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40 results for "action"
1. Plautus, Aulularia, 24-25, 23 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mackey (2022) 270
2. Cato, Marcus Porcius, On Agriculture, 143.1 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mackey (2022) 153
3. Cicero, In Pisonem, 1.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 276
4. Cicero, De Oratore, 3.223 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 276
3.223. qua re in hac nostra actione secundum vocem vultus valet; is autem oculis gubernatur. Atque in eis omnibus, quae sunt actionis, inest quaedam vis a natura data; qua re etiam hac imperiti, hac vulgus, hac denique barbari maxime commoventur: verba enim neminem movent nisi eum, qui eiusdem linguae societate coniunctus est, sententiaeque saepe acutae non acutorum hominum sensus praetervolant: actio, quae prae se motum animi fert, omnis movet; isdem enim omnium animi motibus concitantur et eos isdem notis et in aliis agnoscunt et in se ipsi indicant.
5. Cicero, On Duties, 1.53-1.55, 2.11, 5.42 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 151, 157, 279, 280
1.53. Gradus autem plures sunt societatis hominum. Ut enim ab illa infinita discedatur, propior est eiusdem gentis, nationis, linguae, qua maxime homines coniunguntur; interius etiam est eiusdem esse civitatis; multa enim sunt civibus inter se communia, forum, fana, porticus, viae, leges, iura: iudicia, suffragia, consuetudines praeterea et familiaritates multisque cum multis res rationesque contractae. Artior vero colligatio est societatis propinquorum; ab illa enim immensa societate humani generis in exiguum angustumque concluditur. 1.54. Nam cum sit hoc natura commune animantium, ut habeant libidinem procreandi, prima societas in ipso coniugio est, proxima in liberis, deinde una domus, communia omnia; id autem est principium urbis et quasi seminarium rei publicae. Sequuntur fratrum coniunctiones, post consobrinorum sobrinorumque, qui cum una domo iam capi non possint, in alias domos tamquam in colonias exeunt. Sequuntur conubia et affinitates, ex quibus etiam plures propinqui; quae propagatio et suboles origo est rerum publicarum. Sanguinis autem coniunctio et benivolentia devincit homines et caritate; 1.55. magnum est enim eadem habere monumenta maiorum, eisdem uti sacris, sepulcra habere communia. Sed omnium societatum nulla praestantior est, nulla firmior, quam cum viri boni moribus similes sunt familiaritate coniuncti; illud enim honestum quod saepe dicimus, etiam si in alio cernimus, tamen nos movet atque illi, in quo id inesse videtur, amicos facit. 2.11. Quae ergo ad vitam hominum tuendam pertinent, partim sunt iima, ut aurum, argentum, ut ea, quae gignuntur e terra, ut alia generis eiusdem, partim animalia, quae habent suos impetus et rerum appetitus. Eorum autem alia rationis expertia sunt, alia ratione utentia; expertes rationis equi, boves, reliquae pecudes, apes, quarum opere efficitur aliquid ad usum hominum atque vitam; ratione autem utentium duo genera ponunt, deorum unum, alterum hominum. Deos placatos pietas efficiet et sanctitas, proxime autem et secundum deos homines hominibus maxime utiles esse possunt. 1.53.  Then, too, there are a great many degrees of closeness or remoteness in human society. To proceed beyond the universal bond of our common humanity, there is the closer one of belonging to the same people, tribe, and tongue, by which men are very closely bound together; it is a still closer relation to be citizens of the same city-state; for fellow-citizens have much in common — forum, temples colonnades, streets, statutes, laws, courts, rights of suffrage, to say nothing of social and friendly circles and diverse business relations with many. But a still closer social union exists between kindred. Starting with that infinite bond of union of the human race in general, the conception is now confined to a small and narrow circle. 1.54.  For since the reproductive instinct is by Nature's gift the common possession of all living creatures, the first bond of union is that between husband and wife; the next, that between parents and children; then we find one home, with everything in common. And this is the foundation of civil government, the nursery, as it were, of the state. Then follow the bonds between brothers and sisters, and next those of first and then of second cousins; and when they can no longer be sheltered under one roof, they go out into other homes, as into colonies. Then follow between these in turn, marriages and connections by marriage, and from these again a new stock of relations; and from this propagation and after-growth states have their beginnings. The bonds of common blood hold men fast through good-will and affection; 1.55.  for it means much to share in common the same family traditions, the same forms of domestic worship, and the same ancestral tombs. But of all the bonds of fellowship, there is none more noble, none more powerful than when good men of congenial character are joined in intimate friendship; for really, if we discover in another that moral goodness on which I dwell so much, it attracts us and makes us friends to the one in whose character it seems to dwell. 2.11.  of the things, then, that are essential to the sustece of human life, some are iimate (gold and silver, for example, the fruits of the earth, and so forth), and some are animate and have their own peculiar instincts and appetites. of these again some are rational, others irrational. Horses, oxen, and the other cattle, [bees,] whose labour contributes more or less to the service and subsistence of man, are not endowed with reason; of rational beings two divisions are made — gods and men. Worship and purity of character will win the favour of the gods; and next to the gods, and a close second to them, men can be most helpful to men.
6. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 2.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 157
2.11. Thereupon Gracchus, so my father used to tell me, burst into a rage. 'How now?' he cried, 'was I not in order? I put the names to the vote as consul, as augur, and with auspices taken. Who are you, Tuscan barbarians, to know the Roman constitution, and to be able to lay down the law as to our elections?' And accordingly he then sent them about their business. Afterwards however he sent a dispatch from his province to the College of Augurs to say that while reading the sacred books it had come to his mind that there had been an irregularity when he took Scipio's park as the site for his augural tent, for he had subsequently entered the city bounds to hold a meeting of the Senate and when crossing the bounds again on his return had forgotten to take the auspices; and that therefore the consuls had not been duly elected. The College of Augurs referred the matter to the senate; the Senate decided that the consuls must resign; they did so. What more striking instances can we demand? A man of the greatest wisdom and I may say unrivalled distinction of character preferred to make public confession of an offence that he might have concealed rather than that the stain of impiety should cling to the commonwealth; the consuls preferred to retire on the spot from the highest office of the state rather than hold it for one moment of time in violation of religion.
7. Cicero, On Laws, 2.19 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 281
8. Cicero, On The Haruspices, 21 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 275
9. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 5.42 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 279
5.42. quam similitudinem videmus in bestiis, quae primo, in quo loco natae sunt, ex eo se non commovent, deinde suo quaeque appetitu movetur. movetur moventur NV serpere anguiculos, nare nare natare Non. anaticulas, anaticulas V aneticulas BERN anaticulos Non. volare Non. evolare merulas, cornibus uti videmus boves, videamus boves Non. boves videmus BE nepas nepas RN 1 Non. nespas vel vespas V vespas BEN 2 aculeis, suam denique cuique naturam esse ad vivendum ducem. serpere ... ducem Non. p. 145 quae similitudo in genere etiam humano apparet. parvi enim primo ortu sic iacent, tamquam omnino sine animo sint. cum autem paulum firmitatis accessit, et animo utuntur et sensibus conitunturque, ut sese sese ut BE utuntur ed. Iuntina utantur erigant, et manibus utuntur et eos agnoscunt, a quibus educantur. deinde aequalibus delectantur libenterque se cum iis congregant dantque se ad ludendum fabellarumque auditione ducuntur deque eo, quod ipsis superat, aliis gratificari volunt animadvertuntque ea, quae domi fiunt, curiosius incipiuntque commentari aliquid et discere et discere facere R et eorum, quos vident, volunt non ignorare nomina, quibusque rebus cum aequalibus decertant, si vicerunt, vicerunt Mdv.. vicerint BENV dicerint R efferunt se laetitia, victi debilitantur animosque que om. BEN demittunt. quorum sine causa fieri nihil putandum est. 5.42.  Some resemblance to this process we observe in the lower animals. At first they do not move from the place where they were born. Then they begin to move, under the influence of their several instincts of appetition; we see little snakes gliding, ducklings swimming, blackbirds flying, oxen using their horns, scorpions their stings; each in fact has its own nature as its guide to life. A similar process is clearly seen in the human race. Infants just born lie helpless, as if absolutely iimate; when they have acquired a little more strength, they exercise their mind and senses; they strive to stand erect, they use their hands, they recognize their nurses; then they take pleasure in the society of other children, and enjoy meeting them, they take part in games and love to hear stories; they desire to bestow of their own abundance in bounty to others; they take an inquisitive interest in what goes on in their homes; they begin to reflect and to learn, and want to know the names of the people they see; in their contests with their companions they are elated by victory, discouraged and disheartened by defeat. For every stage of this development there must be supposed to be a reason.
10. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 106 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 149
11. Varro, On Agriculture, 1.6.0 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 157
12. Cicero, Republic, 4.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 265
4.3. Considerate nunc, cetera quam sint provisa sapienter ad illam civium beate et honeste vivendi societatem; ea est enim prima causa coeundi, et id hominibus effici ex re publica debet partim institutis, alia legibus. Principio disciplinam puerilem ingenuis, de qua Graeci multum frustra laborarunt, et in qua una Polybius noster hospes nostrorum institutorum neglegentiam accusat, nullam certam aut destinatam legibus aut publice expositam aut unam omnium esse voluerunt. Nam Serv. A. 5.546 ad militiam euntibus dari solitos esse custodes, a quibus primo anno regantur. Non. 20M non modo ut Spartae, rapere ubi pueri et clepere discunt. Serv. A. 10.325 opprobrio fuisse adulescentibus, si amatores non haberent.
13. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 5.1030-5.1032, 5.1198-5.1203 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 158, 265
5.1030. non alia longe ratione atque ipsa videtur 5.1031. protrahere ad gestum pueros infantia linguae, 5.1032. cum facit ut digito quae sint praesentia monstrent. 5.1198. nec pietas ullast velatum saepe videri 5.1199. vertier ad lapidem atque omnis accedere ad aras 5.1200. nec procumbere humi prostratum et pandere palmas 5.1201. ante deum delubra nec aras sanguine multo 5.1202. spargere quadrupedum nec votis nectere vota, 5.1203. sed mage pacata posse omnia mente tueri.
14. Tibullus, Elegies, 1.10.19-1.10.24 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 153, 266, 267
15. Ovid, Fasti, 2.639, 2.641-2.642, 2.645-2.658, 2.679-2.682, 4.907, 4.911, 4.934-4.937 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mackey (2022) 153, 156, 157, 164, 266, 267, 268, 269
2.639. Nox ubi transient, solito celebretur honore 2.641. Termine, sive lapis, sive es defossus in agro 2.642. stipes, ab antiquis tu quoque numen habes. 2.645. ara fit: huc ignem curto fert rustica testu 2.646. sumptum de tepidis ipsa colona focis, 2.647. ligna senex minuit concisaque construit arte 2.648. et solida ramos figere pugnat humo: 2.649. tum sicco primas inritat cortice flammas, 2.650. stat puer et manibus lata canistra tenet. 2.651. inde ubi ter fruges medios immisit in ignis, 2.652. porrigit incisos filia parva favos, 2.653. vina tenent alii; libantur singula flammis; 2.654. spectant, et linguis candida turba favet. 2.655. spargitur et caeso communis Terminus agno 2.656. nec queritur, lactans cum sibi porca datur, 2.657. conveniunt celebrantque dapes vicinia simplex 2.658. et cantant laudes, Termine sancte, tuas: 2.679. est via, quae populum Laurentes ducit in agros, 2.680. quondam Dardanio regna petita duci: 2.681. illa lanigeri pecoris tibi, Termine, fibris 2.682. sacra videt fieri sextus ab urbe lapis, 4.907. flamen in antiquae lucum Robiginis ibat, 4.911. ‘aspera Robigo, parcas Cerialibus herbis, 4.934. cumque meri patera turis acerra fuit. 4.935. tura focis vinumque dedit fibrasque bidentis 4.936. turpiaque obscenae (vidimus) exta canis. 