1. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 24.3-24.4 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •academy, the (of plato) Found in books: Cohen (2010) 86| 24.3. "מִי־יַעֲלֶה בְהַר־יְהוָה וּמִי־יָקוּם בִּמְקוֹם קָדְשׁוֹ׃", 24.4. "נְקִי כַפַּיִם וּבַר־לֵבָב אֲשֶׁר לֹא־נָשָׂא לַשָּׁוְא נַפְשִׁי וְלֹא נִשְׁבַּע לְמִרְמָה׃", | 24.3. "Who shall ascend into the mountain of the LORD? And who shall stand in His holy place?", 24.4. "He that hath clean hands, and a pure heart; Who hath not taken My name in vain, and hath not sworn deceitfully.", |
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2. Hesiod, Works And Days, 74, 73 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon (2021) 237 | 73. With painful passions and bone-shattering stress. |
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| 3. Sophocles, Oedipus At Colonus, 56, 55 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon (2021) 237 |
| 4. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 4.109 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, academy of, athens Found in books: Simon (2021) 237 |
5. Herodotus, Histories, 2.50, 6.137-6.138 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, academy of, athens Found in books: Simon (2021) 237 | 2.50. In fact, the names of nearly all the gods came to Hellas from Egypt . For I am convinced by inquiry that they have come from foreign parts, and I believe that they came chiefly from Egypt . ,Except the names of Poseidon and the Dioscuri, as I have already said, and Hera, and Hestia, and Themis, and the Graces, and the Nereids, the names of all the gods have always existed in Egypt . I only say what the Egyptians themselves say. The gods whose names they say they do not know were, as I think, named by the Pelasgians, except Poseidon, the knowledge of whom they learned from the Libyans. ,Alone of all nations the Libyans have had among them the name of Poseidon from the beginning, and they have always honored this god. The Egyptians, however, are not accustomed to pay any honors to heroes. 6.137. Miltiades son of Cimon took possession of Lemnos in this way: When the Pelasgians were driven out of Attica by the Athenians, whether justly or unjustly I cannot say, beyond what is told; namely, that Hecataeus the son of Hegesandrus declares in his history that the act was unjust; ,for when the Athenians saw the land under Hymettus, formerly theirs, which they had given to the Pelasgians as a dwelling-place in reward for the wall that had once been built around the acropolis—when the Athenians saw how well this place was tilled which previously had been bad and worthless, they were envious and coveted the land, and so drove the Pelasgians out on this and no other pretext. But the Athenians themselves say that their reason for expelling the Pelasgians was just. ,The Pelasgians set out from their settlement at the foot of Hymettus and wronged the Athenians in this way: Neither the Athenians nor any other Hellenes had servants yet at that time, and their sons and daughters used to go to the Nine Wells for water; and whenever they came, the Pelasgians maltreated them out of mere arrogance and pride. And this was not enough for them; finally they were caught in the act of planning to attack Athens. ,The Athenians were much better men than the Pelasgians, since when they could have killed them, caught plotting as they were, they would not so do, but ordered them out of the country. The Pelasgians departed and took possession of Lemnos, besides other places. This is the Athenian story; the other is told by Hecataeus. 6.138. These Pelasgians dwelt at that time in Lemnos and desired vengeance on the Athenians. Since they well knew the time of the Athenian festivals, they acquired fifty-oared ships and set an ambush for the Athenian women celebrating the festival of Artemis at Brauron. They seized many of the women, then sailed away with them and brought them to Lemnos to be their concubines. ,These women bore more and more children, and they taught their sons the speech of Attica and Athenian manners. These boys would not mix with the sons of the Pelasgian women; if one of them was beaten by one of the others, they would all run to his aid and help each other; these boys even claimed to rule the others, and were much stronger. ,When the Pelasgians perceived this, they took counsel together; it troubled them much in their deliberations to think what the boys would do when they grew to manhood, if they were resolved to help each other against the sons of the lawful wives and attempted to rule them already. ,Thereupon the Pelasgians resolved to kill the sons of the Attic women; they did this, and then killed the boys' mothers also. From this deed and the earlier one which was done by the women when they killed their own husbands who were Thoas' companions, a “Lemnian crime” has been a proverb in Hellas for any deed of cruelty. |
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| 6. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan |
| 7. Aristotle, Generation of Animals, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Singer and van Eijk (2018) 139 |
| 8. Aristotle, History of Animals, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan nan nan |
| 9. Aristotle, Prior Analytics, 2.27 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato (also platonic, academy),, theory of tripartite soul in relation to galens Found in books: Singer and van Eijk (2018) 139 |
| 10. Aristotle, Prophesying By Dreams, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Singer and van Eijk (2018) 139 |
| 11. Numenius Heracleensis, Fragments, 27, 25 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cohen (2010) 546 |
| 12. Cicero, Academica, 2.22.70 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •academy, the (of plato) Found in books: Cohen (2010) 546 |
13. Philo of Alexandria, On The Cherubim, 105 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •academy, the (of plato) Found in books: Cohen (2010) 86 | 105. so the knowledge of the encyclical accomplishments decorates the whole habitation of the soul, while grammar investigates the principles of poetry and follows up the history of ancient events, and geometry labours at equalities according to analogy, and endeavours to remedy whatever in us is deficient in rhythm or in moderation, or in harmony, by giving us rhythm, and moderation, and harmony, by means of a polished system of music; and rhetoric aims at giving us acuteness in everything, and at properly adapting all proper interpretations to everything, claiming for itself the control of all intenseness and all the vehement affections, and again of all relaxations and pleasures, with great freedom of speech, and a successful application of the organs of language and voice. XXXI. 105. For all these reasons, and more besides, the number seven is honoured. But there is no one cause on account of which it has received its precedence so completely, as because it is by its means that the Creator and Father of the universe is most especially made manifest; for the mind beholds God in this as in a mirror, acting, and creating the world, and managing the whole universe. XXII. |
