perpetuae' to 'Acta Perpetuae', 11, 39, 42, 68, 109; Maier and Waldner (2022), Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time, 68, 145, 149; McGowan (1999), Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals, 102, 103; Moss (2012), Ancient Christian Martyrdom: Diverse Practices, Theologies, and Traditions, 124; Pignot (2020), The Catechumenate in Late Antique Africa (4th–6th Centuries): Augustine of Hippo, His Contemporaries and Early Reception, 4; Ployd (2023), Augustine, Martyrdom, and Classical Rhetoric, 9; Tabbernee (2007), Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism, 62, 63, 186
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