4.937. tum mihi cur detur sacris nova victima, quaeris? ( 2.639. When night has passed, let the god be celebrated 2.641. Terminus, whether a stone or a stump buried in the earth, 2.642. You have been a god since ancient times. 2.645. An altar’s made: here the farmer’s wife herself 2.646. Brings coals from the warm hearth on a broken pot. 2.647. The old man cuts wood and piles the logs with skill, 2.648. And works at setting branches in the solid earth. 2.649. Then he nurses the first flames with dry bark, 2.650. While a boy stands by and holds the wide basket. 2.651. When he’s thrown grain three times into the fire 2.652. The little daughter offers the sliced honeycombs. 2.653. Others carry wine: part of each is offered to the flames: 2.654. The crowd, dressed in white, watch silently. 2.655. Terminus, at the boundary, is sprinkled with lamb’s blood, 2.656. And doesn’t grumble when a sucking pig is granted him. 2.657. Neighbours gather sincerely, and hold a feast, 2.658. And sing your praises, sacred Terminus: 2.679. There’s a track that takes people to the Laurentine fields, 2.680. The kingdom once sought by Aeneas, the Trojan leader: 2.681. The sixth milestone from the City, there, bears witne 2.682. To the sacrifice of a sheep’s entrails to you, Terminus. 4.907. To offer the entrails of a dog and a sheep to the flames. 4.911. And let their tender tips quiver above the soil. 4.934. He offered the incense and wine on the hearth, 4.935. Sheep’s entrails, and (I saw him) the foul guts of a vile dog. 4.936. Then the priest said: ‘You ask why we offer an odd sacrifice 4.937. In these rites’ (I had asked) ‘then learn the reason.
16. Horace, Letters, 2.1.139-2.1.144 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 153, 268
17. Columella, De Re Rustica, 10.342-10.343 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 157
18. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 10.20 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 158
10.20. ἀλλʼ ὅτι ἃ θύουσιν [τὰ ἔθνη],δαιμονίοις καὶ οὐ θεῷ θύουσιν,οὐ θέλω δὲ ὑμᾶς κοινωνοὺς τῶν δαιμονίων γίνεσθαι. 10.20. But I say that thethings which the Gentiles sacrifice, they sacrifice to demons, and notto God, and I don't desire that you would have communion with demons.
19. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 13.84-13.87, 28.3.10-28.3.11, 28.5.25 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 272, 273, 277, 330
20. Plutarch, Cicero, 13.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 149
13.3. τοῦτο πρὸς ἀτιμίας ὁ δῆμος ἔλαβε, καὶ φανέντος ἐν θεάτρῳ τοῦ Ὄθωνος ἐφυβρίζων ἐσύριττεν, οἱ δʼ ἱππεῖς ὑπέλαβον κρότῳ τὸν ἄνδρα λαμπρῶς, αὖθις δὲ ὁ δῆμος ἐπέτεινε τὸν συριγμόν, εἶτα ἐκεῖνοι τὸν κρότον. ἐκ δὲ τούτου τραπόμενοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐχρῶντο λοιδορίαις, καὶ τὸ θέατρον ἀκοσμία κατεῖχεν. 13.3.