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| 14. Philo of Alexandria, On The Preliminary Studies, 16.1 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •academy, the (of plato) Found in books: Cohen (2010) 86 |
15. New Testament, Matthew, 23.25-23.28 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •academy, the (of plato) Found in books: Cohen (2010) 86| 23.25. Οὐαὶ ὑμῖν, γραμματεῖς καὶ Φαρισαῖοι ὑποκριταί, ὅτι καθαρίζετε τὸ ἔξωθεν τοῦ ποτηρίου καὶ τῆς παροψίδος, ἔσωθεν δὲ γέμουσιν ἐξ ἁρπαγῆς καὶ ἀκρασίας. 23.26. Φαρισαῖε τυφλέ, καθάρισον πρῶτον τὸ ἔντος τοῦ ποτηρίου [καὶ τῆς παροψίδος], ἵνα γένηται καὶ τὸ ἐκτὸς αὐτοῦ καθαρόν. 23.27. Οὐαὶ ὑμῖν, γραμματεῖς καὶ Φαρισαῖοι ὑποκριταί, ὅτι παρομοιάζετε τάφοις κεκονιαμένοις, οἵτινες ἔξωθεν μὲν φαίνονται ὡραῖοι ἔσωθεν δὲ γέμουσιν ὀστέων νεκρῶν καὶ πάσης ἀκαθαρσίας· 23.28. οὕτως καὶ ὑμεῖς ἔξωθεν μὲν φαίνεσθε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις δίκαιοι, ἔσωθεν δέ ἐστε μεστοὶ ὑποκρίσεως καὶ ἀνομίας. | 23.25. "Woe to you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! For you clean the outside of the cup and of the platter, but within they are full of extortion and unrighteousness. 23.26. You blind Pharisee, first clean the inside of the cup and of the platter, that the outside of it may become clean also. 23.27. "Woe to you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! For you are like whitened tombs, which outwardly appear beautiful, but inwardly are full of dead men's bones, and of all uncleanness. 23.28. Even so you also outwardly appear righteous to men, but inwardly you are full of hypocrisy and iniquity. |
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16. New Testament, Luke, 11.38-11.41 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •academy, the (of plato) Found in books: Cohen (2010) 86| 11.38. ὁ δὲ Φαρισαῖος ἰδὼν ἐθαύμασεν ὅτι οὐ πρῶτον ἐβαπτίσθη πρὸ τοῦ ἀρίστου. 11.39. εἶπεν δὲ ὁ κύριος πρὸς αὐτόν Νῦν ὑμεῖς οἱ Φαρισαῖοι τὸ ἔσωθεν τοῦ ποτηρίου καὶ τοῦ πίνακος καθαρίζετε, τὸ δὲ ἔσωθεν ὑμῶν γέμει ἁρπαγῆς καὶ πονηρίας. 11.40. ἄφρονες, οὐχ ὁ ποιήσας τὸ ἔξωθεν καὶ τὸ ἔσωθεν ἐποίησεν; 11.41. πλὴν τὰ ἐνόντα δότε ἐλεημοσύνην, καὶ ἰδοὺ πάντα καθαρὰ ὑμῖν ἐστίν. | 11.38. When the Pharisee saw it, he marveled that he had not first washed himself before dinner. 11.39. The Lord said to him, "Now you Pharisees cleanse the outside of the cup and of the platter, but your inward part is full of extortion and wickedness. 11.40. You foolish ones, didn't he who made the outside make the inside also? 11.41. But give for gifts to the needy those things which are within, and behold, all things will be clean to you. |
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| 17. Numenius of Apamea, Fragments, 25, 27 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cohen (2010) 546 |
| 18. Galen, On The Natural Faculties, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan |
| 19. Justin, Dialogue With Trypho, 2.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •academy, the (of plato) Found in books: Cohen (2010) 546 |
| 20. Numenius of Apamea, Fragments, 27, 25 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cohen (2010) 546 |
| 21. Galen, On The Use of Parts, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 22. Galen, On Temperaments, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Singer and van Eijk (2018) 89 |
| 23. Galen, On The Art of Medicine, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
24. Origen, Against Celsus, 3.12 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •academy, the (of plato) Found in books: Cohen (2010) 546 | 3.12. In the next place, since he reproaches us with the existence of heresies in Christianity as being a ground of accusation against it, saying that when Christians had greatly increased in numbers, they were divided and split up into factions, each individual desiring to have his own party; and further, that being thus separated through their numbers, they confute one another, still having, so to speak, one name in common, if indeed they still retain it. And this is the only thing which they are yet ashamed to abandon, while other matters are determined in different ways by the various sects. In reply to which, we say that heresies of different kinds have never originated from any matter in which the principle involved was not important and beneficial to human life. For since the science of medicine is useful and necessary to the human race, and many are the points of dispute in it respecting the manner of curing bodies, there are found, for this reason, numerous heresies confessedly prevailing in the science of medicine among the Greeks, and also, I suppose, among those barbarous nations who profess to employ medicine. And, again, since philosophy makes a profession of the truth, and promises a knowledge of existing things with a view to the regulation of life, and endeavours to teach what is advantageous to our race, and since the investigation of these matters is attended with great differences of opinion, innumerable heresies have consequently sprung up in philosophy, some of which are more celebrated than others. Even Judaism itself afforded a pretext for the origination of heresies, in the different acceptation accorded to the writings of Moses and those of the prophets. So, then, seeing Christianity appeared an object of veneration to men, not to the more servile class alone, as Celsus supposes, but to many among the Greeks who were devoted to literary pursuits, there necessarily originated heresies - not at all, however, as the result of faction and strife, but through the earnest desire of many literary men to become acquainted with the doctrines of Christianity. The consequence of which was, that, taking in different acceptations those discourses which were believed by all to be divine, there arose heresies, which received their names from those individuals who admired, indeed, the origin of Christianity, but who were led, in some way or other, by certain plausible reasons, to discordant views. And yet no one would act rationally in avoiding medicine because of its heresies; nor would he who aimed at that which is seemly entertain a hatred of philosophy, and adduce its many heresies as a pretext for his antipathy. And so neither are the sacred books of Moses and the prophets to be condemned on account of the heresies in Judaism. |
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| 25. Plotinus, Enneads, 5.1.8.10 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •academy, the (of plato) Found in books: Cohen (2010) 545 |
| 26. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, None (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cohen (2010) 546 |
27. Babylonian Talmud, Yoma, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •academy, the (of plato) Found in books: Cohen (2010) 86| 72b. אלמלא בגדי כהונה לא נשתייר משונאיהן של ישראל שריד ופליט,רבי שמואל בר נחמני אמר דבי ר"ש תנא בגדים שגורדין אותן כברייתן מכליהן ומשרדין מהן כלום מאי היא ריש לקיש אמר אלו מעשה מחט,מיתיבי בגדי כהונה אין עושין אותן מעשה מחט אלא מעשה אורג שנאמר (שמות כח, לב) מעשה אורג אמר אביי לא נצרכה אלא לבית יד שלהם כדתניא בית יד של בגדי כהונה נארגת בפני עצמה ונדבקת עם הבגד ומגעת עד פיסת היד,אמר רחבה אמר רב יהודה שלש ארונות עשה בצלאל אמצעי של עץ תשעה פנימי של זהב שמונה חיצון עשרה ומשהו,והתניא אחד עשר ומשהו לא קשיא הא כמ"ד יש בעביו טפח הא כמ"ד אין בעביו טפח ומאי משהו זיר,א"ר יוחנן שלשה זירים הן של מזבח ושל ארון ושל שלחן של מזבח זכה אהרן ונטלו של שלחן זכה דוד ונטלו של ארון עדיין מונח הוא כל הרוצה ליקח יבא ויקח שמא תאמר פחות הוא ת"ל (משלי ח, טו) בי מלכים ימלוכו,רבי יוחנן רמי כתיב זר וקרינן זיר זכה נעשית לו זיר לא זכה זרה הימנו,ר' יוחנן רמי כתיב (דברים י, א) ועשית לך ארון עץ וכתיב (שמות כה, י) ועשו ארון עצי שטים מכאן לתלמיד חכם שבני עירו מצווין לעשות לו מלאכתו,(שמות כה, יא) מבית ומחוץ תצפנו אמר רבא כל תלמיד חכם שאין תוכו כברו אינו תלמיד חכם,(אמר) אביי ואיתימא רבה בר עולא נקרא נתעב שנאמר (איוב טו, טז) אף כי נתעב ונאלח איש שותה כמים עולה,אמר רבי שמואל בר נחמני אמר ר' יונתן מאי דכתיב (משלי יז, טז) למה זה מחיר ביד כסיל לקנות חכמה ולב אין אוי להם לשונאיהן של תלמידי חכמים שעוסקין בתורה ואין בהן יראת שמים,מכריז ר' ינאי חבל על דלית ליה דרתא ותרעא לדרתיה עביד,אמר להו רבא לרבנן במטותא מינייכו לא תירתון תרתי גיהנם,אמר רבי יהושע בן לוי מאי דכתיב (דברים ד, מד) וזאת התורה אשר שם משה זכה נעשית לו סם חיים לא זכה נעשית לו סם מיתה והיינו דאמר רבא דאומן לה סמא דחייא דלא אומן לה סמא דמותא,אמר רבי שמואל בר נחמני רבי יונתן רמי כתיב (תהלים יט, ט) פקודי ה' ישרים משמחי לב וכתיב (תהלים יח, לא) אמרת ה' צרופה זכה משמחתו לא זכה צורפתו ריש לקיש אמר מגופיה דקרא נפקא זכה צורפתו לחיים לא זכה צורפתו למיתה,(תהלים יט, י) יראת ה' טהורה עומדת לעד אמר רבי חנינא זה הלומד תורה בטהרה מאי היא נושא אשה ואחר כך לומד תורה,עדות ה' נאמנה אמר רבי חייא בר אבא נאמנה היא להעיד בלומדיה,(שמות כו, לו) מעשה רוקם (שמות כו, א) מעשה חושב אמר רבי אלעזר שרוקמין במקום שחושבין,תנא משמיה דרבי נחמיה רוקם מעשה מחט לפיכך פרצוף אחד חושב מעשה אורג לפיכך שני פרצופות,באלו נשאלין באורים ותומים כי אתא רב דימי אמר בגדים שכהן גדול משמש בהן משוח מלחמה משמש בהן שנאמר (שמות כט, כט) ובגדי הקודש אשר לאהרן יהיו לבניו אחריו למי שבא בגדולה אחריו,מתיב רב אדא בר אהבה ואמרי לה כדי יכול יהא בנו של משוח מלחמה משמש תחתיו כדרך שבנו של כהן גדול משמש תחתיו | 72b. He offers a homiletic interpretation: b Were it not for the priestly vestments, /b which provide atonement for the Jewish people, b there would not remain a remt /b [ b i sarid /i /b ] b or survivor from the haters of the Jewish people, /b a euphemism used to refer to the Jewish people themselves. Due to the atonement provided by the priestly vestments, a remt [ i sarid /i ] of the Jewish people does survive.,Another interpretation: b Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani said /b that b the school /b of b Rabbi Shimon taught: /b The priestly vestments are referred to as “ i serad /i garments” because they are b garments that are woven in their completed form upon the loom, /b as opposed to weaving the material and then cutting and sewing pieces of the material together to create the required form, b and /b then just b a small part of them remains /b [ b i masridin /i /b ] which is not completed upon the loom. b What is /b the remt, the part that was not woven? b Reish Lakish said: This is the needle-work /b required to complete the garment.,The Gemara b raises an objection to this /b from a i baraita /i : b Priestly vestments /b should b not be made through needle-work but /b though b woven work, as it is stated: “Woven work” /b (Exodus 28:32). The Gemara answers that b Abaye said: /b Reish Lakish’s statement b is necessary only for, /b i.e., refers only to, b the sleeves. As it was taught /b in a i baraita /i : b A sleeve /b made for the b priestly vestments is woven separately and /b then b attached to the garment /b by sewing, b and /b the sleeve is made to b reach as far as the palm of the hand. /b However, the main body of the garment must indeed be made exclusively though weaving.,§ The Gemara cites statements concerning other Temple vessels: b Raḥava said /b that b Rav Yehuda said: /b The Torah states that the Ark should be made of wood with gold plating inside and out (Exodus 25:10–11). In order to achieve this b Bezalel made three arks: A middle one /b made b of wood, /b whose height was b nine /b handbreadths; b an inner one /b made b of gold, /b whose height was b eight /b handbreadths; and an b outer one /b of gold, whose height was b ten /b handbreadths b and a bit. /b These arks were nested.,The Gemara asks: b But wasn’t it taught /b in a i baraita /i that the outer ark was b eleven /b handbreadths b and a bit? /b The Gemara explains: b This is not difficult: This /b statement in the i baraita /i b is in accordance with the one who said /b that b the thickness /b of the gold plating b was one handbreadth. /b According to this opinion, the outer ark’s base took up one handbreadth of its height, ten handbreadths were then needed to contain the middle ark within it, and then a bit more was needed so it could also contain the Ark’s cover. b That /b statement of Rav Yehuda b is in accordance with the one who said /b that b the thickness /b of the gold plating b was not one handbreadth /b but was a plate of gold of negligible thickness. According to this opinion, the outer ark needed to be only ten handbreadths and a bit and could still contain the outer ark and have room for the cover. b And what is /b this additional b bit? /b It is the ornamental b crown /b on the edge of the outer ark., b Rabbi Yoḥa said: There /b were b three crowns /b on the sacred vessels in the Temple: The crown b of the altar, and of the Ark, and of the table. /b The regal appearance they provided symbolized power and authority: The crown b of the altar /b symbolized the crown of priesthood; b Aaron was deserving and took it, /b and the priesthood continues exclusively through his descendants. The crown b of the table /b symbolized the abundance and blessing associated with the crown of kingship; b David was deserving and took it /b for himself and his descendants after him. The crown b of the Ark /b symbolized the crown of Torah; b it is still sitting /b and waiting to be acquired, b and anyone who wishes to take /b it may b come and take /b it and be crowned with the crown of Torah. b Perhaps you will say it is inferior /b to the other two crowns and that is why nobody has taken it; therefore, b the verse states /b about the wisdom of Torah: b “Through me kings will reign” /b (Proverbs 8:15), indicating that the strength of the other crowns is derived from the crown of Torah, which is greater than them all.,§ The Gemara presents a number of statements based on the idea that the Ark symbolizes the Torah: b Rabbi Yoḥa raised a contradiction: /b According to the way the word crown b is written /b in the Torah (Exodus 25:11), without vowels, it should be pronounced b i zar /i , /b meaning strange, b but /b according to the traditional vocalization b we read /b it as b i zeir /i , /b meaning crown. These two ways of understanding the word appear to contradict each other. Rabbi Yoḥa explains: The two understandings apply to two different situations: If one b is deserving /b by performing mitzvot, b it becomes a crown [ i zeir /i ] for him; /b but if one b is not deserving, /b the Torah b will be a stranger [ i zara /i ] to him /b and he will forget his studies., b Rabbi Yoḥa raised a contradiction: It is written: “And you shall make for yourself a wooden Ark” /b (Deuteronomy 10:1), implying that Moses alone was commanded to construct