21. Seneca The Younger, De Beneficiis, 1.6.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 158
22. Plutarch, Roman Questions, 93 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 278
23. Seneca The Younger, De Clementia, 1.24.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 149
24. Seneca The Younger, On Anger, 3.2.2, 3.16.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 157
25. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 22 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 277
26. Gaius, Instiutiones, 3.135 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 280
27. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 158
28. Tertullian, To The Heathen, 39 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 161
29. Nag Hammadi, The Interpretation of Knowledge, 18.22-18.24 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •joint actions Found in books: Tite (2009) 313
30. Nag Hammadi, The Gospel of Truth, 22.4-22.7 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •joint actions Found in books: Tite (2009) 313
31. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 1.22, 1.31.8, 2.2.23, 5.46.1-5.46.4, 5.52.9, 40.29.7 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 149, 274, 275, 277, 281
1.22. The author and establisher of these vanities among the Romans was that Sabine king who especially engaged the rude and ignorant minds of men with new superstitions: and that he might do this with some authority, he pretended that he had meetings by night with the goddess Egeria. There was a very dark cavern in the grove of Aricia, from which flowed a stream with a never failing spring. Hither he was accustomed to withdraw himself without any witnesses, that he might be able to pretend that, by the admonition of the goddess his wife, he delivered to the people those sacred rites which were most acceptable to the gods. It is evident that he wished to imitate the craftiness of Minos, who concealed himself in the cave of Jupiter, and, after a long delay there, brought forward laws, as though delivered to him by Jupiter, that he might bind men to obedience not only by the authority of his government, but also by the sanction of religion. Nor was it difficult to persuade shepherds. Therefore he instituted pontiffs, priests, Salii, and augurs; he arranged the gods in families; and by these means he softened the fierce spirits of the new people and called them away from warlike affairs to the pursuit of peace. But though he deceived others, he did not deceive himself. For after many years, in the consulship of Cornelius and Bebius, in a field belonging to the scribe Petilius, under the Janiculum, two stone chests were found by men who were digging, in one of which was the body of Numa, in the other seven books in Latin respecting the law of the pontiffs, and the same number written in Greek respecting systems of philosophy, in which he not only annulled the religious rites which he himself had instituted, but all others also. When this was referred to the senate, it was decreed that these books should be destroyed. Therefore Quintus Petilius, the pr tor who had jurisdiction in the city, burnt them in an assembly of the people. This was a senseless proceeding; for of what advantage was it that the books were burnt, when the cause on account of which they were burnt - that they took away the authority due to religion - was itself handed down to memory? Every one then in the senate was most foolish; for the books might have been burnt, and yet the matter itself have been unknown. Thus, while they wish to prove even to posterity with what piety they defended religious institutions, they lessened the authority of the institutions themselves by their testimony. But as Pompilius was the institutor of foolish superstitions among the Romans, so also, before Pompilius, Faunus was in Latium, who both established impious rites to his grandfather Saturnus, and honoured his father Picus with a place among the gods, and consecrated his sister Fatua Fauna, who was also his wife; who, as Gabius Bassus relates, was called Fatua because she had been in the habit of foretelling their fates to women, as Faunus did to men. And Varro writes that she was a woman of such great modesty, that, as long as she lived, no male except her husband saw her or heard her name. On this account women sacrifice to her in secret, and call her the Good Goddess. And Sextus Claudius, in that book which he wrote in Greek, relates that it was the wife of Faunus who, because, contrary to the practice and honour of kings, she had drunk a jar of wine, and had become intoxicated, was beaten to death by her husband with myrtle rods. But afterwards, when he was sorry for what he had done, and was unable to endure his regret for her, he paid her divine honours. For this reason they say that a covered jar of wine is placed at her sacred rites. Therefore Faunus also left to posterity no slight error, which all that are intelligent see through. For Lucilius in these verses derides the folly of those who imagine that images are gods: The terrestrial Lami , which Faunus and Numa Pompilius and others instituted; at and these he trembles, he places everything in this. As infant boys believe that every statue of bronze is a living man, so these imagine that all things feigned are true: they believe that statues of bronze contain a heart. It is a painter's gallery; there is nothing true; all things are fictitious. The poet, indeed, compares foolish men to infants. But I say that they are much more senseless than infants. For they (infants) suppose that images are men, whereas these take them for gods: the one through their age, the others through folly, imagine that which is not true: at any rate, the one soon ceased to be deceived; the foolishness of the others is permanent, and always increases. Orpheus was the first who introduced the rites of father