the Ark; b and it is written: “And they shall make an Ark of acacia wood” /b (Exodus 25:10), implying that the Jewish people were all commanded to be involved in its construction. The apparent resolution to this contradiction is that although only Moses actually constructed the Ark, everyone was required to support the endeavor. So too, b from here /b it is derived with regard b to a Torah scholar that the members of his town should perform his work for him /b to support him and allow him to focus on his studies, since it is also the town’s responsibility to enable him to study.,The verse states concerning the Ark: b “From within and from without you shall cover it” /b (Exodus 25:11). b Rava said: /b This alludes to the idea that b any Torah scholar whose inside is not like his outside, /b i.e., whose outward expression of righteousness is insincere, b is not /b to be considered b a Torah scholar. /b , b Abaye said, and some say /b it was b Rabba bar Ulla /b who said: Not only is such a person not to be considered a Torah scholar, but he is b called loathsome, as it is stated: “What then of one loathsome and foul, man who drinks iniquity like water” /b (Job 15:16). Although he drinks the Torah like water, since he sins, his Torah is considered iniquitous and this makes him loathsome and foul., b Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani said /b that b Rabbi Yonatan said: What is /b the meaning of that b which is written: “Why is there a price in the hand of a fool to buy wisdom, as he has no heart?” /b (Proverbs 17:16)? This expresses the following sentiment: b Woe to them, haters of Torah scholars, /b a euphemism for the Torah scholars themselves, b who immerse themselves in Torah and have no fear of Heaven. /b They are fools; they try to acquire the wisdom of Torah, but since they have no fear of Heaven in their hearts they lack the ability to do so., b Rabbi Yannai declared /b that the situation may be expressed by the following sentiment: b Pity /b him b who has no courtyard but /b senselessly b makes a gate for his courtyard. /b Fear of Heaven is like the courtyard, and the study of Torah is the gate that provides entrance to the courtyard. The study of Torah is purposeful only if it leads to fear of Heaven., b Rava said to the Sages /b in the study hall: b I beg of you, do not inherit Gehenna twice. /b By studying Torah without the accompanying fear of Heaven, not only are you undeserving of the World-to-Come, but even in this world you experience Gehenna, as you spend all your time in study and fail to benefit from worldly pleasure., b Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said: What is /b the meaning of that b which is written: “And this is the Torah which Moses put /b [ b i sam /i /b ] before the children of Israel” (Deuteronomy 4:44)? The word i sam /i is written with the letter i sin /i and means put; it is phonetically similar to the word i sam /i written with the letter i samekh /i , meaning a drug. This use of this word therefore alludes to the following: If one b is deserving, /b the Torah b becomes a potion [ i sam /i ] of life for him. /b If one b is not deserving, /b the Torah b becomes a potion of death for him. And this /b idea b is what Rava said: For one who is skillful /b in his study of Torah and immerses himself in it with love, it is b a potion of life; /b but b for one who is not skillful /b in his studies, b it is a potion of death. /b , b Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani said /b that b Rabbi Yonatan raised a contradiction: It was written: “The precepts of the Lord are upright, gladdening the heart” /b (Psalms 19:9), but it is also written: b “The word of the Lord is refining” /b (Psalms 18:31), which implies that the study of Torah can be a distressing process by which a person is refined like metal smelted in a smith’s fire. He reconciles these verses as follows: For one who b is deserving, /b the Torah b gladdens him; /b for one who b is not deserving, /b it b refines him. Reish Lakish said: /b This lesson b emerges from that /b second b verse itself: /b For one who b is deserving, /b the Torah b refines him for life; /b for one who b is not deserving, it refines him for death. /b ,The verse states: b “Fear of the Lord is pure, it stands forever” /b (Psalms 19:10). b Rabbi Ḥanina said: This /b is referring to b one who studies Torah in purity; /b for such a person the Torah will remain with him forever. b What is this; /b what does it mean to study in purity? b One /b first b marries a woman and afterward studies Torah. /b Since he is married, his heart will not be occupied with thoughts of sin, which could lead him to become impure.,In the same Psalm the verse states: b “The testimony of God is faithful” /b (Psalms 19:8). b Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba said: /b This alludes to the fact that the Torah b is faithful to testify about those who study it /b and those who do not.,The Gemara returns to its discussion concerning the sacred vessels: The verse states with regard to the covers for the Tabernacle that they are b “work of an embroiderer” /b (Exodus 26:36), and it also states they are b “work of a designer” /b (Exodus 26:31). How can both descriptions be reconciled? b Rabbi Elazar said: They embroidered the place where they had designed. /b They first marked a design on the material in paint, and then they embroidered it.,A Sage b taught in the name of Rabbi Neḥemya: /b “Work of b an embroiderer” /b refers to b needlework, /b which b therefore /b produces only b one face. /b The design is made with a needle passing back and forth from both sides of the curtain, and consequently an identical parallel image, or one face, is formed on both sides. “Work of b a designer” /b refers to b woven work, /b which b therefore /b produces b two faces. /b Although formed together, the two sides of the material were not identical; for example, sometimes an eagle appeared on one side while a lion was on the other side.,§ It was taught in the mishna: When dressed b in these /b eight garments, the High Priest may b be consulted for /b the decision of the b i Urim VeTummim /i . When Rav Dimi came /b from Eretz Yisrael to Babylonia, he b said: /b The b garments in which the High Priest serves /b are also worn when the b priest anointed for war serves. /b This priest is appointed to recite words of encouragement to the nation before it goes out to war (see Deuteronomy 20:2). b As it is stated: “And the sacred garments of Aaron shall be for his sons after him” /b (Exodus 29:29), which is taken to refer b to the one who comes after him in greatness, /b meaning the priest whose rank is one lower than the High Priest, i.e., the priest anointed for war., b Rav Adda bar Ahava raised an objection, and some say it unattributed: /b It is taught in a i baraita /i : One b might /b have thought that b the son of the priest anointed for war serves in his place, /b i.e., he inherits the position, b in the same way that the son of a High Priest serves in his place /b if he is fit for the job; |
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28. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 3.41-3.43, 4.60, 4.63, 5.2, 5.11-5.16, 5.51-5.57, 5.61-5.64, 5.69-5.74, 7.179, 9.115-9.116, 10.16-10.21 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •academy, the (of plato) Found in books: Cohen (2010) 77, 80, 545, 546 | 3.41. He was buried in the Academy, where he spent the greatest part of his life in philosophical study. And hence the school which he founded was called the Academic school. And all the students there joined in the funeral procession. The terms of his will were as follows:These things have been left and devised by Plato: the estate in Iphistiadae, bounded on the north by the road from the sanctuary at Cephisia, on the south by the Heracleum in Iphistiadae, on the east by the property of Archestratus of Phrearrhi, on the west by that of Philippus of Chollidae: this it shall be unlawful for anyone to sell or alienate, but it shall be the property of the boy Adeimantus to all intents and purposes: 3.42. the estate in Eiresidae which I bought of Callimachus, bounded on the north by the property of Eurymedon of Myrrhinus, on the south by the property of Demostratus of Xypete, on the east by that of Eurymedon of Myrrhinus, and on the west by the Cephisus; three minae of silver; a silver vessel weighing 165 drachmas; a cup weighing 45 drachmas; a gold signet-ring and earring together weighing four drachmas and three obols. Euclides the lapidary owes me three minae. I enfranchise Artemis. I leave four household servants, Tychon, Bictas, Apollonides and Dionysius. 3.43. Household furniture, as set down in the inventory of which Demetrius has the duplicate. I owe no one anything. My executors are Leosthenes, Speusippus, Demetrius, Hegias, Eurymedon, Callimachus and Thrasippus.Such were the terms of his will. The following epitaphs were inscribed upon his tomb:Here lies the god-like man Aristocles, eminent among men for temperance and the justice of his character. And he, if ever anyone, had the fullest meed of praise for wisdom, and was too great for envy.Next: 4.60. Lacydes used to lecture in the Academy, in the garden which had been laid out by King Attalus, and from him it derived its name of Lacydeum. He did what none of his predecessors had ever done; in his lifetime he handed over the school to Telecles and Evander, both of Phocaea. Evander was succeeded by Hegesinus of Pergamum, and he again by Carneades. A good saying is attributed to Lacydes. When Attalus sent for him, he is said to have remarked that statues are best seen from a distance. He studied geometry late, and some one said to him, Is this a proper time? To which he replied, Nay, is it not even yet the proper time? 4.63. His voice was extremely powerful, so that the keeper of the gymnasium sent to him and requested him not to shout so loud. To which he replied, Then give me something by which to regulate my voice. Thereupon by a happy hit the man replied in the words, You have a regulator in your audience. His talent for criticizing opponents was remarkable, and he was a formidable controversialist. And for the reasons already given he further declined invitations to dine out. One of his pupils was Mentor the Bithynian, who tried to ingratiate himself with a concubine of Carneades; so on one occasion (according to Favorinus in his Miscellaneous History), when Mentor came to lecture, Carneades in the course of his remarks let fall these lines by way of parody at his expense: 5.2. He seceded from the Academy while Plato was still alive. Hence the remark attributed to the latter: Aristotle spurns me, as colts kick out at the mother who bore them. Hermippus in his Lives mentions that he was absent as Athenian envoy at the court of Philip when Xenocrates became head of the Academy, and that on his return, when he saw the school under a new head, he made choice of a public walk in the Lyceum where he would walk up and down discussing philosophy with his pupils until it was time to rub themselves with oil. Hence the name Peripatetic. But others say that it was given to him because, when Alexander was recovering from an illness and taking daily walks, Aristotle joined him and talked with him on certain matters. 5.11. Theocritus of Chios, according to Ambryon in his book On Theocritus, ridiculed him in an epigram which runs as follows:To Hermias the eunuch, the slave withal of Eubulus, an empty monument was raised by empty-witted Aristotle, who by constraint of a lawless appetite chose to dwell at the mouth of the Borborus [muddy stream] rather than in the Academy.Timon again attacked him in the line:No, nor yet Aristotle's painful futility.Such then was the life of the philosopher. I have also come across his will, which is worded thus:All will be well; but, in case anything should happen, Aristotle has made these dispositions. Antipater is to be executor in all matters and in general; 5.12. but, until Nicanor shall arrive, Aristomenes, Timarchus, Hipparchus, Dioteles and (if he consent and if circumstances permit him) Theophrastus shall take charge as well of Herpyllis and the children as of the property. And when the girl shall be grown up she shall be given in marriage to Nicanor; but if anything happen to the girl (which heaven forbid and no such thing will happen) before her marriage, or when she is married but before there are children, Nicanor shall have full powers, both with regard to the child and with regard to everything else, to administer in a manner worthy both of himself and of us. Nicanor shall take charge of the girl and of the boy Nicomachus as he shall think fit in all that concerns them as if he were father and brother. And if anything should happen to Nicanor (which heaven forbid!) either before he marries the girl, or when he has married her but before there are children, any arrangements that he may make shall be valid. 5.13. And if Theophrastus is willing to live with her, he shall have the same rights as Nicanor. Otherwise the executors in consultation with Antipater shall administer as regards the daughter and the boy as seems to them to be best. The executors and Nicanor, in memory of me and of the steady affection which Herpyllis has borne towards me, shall take care of her in every other respect and, if she desires to be married, shall see that she be given to one not unworthy; and besides what she has already received they shall give her a talent of silver out of the estate and three handmaids whomsoever she shall choose besides the maid she has at present and the man-servant Pyrrhaeus; 5.14. and if she chooses to remain at Chalcis, the lodge by the garden, if in Stagira, my father's house. Whichever of these two houses she chooses, the executors shall furnish with such furniture as they think proper and as Herpyllis herself may approve. Nicanor shall take charge of the boy Myrmex, that he be taken to his own friends in a manner worthy of me with the property of his which we received. Ambracis shall be given her freedom, and on my daughter's marriage shall receive 500 drachmas and the maid whom she now has. And to Thale shall be given, in addition to the maid whom she has and who was bought, a thousand drachmas and a maid. 5.15. And Simon, in addition to the money before paid to him towards another servant, shall either have a servant purchased for him or receive a further sum of money. And Tycho, Philo, Olympius and