Liber into Greece; and he first celebrated them on a mountain of Bœotia, very near to Thebes, where Liber was born; and because this mountain continually resounded with the strains of the lyre, it was called Cith ron. Those sacred rites are even now called Orphic, in which he himself was lacerated and torn in pieces; and he lived about the same time with Faunus. But which of them was prior in age admits of doubt, since Latinus and Priam reigned during the same years, as did also their fathers Faunus and Laomedon, in whose reign Orpheus came with the Argonauts to the coast of the Trojans. Let us therefore advance further, and inquire who was really the first author of the worship of the gods. Didymus, in the books of his commentary on Pindar, says that Melisseus, king of the Cretans, was the first who sacrificed to the gods, and introduced new rites and parades of sacrifices. He had two daughters, Amalth a and Melissa, who nourished the youthful Jupiter with goats' milk and honey. Hence that poetic fable derived its origin, that bees flew to the child, and filled his mouth with honey. Moreover, he says that Melissa was appointed by her father the first priestess of the Great Mother; from which circumstance the priests of the same Mother are still called Meliss . But the sacred history testifies that Jupiter himself, when he had gained possession of power, arrived at such insolence that he built temples in honour of himself in many places. For when he went about to different lands, on his arrival in each region, he united to himself the kings or princes of the people in hospitality and friendship; and when he was departing from each, he ordered that a shrine should be dedicated to himself in the name of his host, as though the remembrance of their friendship and league could thus be preserved. Thus temples were founded in honour of Jupiter Atabyrius and Jupiter Labrandius; for Atabyrius and Labrandius were his entertainers and assistants in war. Temples were also built to Jupiter Laprius, to Jupiter Molion, to Jupiter Casius, and others, after the same manner. This was a very crafty device on his part, that he might both acquire divine honour for himself, and a perpetual name for his entertainers in conjunction with religious observances. Accordingly they were glad, and cheerfully submitted to his command, and observed annual rites and festivals for the sake of handing down their own name. Æneas did something like this in Sicily, when he gave the name of his host Acestes to a city which he had built, that Acestes might afterwards joyfully and willingly love, increase, and adorn it. In this manner Jupiter spread abroad through the world the observance of his worship, and gave an example for the imitation of others. Whether, then, the practice of worshipping the gods proceeded from Melisseus, as Didymus related, or from Jupiter also himself, as Euhemerus says, the time is still agreed upon when the gods began to be worshipped. Melisseus, indeed, was much prior in time, inasmuch as he brought up Jupiter his grandson. It is therefore possible that either before, or while Jupiter was yet a boy, he taught the worship of the gods, namely, the mother of his foster-child, and his grandmother Tellus, who was the wife of Uranus, and his father Saturnus; and he himself, by this example and institution, may have exalted Jupiter to such pride, that he afterwards ventured to assume divine honours to himself.
32. Servius, In Vergilii Bucolicon Librum, 4.62 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 161
33. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 10.76, 11.558 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 161, 270
34. Augustine, Confessions, 1.8.13 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282
35. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.7.34-1.7.36 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 278
36. Augustine, The City of God, 7.34-7.35 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mackey (2022) 277
7.34. But, on the other hand, we find, as the same most learned man has related, that the causes of the sacred rites which were given from the books of Numa Pompilius could by no means be tolerated, and were considered unworthy, not only to become known to the religious by being read, but even to lie written in the darkness in which they had been concealed. For now let me say what I promised in the third book of this work to say in its proper place. For, as we read in the same Varro's book on the worship of the gods, A certain one Terentius had a field at the Janiculum, and once, when his ploughman was passing the plough near to the tomb of Numa Pompilius, he turned up from the ground the books of Numa, in which were written the causes of the sacred institutions; which books he carried to the pr tor, who, having read the beginnings of them, referred to the senate what seemed to be a matter of so much importance. And when the chief senators had read certain of the causes why this or that rite was instituted, the senate assented to the dead Numa, and the conscript fathers, as though concerned for the interests of religion, ordered the pr tor to burn the books. Let each one believe what he thinks; nay, let every champion of such impiety say whatever mad contention may suggest. For my part, let it suffice to suggest that the causes of those sacred things which were written down by King Numa Pompilius, the institutor of the Roman rites, ought never to have become known to people or senate, or even to the priests themselves; and also that Numa him self attained to these secrets of demons by an illicit curiosity, in order that he might write them down, so as to be able, by reading, to be reminded of them. However, though he was king, and had no cause to be afraid of any one, he neither dared to teach them to any one, nor to destroy them by obliteration, or any other form of