his child shall have their freedom when my daughter is married. None of the servants who waited upon me shall be sold but they shall continue to be employed; and when they arrive at the proper age they shall have their freedom if they deserve it. My executors shall see to it, when the images which Gryllion has been commissioned to execute are finished, that they be set up, namely that of Nicanor, that of Proxenus, which it was my intention to have executed, and that of Nicanor's mother; also they shall set up the bust which has been executed of Arimnestus, to be a memorial of him seeing that he died childless, 5.16. and shall dedicate my mother's statue to Demeter at Nemea or wherever they think best. And wherever they bury me, there the bones of Pythias shall be laid, in accordance with her own instructions. And to commemorate Nicanor's safe return, as I vowed on his behalf, they shall set up in Stagira stone statues of life size to Zeus and Athena the Saviours.Such is the tenor of Aristotle's will. It is said that a very large number of dishes belonging to him were found, and that Lyco mentioned his bathing in a bath of warm oil and then selling the oil. Some relate that he placed a skin of warm oil on his stomach, and that, when he went to sleep, a bronze ball was placed in his hand with a vessel under it, in order that, when the ball dropped from his hand into the vessel, he might be waked up by the sound. 5.51. I have also come across his will, couched in the following terms:All will be well; but in case anything should happen, I make these dispositions. I give and bequeath all my property at home to Melantes and Pancreon, the sons of Leon. It is my wish that out of the trust funds at the disposal of Hipparchus the following appropriations should be made. First, they should be applied to finish the rebuilding of the Museum with the statues of the goddesses, and to add any improvements which seem practicable to beautify them. Secondly, to replace in the sanctuary the bust of Aristotle with the rest of the dedicated offerings which formerly were in the sanctuary. Next, to rebuild the small stoa adjoining the Museum at least as handsomely as before, and to replace in the lower stoa the tablets containing maps of the countries traversed by explorers. 5.52. Further, to repair the altar so that it may be perfect and elegant. It is also my wish that the statue of Nicomachus should be completed of life size. The price agreed upon for the making of the statue itself has been paid to Praxiteles, but the rest of the cost should be defrayed from the source above mentioned. The statue should be set up in whatever place seems desirable to the executors entrusted with carrying out my other testamentary dispositions. Let all that concerns the sanctuary and the offerings set up be arranged in this manner. The estate at Stagira belonging to me I give and bequeath to Callinus. All the books I give to Neleus. The garden and the walk and the houses adjoining the garden, all and sundry, I give and bequeath to such of my friends hereinafter named as may wish to study literature and philosophy there in common, 5.53. ince it is not possible for all men to be always in residence, on condition that no one alienates the property or devotes it to his private use, but so that they hold it like a sanctuary in joint possession and live, as is right and proper, on terms of familiarity and friendship. Let the community consist of Hipparchus, Neleus, Strato, Callinus, Demotimus, Demaratus, Callisthenes, Melantes, Pancreon, Nicippus. Aristotle, the son of Metrodorus and Pythias, shall also have the right to study and associate with them if he so desire. And the oldest of them shall pay every attention to him, in order to ensure for him the utmost proficiency in philosophy. Let me be buried in any spot in the garden which seems most suitable, without unnecessary outlay upon my funeral or upon my monument. 5.54. And according to previous agreement let the charge of attending, after my decease, to the sanctuary and the monument and the garden and the walk be shared by Pompylus in person, living close by as he does, and exercising the same supervision over all other matters as before; and those who hold the property shall watch over his interests. Pompylus and Threpta have long been emancipated and have done me much service; and I think that 2000 drachmas certainly ought to belong to them from previous payments made to them by me, from their own earnings, and my present bequest to them to be paid by Hipparchus, as I stated many times in conversation with Melantes and Pancreon themselves, who agreed with me. I give and bequeath to them the maidservant Somatale. 5.55. And of my slaves I at once emancipate Molon and Timon and Parmeno; to Manes and Callias I give their freedom on condition that they stay four years in the garden and work there together and that their conduct is free from blame. of my household furniture let so much as the executors think right be given to Pompylus and let the rest be sold. I also devise Carion to Demotimus, and Donax to Neleus. But Euboeus must be sold. Let Hipparchus pay to Callinus 3000 drachmas. And if I had not seen that Hipparchus had done great service to Melantes and Pancreon and formerly to me, and that now in his private affairs he has made shipwreck, I would have appointed him jointly with Melantes and Pancreon to carry out my wishes. 5.56. But, since I saw that it was not easy for them to share the management with him, and I thought it more advantageous for them to receive a fixed sum from Hipparchus, let Hipparchus pay Melantes and Pancreon one talent each and let Hipparchus provide funds for the executors to defray the expenses set down in the will, as each disbursement falls due. And when Hipparchus shall have carried out all these injunctions, he shall be released in full from his liabilities to me. And any advance that he has made in Chalcis in my name belongs to him alone. Let Hipparchus, Neleus, Strato, Callinus, Demotimus, Callisthenes and Ctesarchus be executors to carry out the terms of the will. 5.57. One copy of the will, sealed with the signet-ring of Theophrastus, is deposited with Hegesias, the son of Hipparchus, the witnesses being Callippus of Pallene, Philomelus of Euonymaea, Lysander of Hyba, and Philo of Alopece. Olympiodorus has another copy, the witnesses being the same. The third copy was received by Adeimantus, the bearer being Androsthenes junior; and the witnesses are Arimnestus the son of Cleobulus, Lysistratus the son of Pheidon of Thasos, Strato the son of Arcesilaus of Lampsacus, Thesippus the son of Thesippus of Cerameis, and Dioscurides the son of Dionysius of Epicephisia.Such is the tenor of his will.There are some who say that Erasistratus the physician was also a pupil of his, and it is not improbable. 5.61. There have been eight men who bore the name of Strato: (1) a pupil of Isocrates; (2) our subject; (3) a physician, a disciple, or, as some say, a fosterchild, of Erasistratus; (4) a historian, who treated of the struggle of Philip and Perseus against the Romans; (5) * *; (6) a poet who wrote epigrams; (7) a physician who lived in ancient times, mentioned by Aristotle; (8) a Peripatetic philosopher who lived in Alexandria.But to return to Strato the physicist. His will is also extant and it runs as follows:In case anything should happen to me I make these dispositions. All the goods in my house I give and bequeath to Lampyrio and Arcesilaus. From the money belonging to me in Athens, in the first place my executors shall provide for my funeral and for all that custom requires to be done after the funeral, without extravagance on the one hand or meanness on the other. 5.62. The executors of this my will shall be Olympichus, Aristides, Mnesigenes, Hippocrates, Epicrates, Gorgylus, Diocles, Lyco, Athanes. I leave the school to Lyco, since of the rest some are too old and others too busy. But it would be well if the others would co-operate with him. I also give and bequeath to him all my books, except those of which I am the author, and all the furniture in the dining-hall, the cushions and the drinking-cups. The trustees shall give Epicrates 500 drachmas and one of the servants whom Arcesilaus shall approve. 5.63. And in the first place Lampyrio and Arcesilaus shall cancel the agreement which Daippus made on behalf of Iraeus. And he shall not owe anything either to Lampyrio or to Lampyrio's heirs, but shall have a full discharge from the whole transaction. Next, the executors shall give him 500 drachmas in money and one of the servants whom Arcesilaus shall approve, so that, in return for all the toil he has shared with me and all the services he has rendered me, he may have the means to maintain himself respectably. Further, I emancipate Diophantus, Diocles and Abus; and Simias I make over to Arcesilaus. I also emancipate Dromo. 5.64. As soon as Arcesilaus has arrived, Iraeus shall, with Olympichus, Epicrates, and the other executors, prepare an account of the money expended upon the funeral and the other customary charges. Whatever money remains over, Arcesilaus shall take over from Olympichus, without however pressing him as to times and seasons. Arcesilaus shall also cancel the agreement made by Strato with Olympichus and Ameinias and deposited with Philocrates the son of Tisamenus. With regard to my monument they shall make it as Arcesilaus, Olympichus and Lyco shall approve.Such are the terms of his extant will, according to the Collection of Ariston of Ceos. Strato himself, however, was, as stated above, a man entitled to full approbation, since he excelled in every branch of learning, and most of all in that which is styled physics, a branch of philosophy more ancient and important than the others. 5.69. Other men have borne the name of Lyco: (1) a Pythagorean, (2) our present subject, (3) an epic poet, (4) a poet who wrote epigrams.I have also come across this philosopher's will. It is this:These are my dispositions concerning my property, in case I should be unable to sustain my present ailment. All the goods in my house I give to my brothers Astyanax and Lyco, and from this source should, I think, be paid all the money I have laid out at Athens, whether by borrowing or by purchase, as well as all the cost of my funeral and the other customary charges. 5.70. But my property in town and at Aegina I give to Lyco because he bears the same name with me, and has resided for a long time with me to my entire satisfaction, as became one whom I treated as my son. I leave the Peripatus to such of my friends as choose to make use of it, to Bulo, Callinus, Ariston, Amphion, Lyco, Pytho, Aristomachus, Heracleus, Lycomedes, and my nephew Lyco. They shall put over it any such person as in their opinion will persevere in the work of the school and will be most capable of extending it. And all my other friends should co-operate for love of me and of the spot. Bulo and Callinus, together with their colleagues, shall provide for my funeral and cremation, so as to avoid meanness on the one hand and extravagance on the other. 5.71. After my decease Lyco shall make over, for the use of the young men, the oil from the olive-trees belonging to me in Aegina for the due commemoration – so long as they use it – of myself and the benefactor who did me honour. He shall also set up my statue, and shall choose a convenient site where it shall be erected, with the assistance of Diophantus and Heraclides the son of Demetrius. From my property in town Lyco shall repay all from whom I have borrowed anything after his departure. Bulo and Callinus shall provide the sums expended upon my funeral and other customary charges. These sums they shall recover from the moneys in the house bequeathed by me to them both in common. 5.72. They shall also remunerate the physicians Pasithemis and Medias who for their attention to me and their skill deserve far higher reward. I bequeath to the child of Callinus a pair of Thericlean cups, and to his wife a pair of Rhodian vessels, a smooth carpet, a rug with nap on both sides, a sofa cover and two cushions the best that are left, that, so far as I have the means of recompensing them, I may prove not ungrateful. With regard to the servants who have waited upon me, my wishes are as follows. To Demetrius I remit the purchase-money for the freedom which he has long enjoyed, and bequeath to him five minas and a suit of clothes to ensure him a decent maintece, in return for all the toil he has borne with me. To Crito of Chalcedon I also remit the purchase money for his freedom and bequeath to him four minas. And Micrus I emancipate; and Lyco shall keep him and educate him for the next six years. 5.73. And Chares I emancipate, and Lyco shall maintain him, and I bequeath him two minas and my published writings, while those which have not been given to the world I entrust to Callinus, that he may carefully edit them. To Syrus who has been set free I give four minas and Menodora, and I remit to him any debt he owes me. And to Hilara I give five minas and a double-napped rug, two cushions, a sofa-cover and a bed, whichever she prefers. I also set free the mother of Micrus as well as Noemon, Dion, Theon, Euphranor and Hermias. Agathon should be set free after two years, and the litter-bearers Ophelio and Posidonius after four years' further service. 5.74. To Demetrius, to Crito and to Syrus I give a bed apiece and such bed-furniture out of my estate as Lyco shall think proper. These shall be given them for properly performing their appointed tasks. As regards my burial, let Lyco bury me here if he chooses, or if he prefers to bury me at home let him do so, for I am persuaded that his regard for propriety is not less than my own. When he has managed all these things, he can dispose of the property there, and such disposition shall be binding. Witnesses are Callinus of Hermione, Ariston of Ceos, Euphronius of Paeania.Thus while his shrewdness is seen in all his actions, in his teaching and in all his studies, in some ways his will is no less remarkable for carefulness and wise management, so that in this respect also he is to be admired 7.179. 