destruction. Therefore, because he was unwilling that any one should know them, lest men should be taught infamous things, and because he was afraid to violate them, lest he should enrage the demons against himself, he buried them in what he thought a safe place, believing that a plough could not approach his sepulchre. But the senate, fearing to condemn the religious solemnities of their ancestors, and therefore compelled to assent to Numa, were nevertheless so convinced that those books were pernicious, that they did not order them to be buried again, knowing that human curiosity would thereby be excited to seek with far greater eagerness after the matter already divulged, but ordered the scandalous relics to be destroyed with fire; because, as they thought it was now a necessity to perform those sacred rites, they judged that the error arising from ignorance of their causes was more tolerable than the disturbance which the knowledge of them would occasion the state. 7.35. For Numa himself also, to whom no prophet of God, no holy angel was sent, was driven to have recourse to hydromancy, that he might see the images of the gods in the water (or, rather, appearances whereby the demons made sport of him), and might learn from them what he ought to ordain and observe in the sacred rites. This kind of divination, says Varro, was introduced from the Persians, and was used by Numa himself, and at an after time by the philosopher Pythagoras. In this divination, he says, they also inquire at the inhabitants of the nether world, and make use of blood; and this the Greeks call νεκρομαντείαν . But whether it be called necromancy or hydromancy it is the same thing, for in either case the dead are supposed to foretell future things. But by what artifices these things are done, let themselves consider; for I am unwilling to say that these artifices were wont to be prohibited by the laws, and to be very severely punished even in the Gentile states, before the advent of our Saviour. I am unwilling, I say, to affirm this, for perhaps even such things were then allowed. However, it was by these arts that Pompilius learned those sacred rites which he gave forth as facts, while he concealed their causes; for even he himself was afraid of that which he had learned. The senate also caused the books in which those causes were recorded to be burned. What is it, then, to me, that Varro attempts to adduce all sorts of fanciful physical interpretations, which if these books had contained, they would certainly not have been burned? For otherwise the conscript fathers would also have burned those books which Varro published and dedicated to the high priest C sar. Now Numa is said to have married the nymph Egeria, because (as Varro explains it in the forementioned book) he carried forth water wherewith to perform his hydromancy. Thus facts are wont to be converted into fables through false colorings. It was by that hydromancy, then, that that over-curious Roman king learned both the sacred rites which were to be written in the books of the priests, and also the causes of those rites - which latter, however, he was unwilling that any one besides himself should know. Wherefore he made these causes, as it were, to die along with himself, taking care to have them written by themselves, and removed from the knowledge of men by being buried in the earth. Wherefore the things which are written in those books were either abominations of demons, so foul and noxious as to render that whole civil theology execrable even in the eyes of such men as those senators, who had accepted so many shameful things in the sacred rites themselves, or they were nothing else than the accounts of dead men, whom, through the lapse of ages, almost all the Gentile nations had come to believe to be immortal gods; while those same demons were delighted even with such rites, having presented themselves to receive worship under pretence of being those very dead men whom they had caused to be thought immortal gods by certain fallacious miracles, performed in order to establish that belief. But, by the hidden providence of the true God, these demons were permitted to confess these things to their friend Numa, having been gained by those arts through which necromancy could be performed, and yet were not constrained to admonish him rather at his death to burn than to bury the books in which they were written. But, in order that these books might be unknown, the demons could not resist the plough by which they were thrown up, or the pen of Varro, through which the things which were done in reference to this matter have come down even to our knowledge. For they are not able to effect anything which they are not allowed; but they are permitted to influence those whom God, in His deep and just judgment, according to their deserts, gives over either to be simply afflicted by them, or to be also subdued and deceived. But how pernicious these writings were judged to be, or how alien from the worship of the true Divinity, may be understood from the fact that the senate preferred to burn what Pompilius had hid, rather than to fear what he feared, so that he could not dare to do that. Wherefore let him who does not desire to live a pious life even now, seek eternal life by means of such rites. But let him who does not wish to have fellowship with malign demons have no fear for the noxious superstition wherewith they are worshipped, but let him recognize the true religion by which they are unmasked and vanquished.
37. Justinian, Digest, 2.14.1.3 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 264
38. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.1.1, 1.1.12  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 277
39. Aur. Vict., Vir. Ill., 3.2  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 277
40. Varro, Curio, None  Tagged with subjects: •action, joint Found in books: Mackey (2022) 277