7. CHRYSIPPUSChrysippus, the son of Apollonius, came either from Soli or from Tarsus, as Alexander relates in his Successions. He was a pupil of Cleanthes. Before this he used to practise as a long-distance runner; but afterwards he came to hear Zeno, or, as Diocles and most people say, Cleanthes; and then, while Cleanthes was still living, withdrew from his school and attained exceptional eminence as a philosopher. He had good natural parts and showed the greatest acuteness in every branch of the subject; so much so that he differed on most points from Zeno, and from Cleanthes as well, to whom he often used to say that all he wanted was to be told what the doctrines were; he would find out the proofs for himself. Nevertheless, whenever he had contended against Cleanthes, he would afterwards feel remorse, so that he constantly came out with the lines:Blest in all else am I, save only whereI touch Cleanthes: there I am ill-fortuned. 9.115. Asked once by Arcesilaus why he had come there from Thebes, he replied, Why, to laugh when I have you all in full view! Yet, while attacking Arcesilaus in his Silli, he has praised him in his work entitled the Funeral Banquet of Arcesilaus.According to Menodotus he left no successor, but his school lapsed until Ptolemy of Cyrene re-established it. Hippobotus and Sotion, however, say that he had as pupils Dioscurides of Cyprus, Nicolochus of Rhodes, Euphranor of Seleucia, and Pralus of the Troad. The latter, as we learn from the history of Phylarchus, was a man of such unflinching courage that, although unjustly accused, he patiently suffered a traitor's death, without so much as deigning to speak one word to his fellow-citizens. 9.116. Euphranor had as pupil Eubulus of Alexandria; Eubulus taught Ptolemy, and he again Sarpedon and Heraclides; Heraclides again taught Aenesidemus of Cnossus, the compiler of eight books of Pyrrhonean discourses; the latter was the instructor of Zeuxippus his fellow-citizen, he of Zeuxis of the angular foot, he again of Antiochus of Laodicea on the Lycus, who had as pupils Menodotus of Nicomedia, an empiric physician, and Theiodas of Laodicea; Menodotus was the instructor of Herodotus of Tarsus, son of Arieus, and Herodotus taught Sextus Empiricus, who wrote ten books on Scepticism, and other fine works. Sextus taught Saturninus called Cythenas, another empiricist. 10.16. and then, having bidden his friends remember his doctrines, breathed his last.Here is something of my own about him:Farewell, my friends; the truths I taught hold fast:Thus Epicurus spake, and breathed his last.He sat in a warm bath and neat wine quaff'd,And straightway found chill death in that same draught.Such was the life of the sage and such his end.His last will was as follows: On this wise I give and bequeath all my property to Amynomachus, son of Philocrates of Bate and Timocrates, son of Demetrius of Potamus, to each severally according to the items of the deed of gift laid up in the Metroon, 10.17. on condition that they shall place the garden and all that pertains to it at the disposal of Hermarchus, son of Agemortus, of Mitylene, and the members of his society, and those whom Hermarchus may leave as his successors, to live and study in. And I entrust to my School in perpetuity the task of aiding Amynomachus and Timocrates and their heirs to preserve to the best of their power the common life in the garden in whatever way is best, and that these also (the heirs of the trustees) may help to maintain the garden in the same way as those to whom our successors in the School may bequeath it. And let Amynomachus and Timocrates permit Hermarchus and his fellow-members to live in the house in Melite for the lifetime of Hermarchus. 10.18. And from the revenues made over by me to Amynomachus and Timocrates let them to the best of their power in consultation with Hermarchus make separate provision (1) for the funeral offerings to my father, mother, and brothers, and (2) for the customary celebration of my birthday on the tenth day of Gamelion in each year, and for the meeting of all my School held every month on the twentieth day to commemorate Metrodorus and myself according to the rules now in force. Let them also join in celebrating the day in Poseideon which commemorates my brothers, and likewise the day in Metageitnion which commemorates Polyaenus, as I have done hitherto. 10.19. And let Amynomachus and Timocrates take care of Epicurus, the son of Metrodorus, and of the son of Polyaenus, so long as they study and live with Hermarchus. Letthem likewise provide for the maintece of Metrodorus's daughter, so long as she is well-ordered and obedient to Hermarchus; and, when she comes of age, give her in marriage to a husband selected by Hermarchus from among the members of the School; and out of the revenues accruing to me let Amynomachus and Timocrates in consultation with Hermarchus give to them as much as they think proper for their maintece year by year. 10.20. Let them make Hermarchus trustee of the funds along with themselves, in order that everything may be done in concert with him, who has grown old with me in philosophy and is left at the head of the School. And when the girl comes of age, let Amynomachus and Timocrates pay her dowry, taking from the property as much as circumstances allow, subject to the approval of Hermarchus. Let them provide for Nicanor as I have hitherto done, so that none of those members of the school who have rendered service to me in private life and have shown me kindness in every way and have chosen to grow old with me in the School should, so far as my means go, lack the necessaries of life. 10.21. All my books to be given to Hermarchus.And if anything should happen to Hermarchus before the children of Metrodorus grow up, Amynomachus and Timocrates shall give from the funds bequeathed by me, so far as possible, enough for their several needs, as long as they are well ordered. And let them provide for the rest according to my arrangements; that everything may be carried out, so far as it lies in their power. of my slaves I manumit Mys, Nicias, Lycon, and I also give Phaedrium her liberty. |
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| 29. Evagrius Ponticus, Chapters To A Virgin, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan nan nan |
| 30. Damaskios, Vita Isidori, 89-90, 94-95 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohmann (2016) 96 |
| 31. Damaskios, Vita Isidori (Ap. Photium, Bibl. Codd. 181, 242), 89-90, 94-95 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohmann (2016) 96 |
| 34. Evagrius Ponticus, Schol. 8 In Ps., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan |
| 35. Papyri, I 2;350, 353, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Singer and van Eijk (2018) 139 |
| 36. Papyri, M. Crawford, Ed., Roman Statutes (London, 1996), None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 37. Cedrenus, Synopsis Historion, 1.621 Tagged with subjects: •neoplatonic academy of athens Found in books: Rohmann (2016) 95 |
| 39. Eusebius of Thessalonica, Ap. Phot. Bibl. Cod., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan |
| 40. Zonaras, Epitome, 14.2.29 Tagged with subjects: •neoplatonic academy of athens Found in books: Rohmann (2016) 95 |
| 41. John Malalas, History, 15.16 Tagged with subjects: •neoplatonic academy of athens Found in books: Rohmann (2016) 95 |
| 42. Eugnosto, Eugnostos, Nhc, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan |
| 43. Papyri, Ig, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Singer and van Eijk (2018) 139 |
